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A  HISTORY  OF          ( 
THE  UNITED  STATES 

FOR  SECONDARY  SCHOOLS 


BY 


J.  N:  LARNED 

• »  » 

Author  of"A  History  of  England  for  the  use  of  Schools  and  Academies  " 

Editor  of"  History  for  Ready  Reference  and  Topical  Reading" 

and  "  The  Literature  of  American  History  " 


BOSTON,   NEW    YORK,   AND   CHICAGO 
HOUGHTON,   MIFFLIN   AND  COMPANY 
W§t  Rtoerfitte 


COPYRIGHT    1903    BY    IIOUGHTON,   MIFFLIN   &   CO. 
ALL    RIGHTS    RESERVED 

HCNRY  MOflS£  STEP 
A 


0--C 


PREFACE. 

WHETHER  the  writer  and  the  publishers  of  this  book 
are  justified  or  not  in  adding  another  to  the  many  com- 
pends  of  American  history  already  offered  to  the  schools 
is  a  question  to  be  determined  by  the  judgment  of  the 
teachers  to  whom  it  is  submitted. 

The  book-  has  been  prepared  in  full  accord  with  the 
views  set  forth  in  the  report  of  "The  Committee  of 
Seven,"  appointed  by  the  American  Historical  Asso 
ciation  in  1896,  "  to  consider  the  subject  of  history  in 
the  secondary  schools."  Its,  plan  assumes  — 

1.  That  American  history  is  taught,  or  will  be  taught, 
in  most  of  the   secondary  schools  of  the  country,  at  a 
time  when  the  pupils  are  old  enough  to  learn,  and  to  be 
interested  in  learning,  how  the  circumstances  and  con 
ditions  of  life  as  they  find  it  at  the  present  day  have 
been  brought  about,  through  the  working  of  influences 
and  the  movement  of  events  in  the  past. 

2.  That    those    pupils   have    received    in    the    lower 
schools  some  acquaintance  with  the  romantic  and  de 
lightful  but  not  deeply  instructive  story  of  the  discovery 
and  the  first  explorations  of  the  New  World,  and  need 
not  spend  more  of  actual  school-study  on  that,  which  is 
only  a  preface  to  the  life-history  of  the  United  States. 

It  assumes,  too,  that  most,  if  not  all,  of  the  teachers  of 

510790 


iv  PREFACE. 

American  history  in  secondary  schools  must  be  in  agree 
ment  with  the  Committee  of  Seven  upon  the  funda 
mental  principles  of  history-teaching,  as  formulated 
in  the  committee's  report,  —  especially  the  following : 
That  a  "good  text-book  "  is  one  "in  which  the  sequence 
and  relation  of  events  can  be  made  clear;  "  that  "the 
aim  of  historical  study  in  the  secondary  school  ...  is 
the  training  of  pupils,  not  so  much  in  the  art  of  histori 
cal  investigation  as  in  that  of  thinking  historically ;" 
that  history,  presented  as  it  should  be,  "  cultivates  the 
judgment  by  leading  the  pupil  to  see  the  relation  between 
cause  and  effect,  as  cause  and  effect  appear  in  human 
affairs,"  —  to  see,  in  other  words,  "  that  events  do  not 
simply  succeed  each  other  in  time,  but  that  one  grows 
out  of  another,  or  rather  out  of  a  combination  of  many 
others  ;  "  that  "  unrelated  facts  are  of  antiquarian  rather 
than  historical  interest,"  and  that  there  is  no  time  in 
the  school  course  for  studying  such  facts,  however  inter 
esting  they  may  be  in  themselves. 

This  book  is  the  product  of  a  careful  endeavor  to 
realize  these  sound  principles,  in  a  presentation  of 
American  history  to  young  minds  that  approach  matu 
rity  and  begin  to  be  able  to  see  meanings  brought  to 
light  by  a  right  putting  of  things  together.  The  guid 
ing  aim  in  preparing  it  has  been  to  show  how  continu 
ous  a  procession  is  formed  by  the  events  that  have  real 
importance  in  American  life  ;  how  linked  together  they 
are  by  influences  that  reach  from  one  to  another,  or  by 
forces  that  work  lastingly  on  successive  generations ; 
and  by  what  a  plain  process  of  evolution,  from  its  colo- 


PREFACE.  V 

nial  beginnings,  the  republic  of  the  United  States  has 
become  what  it  is. 

In  pursuing  this  aim,  the  original  colonies  are  treated, 
not  separately,  in  the  usual  manner,  but  collectively, 
from  the  first,  as  forming  already  one  coherent  political 
body,  made  so  superficially  by  the  bond  of  English  gov 
ernment,  and  made  more  substantially  so  by  the  Eng 
lish  temper  and  political  habit  which  were  common  to 
their  people,  and  which  unified  them  at  last.  Little 
more  than  what  is  common  to  their  history,  and  what  is 
necessary  to  show  and  explain  in  some  degree  the  varia 
tions  of  character  in  them,  is  touched  in  the  treatment 
of  colonial  times. 

Generally,  throughout  the  work,  the  purpose  of  the 
writer  has  led  him  to  be  sparing  rather  than  profuse 
in  his  selection  of  the  things  to  be  told.  It  has  seemed 
to  him  better  to  make  a  free  use  of  the  limited  space 
in  so  small  a  book  for  the  clear  unfolding  of  essential 
"sequences  and  relations,"  than  to  pack  it  with  a  dense 
collection  of  facts.  In  choosing  the  matter  to  be  dealt 
with  he  has  found  himself  in  agreement  again  with  the 
committee  already  quoted,  who  say  in  their  report : 
"  While  industrial  and  social  phases  of  progress  should 
by  no  means  be  slighted,  it  is  an  absolute  necessity  that 
a  course  in  American  history  should  aim  to  give  a  con 
nected  narrative  of  political  events  and  to  record  the 
gradual  upbuilding  of  institutions,  the  slow  establishment 
of  political  ideals  and  practices."  This  is  unquestionably 
true.  The  political  institutions  of  the  democratic  re 
public  of  the  United  States  are  fundamental  to  every- 


vi  PREFACE. 

thing  else  in  the  life  of  the  nation.  Forces  and  influ 
ences  that  arise  out  of  the  self-governing  habits  of  the 
people  have  entered  into  all  that  they  do,  giving  char 
acter  and  direction  to  all  developments  among  them, 
all  advance,  all  change,  whether  social  or  industrial  in 
its  field,  or  intellectual  or  moral  in  its  work.  Hence 
the  political  history  of  the  United  States  is  a  great  main 
stream,  which  forces  us  in  our  study  to  follow  its  course  ; 
but  every  other  stream  of  historical  movement  flows  to 
it  as  a  tributary,  and  all  the  expanses  of  the  national 
life  are  opened  by  it  to  our  view. 

Twice  in  the  narrative  of  colonial  history  —  near 
the  close  of  the  seventeenth  century  and  at  the  opening 
of  the  War  of  Independence  —  the  writer  has  paused 
to  introduce  a  comprehensive  survey  of  the  economic 
and  social  conditions  existing  in  different  sections  of 
the  country  at  those  times.  At  the  end  of  the  work  he 
has  given  a  retrospective  survey  of  similar  conditions 
as  they  appear  in  the  rapid  flux  of  later  times.  These 
surveys,  together  with  an  Introduction,  which  sketches 
matters  prior  to  the  European  settlement  of  regions 
within  the  territory  of  the  United  States,  are  not  pre 
sented  as  numbered  chapters  of  the  book,  nor  printed 
in  the  type  of  those  chapters.  The  intention  is  that 
teachers  shall  use  them  for  reading  and  reference,  or  for 
regular  study  in  the  course,  as  they  find  best. 

At  the  end  of  every  chapter  the  topics  of  each  sec 
tion  in  it  are  carefully  rehearsed,  with  numerous  re 
ferences  to  standard  historical  works  and  documentary 
collections,  for  the  collateral  reading  and  verification 


PREFACE.  Vll 

which  all  teachers  of  history  require.  Since  the  books 
that  are  accessible  to  students  must  vary  in  different 
schools,  it  has  seemed  desirable  to  multiply  the  refer 
ences  beyond  what  would  otherwise  be  needed.  By 
giving  so  wide  a  range  to  them,  and  by  making  them 
more  than  usually  specific,  it  is  believed  that  a  feature 
of  importance  is  given  to  the  book.  A  full  list  of  the 
works  referred  to,  arranged  alphabetically  under  authors' 
names,  is  placed  next  to  the  maps  which  precede  the 
text.  The  reference  to  each  is  by  the  author's  name 
only,  if  he  is  represented  in  the  list  by  no  more  than 
one  work  ;  but  when  two  or  more  works  of  the  same 
authorship  appear  in  the  list,  they  are  distinguished  by  a 
catch  title  in  the  reference. 

Attention  is  invited  to  the  numerous  maps  with  which 
the  book  is  equipped,  and  to  the  mode  in  which  they  are 
arranged.  The  larger  maps,  most  of  which  will  be  con 
sulted  frequently,  on  various  subjects,  are  placed  together, 
at  the  beginning  of  the  volume,  and  referred  to  by  num 
bers  from  the  text.  Thus  placed,  in  what  forms  an 
historical  atlas  within  the  book,  they  are  found  more 
easily,  and  can  be  used  more  conveniently,  than  if  dis 
tributed  here  and  there.  Smaller  maps,  for  the  special 
illustration  of  single  subjects  or  events,  are  inserted 
with  liberality  in  the  text. 

The  index  to  the  book  has  been  prepared  with  more 
than  common  care,  and  is  designed  to  be  especially 
helpful  to  a  continuous  study  of  all  important  subjects 
in  the  history  which  run  through  long  periods  of  time. 
By  explanatory  entries  such  subjects  are  made  fully  and 


vill  PREFACE. 

clearly  traceable  from  beginning  to  end.  The  index  in 
cludes  also  a  guide  to  the  maps,  pointing  out,  for  every 
place  of  historical  interest,  the  map  in  which  it  appears 
and  its  position  thereon. 

The  opinion  of  many  teachers  has  concurred  with  the 
judgment  of  the  publishers  and  the  writer  in  deciding 
that  pictorial  illustrations  would  add  little  or  nothing  to 
the  interest  or  instructive  value  of  this  book.  Most  of 
the  portraits  and  other  proper  subjects  that  are  available 
for  historical  illustration  are  made  familiar  to  young 
people  by  text-books  in  the  lower  schools,  and  will  be 
stale  to  them  if  repeated  here.  Pictures  are  omitted, 
therefore,  from  these  pages,  while  maps  are  abundantly 
supplied. 

Suggestions  from  many  sources  have  been  helpful  to 
the  writer  in  preparing  his  book  ;  but  he  owes  especial 
thanks  to  Mr.  M.  W.  Richardson,  junior-master  of  the 
South  Boston  High  School,  who  has  critically  examined 
both  the  manuscript  and  the  proofs,  with  great  benefit  to 
the  general  quality  of  the  work  ;  and  to  teachers  in  the 
Buffalo  high  schools,  who  have  rendered  a  like  service 
to  some  parts  of  the  book. 

BUFFALO,  July,  1903. 


CONTENTS. 

PACK 

LIST  OF  WORKS  REFERRED  TO xiii 

ATLAS  OF  HISTORICAL  MAPS xxxi 

INTRODUCTION. 

DISCOVERY  AND  EARLY  EXPLORATION  OF  AMERICA i 

EUROPE  AND  AMERICA  IN  THE  SIXTEENTH  CENTURY  .    .    .    .  12 
THE  ABORIGINAL  INHABITANTS  OF  NORTH  AMERICA    ....  16 
PHYSICAL  FEATURES  OF  NORTH  AMERICA  AND  THEIR  HISTORI 
CAL  INFLUENCE 22 

THE   COMING   OF   THE   ENGLISH.     1607-1688. 

CHAPTER 

I.  BEGINNINGS  OF  THE  EARLY  COLONIES.     1607-1660  .    .      25 
II.   POLITICAL  AND  SOCIAL  DEVELOPMENT  OF  THE  EARLY 

COLONIES 62 

III.  THE    COLONIES   UNDER  CHARLES    II.  AND    JAMES    II. 

1660-1688 80 

STATE  OF  THE  COLONIES  IN  THE  LAST  YEARS  OF  THE 
SEVENTEENTH  CENTURY 108 

COLONIAL   DEVELOPMENT.     1688-1775. 

IV.  THE  PERIOD  OF  STRIFE  WITH  FRANCE.    1690-1760.    .     119 
V.  THE  PROVOCATIONS  TO  REVOLT.    1760-1775     .    .    .    .    160 

THE    MAKING   OF   A   NATION.     1775-1800. 

STATE  OF  THE   THIRTEEN  COLONIES  AT  THE  BEGIN 
NING  OF  THE  WAR  OF  INDEPENDENCE  ...'..     186 

VI.  THE  AMERICAN  REVOLUTION  AND  WAR  OF  INDEPEND 

ENCE.     1775-1783 194 

VII.  THE  UNITED  STATES   UNDER  THE  ARTICLES   OF  CON 

FEDERATION.     1781-1789 248 

VIII.  THE  FOUNDING  OF  A  NATIONAL  GOVERNMENT.    1789- 

1801 • 271 


CONTENTS. 


EXPANSION  IN    THE    GREAT  VALLEYS.     1800-1840. 

IX.  THE  YOUNG  NATION  .HARASSED    BY  OLDER    POWERS. 

1801-1809 306 

X.   SECOND  WAR  WITH  ENGLAND.    1809-1817 332 

XI.  AMERICAN  DEMOCRACY  FINDING  INDEPENDENCE.    1815- 

1828 362 

XII.  THE  JACKSON  PERIOD.     1829-1840 393 

SECTIONAL   CONTENTION.     1840-1860. 

XIII.  EXPANSION    TO    THE   PACIFIC  :    FOR    FREE  LABOR   OR 

SLAVE  LABOR  :  WHICH  ?    1841-1848 428 

XIV.  THE  MADDENING  SLAVERY  QUESTION.     1848-1860   .    .    450 

SECESSION,  CIVIL   WAR,   AND    REUNION..     1860-1880. 

XV.  THE  WAR  FOR  THE  UNION  :  ITS  FIRST  PERIOD  —  SPAR 
ING  SLAVERY.     1860-1862 484 

XVI.  THE   WAR  FOR  THE  UNION:   ITS  SECOND    PERIOD  — 

STRIKING  AT  SLAVERY.     1862-1865 525 

XVII.  THE  RESTORED  UNION.     1865-1880 561 

THE   NEW   ERA. 

XVIII.  RECENT  YEARS 581 

EPOCHS  OF  PROGRESS  AND  CHANGE 609 

APPENDIX. 

A.  THE  CONSTITUTION  OF  THE  UNITED  STATES i 

B.  LIST  OF  STATES 18 

C.  PRESIDENTIAL  ELECTIONS  :  PARTIES,  CANDIDATES,  METHODS, 

AND  VOTES 20 

D.  IMPORTANT  MEASURES  OF  THE  NATIONAL  GOVERNMENT  .    .      41 
INDEX 49 


LIST    OF   MAPS. 

ATLAS    OF    HISTORICAL   MAPS. 

NUMBER 

I.     MAP  SHOWING  THE  PHYSICAL  FEATURES  OF  GREATEST  INFLU 
ENCE  ON  AMERICAN  HISTORY. 

II.  NORTH  AMERICA  :    DISCOVERY,   EXPLORATION,  AND  EARLY 
SETTLEMENT,  1492-1732. 

III.  JOHN  SMITH'S  MAP  OF  NEW  ENGLAND. 

IV.  NORTH  AMERICA  IN  1774. 

V.   NEW    ENGLAND    COLONIES    AND    CONTIGUOUS    TERRITORY 

NORTHWARD,  TO  THE  WAR    OF  INDEPENDENCE. 

VI.   MIDDLE    COLONIES    AND    CONTIGUOUS   TERRITORY    NORTH 
WARD,  TO  THE  WAR  OF  INDEPENDENCE. 
VII.   SOUTHERN  COLONIES,  TO  THE  WAR  OF  INDEPENDENCE. 
VIII.   LAND  CLAIMS  OF  THE  STATES   PRIOR  TO  THE   CESSIONS  OF 

1780-1802. 

IX.   THE  UNITED  STATES  IN  1790. 
X.  THE  PACIFIC  SLOPE  IN  1849. 
XI.  THE  UNITED  STATES  IN  1860-1861. 

XII.  THE  CIVIL  WAR  IN  THE   EAST  :  FIELD  OF  THE   PRINCIPAL 
CAMPAIGNS. 

XIII.  THE  CIVIL  WAR  IN  THE  WEST  :  FIELD  OF  THE  PRINCIPAL 

CAMPAIGNS. 

XIV.  SLAVERY  IN  THE  UNITED  STATES.    ITS  RECESSIONS,  EXTEN 

SIONS,  AND  FINAL  EXTINCTION.    1780-1865. 
XV.  CONTINENTAL    EXPANSION  OF  THE   UNITED   STATES    SINCE 

1783- 

XVI.   INSULAR  EXPANSION  OF  THE  UNITED  STATES,  1898. 
XVII.  ELEMENTS  OF  THE   POPULATION  OF  THE    UNITED  STATES; 
THEIR  GROWTH  FROM  1790  TO  1890. 

MAPS    IN    THE   TEXT. 

PAGE 

DOMAIN  OF  THE  NORTHERN  IROQUOIS 26 

GRANT    OF    1606    TO    THE    VIRGINIA    COMPANY    IN    ITS  Two 

BRANCHES,  AND  GRANT  OF  1609  TO  THE  LONDON  COMPANY.  29 

THE  JAMES  RIVER  COLONY 31 


xii  LIST   OF   MAPS. 

FIRST  SETTLEMENT  IN  MARYLAND 34 

THE  FIRST  NEW  ENGLAND  SETTLEMENTS 39 

BEGINNINGS  OF  CONNECTICUT 42 

FIRST  SETTLEMENTS  ON  NARRAGANSETT  BAY 44 

EARLY  DUTCH   SETTLEMENTS 47 

EARLY  SETTLEMENTS  IN  THE  CAROLINA  GRANT 84 

PRINCIPAL  FIELD  OF   KING    WILLIAM'S  AND    QUEEN    ANNE'S 

WARS 125 

LOUISBOURG  THE  KEY  TO  THE  GULF  OF  ST.  LAWRENCE  ...  138 
THE  FRENCH  IN  THE  UPPER  MISSISSIPPI  VALLEY  AND  AROUND 

THE  GREAT  LAKES 141 

MILITARY  POSTS  IN  THE  FRONTIER  REGIONS  OF  NORTHEASTERN 
NEW  YORK  AND  NEIGHBORING  CANADA.   From  Miles's  History 

of  Canada,  reproduced  in  Winsor's  America       . 145 

PLAN  OF  THE  SIEGE  OF  QUEBEC.     From  Miles's  History  of  Can 
ada,  reproduced  in  Winsor's  America 149 

BOSTON,  LEXINGTON,  CONCORD,  AND  VICINITY 195 

PLAN  OF  THE  BATTLE  OF  BUNKER  HILL 201 

THE  FIELD  OF  WAR  ON  THE  HUDSON 209 

THE  SEAT  OF  WAR  BETWEEN  THE  HUDSON  AND  DELAWARE    .  211 

ROUTE  OF  BURGOYNE'S  INVASION 213 

THE  SEAT  OF  WAR  IN  THE  SOUTH 225 

THE  BARBARY  STATES 311 

NIAGARA  FRONTIER  IN  1812-14.     Reproduced,  with  a  few  adapta 
tions,  from  a  Gazetteer  of  the  Province  of  Upper  Canada,  published 

in  1813 341 

WESTERN  LAKE  ERIE  IN  THE  WAR  OF  1812 345 

MARYLAND  IN  THE  WAR  OF  1812 349 

FIELD  OF  GENERAL  TAYLOR'S  CAMPAIGN  IN  MEXICO    ....  440 

GENERAL  SCOTT'S  ROUTE  FROM  VERA  CRUZ  TO  MEXICO  ...  441 

APPROACHES  TO  WASHINGTON  FROM  THE  NORTH  (1861)   .    .    .  493 

FIELD  OF  WAR  IN  WEST  VIRGINIA  (1861-1865) 499 

FIELD   OF   WAR    IN    AND   AROUND    MISSOURI    AND   WESTERN 

KENTUCKY  (1861-1865) 503 

THE  BLOCKADED  COAST  (1861-1865) 505 

HAMPTON  ROADS 509 

CHARLESTON  HARBOR 534 

TRACK  OF  SHERMAN'S  MARCH  TO  THE  SEA 543 

TRACK  OF  SHERMAN'S  MARCH  NORTHWARD  FROM  SAVANNAH  .  545 

MANILA  BAY 597 

THE  SANTIAGO  CAMPAIGN  (1898) 598 


LIST   OF   WORKS    REFERRED    TO. 

THE  following  are  the  works  referred  to  in  this  history, 
either  in  the  text  or  in  the  summaries  of  topics,  with  refer 
ences  for  collateral  reading  and  research,  that  are  appended 
to  the  several  chapters. 

ADAMS,  HENRY.  History  of  the  United  States  of  America  during  the 
[administrations  of  Thomas  Jefferson  and  James  Madison].  9  vols. 
Scribners,  New  York.  $18.00. 

John    Randolph.    American  Statesmen  Series.    Houghton,   Mif- 

flin  &  Co.,  Boston.     $1.25. 

ADAMS,  HERBERT  B.  Maryland's  Influence  upon  Land  Cessions  to  the 
United  States.  Johns  Hopkins  Studies,  3d  Series,  No.  i.  Baltimore. 
$0.75. 

ADAMS,  JOHN.  Works,  with  a  life  of  the  author  by  his  grandson, 
Charles  Francis  Adams.  lovols.  Little,  Brown  &  Co.,  Boston.  $30.00. 

ADAMS,  JOHN  QUINCY.  Memoirs,  comprising  Portions  of  his  Diary 
from  1795  to  1848.  Edited  by  C.  F.  Adams.  Lippincott  &  Co.,  Phila 
delphia.  10  vols.  $5.00  per  vol. 

AMERICAN  ARCHIVES:  Fourth  Series.  Containing  a  documentary  his-, 
tory  of  the  English  Colonies  in  North  America  from  .  .  .  March  7  to 
.  .  .  July  4,  1776.  6  vols.  M.  St.  Clair  &  Peter  Force,  Washington. 

AMERICAN  HISTORICAL  ASSOCIATION.  Annual  Reports,  1889-.  Gov 
ernment  Printing  Office,  Washington. 

Papers,  1886-1891.     5  vols.     Putnams,  New  York. 

AMERICAN  HISTORICAL  REVIEW.  Macmillan,  New  York.  Single 
numbers,  $1.00  net. 

AMERICAN  HISTORY  LEAFLETS.  Colonial  and  Constitutional.  Edited 
by  Albert  Bushnell  Hart  and  Edward  Channing.  Lovell  &  Co.,  New 
York.  Each  $0.10. 

AMES,  FISHER.  Works,  with  a  selection  from  his  speeches  and  corre 
spondence.  Edited  by  his  son.  2  vols.  Little,  Brown  &  Co.,  Boston. 
$4.50. 

AMMEN,  DANIEL.  The  Atlantic  Coast.  The  Navy  in  the  Civil  War, 
II.  Scribners,  New  York.  $1.00. 

ANDREWS,  E.  BENJAMIN.  History  of  the  last  Quarter-Century  in  the 
United  States,  1870-1895.  2  vols.  Scribners,  New  York.  $6.00. 


XIV  LIST   OF   WORKS    REFERRED   TO. 

ANNUAL  REGISTER,  or  a  View  of  the  History,  Politics  and  Literature, 
for  the  Year.  1758-.  London. 

ARNOLD,  SAMUEL  G.  History  of  Rhode  Island  and  Providence  Plan 
tations.  2  vols.  Preston  &  Rounds,  Providence.  $7.50  net. 

ATLANTIC  MONTHLY.  Houghton,  Mifflin  &  Co.,  Boston.  $0.35  per 
copy. 

BAGEHOT,  WALTER.  The  English  Constitution  and  other  Political 
Essays.  Appleton,  New  York.  $2.00. 

BAIRD,  CHARLES  W.  History  of  the  Huguenot  Emigration  to  Amer 
ica.  2  vols.  Dodd,  Mead  &  Co.,  New  York.  $2.50  net. 

BALLAGH,  JAMES  CURTIS.  White  Servitude  in  the  Colony  of  Virginia. 
Johns  Hopkins  Studies,  Baltimore.  $0.50. 

BANCROFT,  GEORGE.  History  of  the  United  States  from  the  Discovery. 
Author's  last  revision.  6  vols.  Appleton,  New  York.  [Vol.  6  contains 
the  History  of  the  Formation  of  the  Constitution,  which  is  published  also 
as  a  separate  work.]  $15.00. 

BANCROFT,  HUBERT  H.  History  of  the  Pacific  States  of  North  Amer 
ica.  27  vols.  Bancroft,  San  Francisco.  $270.50. 

BARNES,  WILLIAM  H.  History  of  the  Thirty-ninth  Congress  of  the 
United  States.  Harpers,  New  York.  $5.00. 

BATTLES  AND  LEADERS  OF  THE  CIVIL  WAR.  Being  for  the  most 
part  contributions  by  Union  and  Confederate  officers,  based  upon  "  The 
Century  War  Series."  Edited  by  Robert  Underwood  Johnson  and  Clar 
ence  Clough  Buell.  4  vols.  Century  Co.,  New  York.  $15.00  net. 

BENTON,  THOMAS  H.  Thirty  Years'  View ;  or  a  History  of  the  Work 
ing  of  the  American  Government  for  Thirty  Years,  from  1820  to  1850. 
2  vols.  Appleton,  New  York.  $6.00. 

•     BISHOP,  J.  LEANDER.     History  of  American  Manufactures  from  1608 
to  1860.     2  vols.     Young  &  Co.,  Philadelphia. 

BLAINE,  JAMES  G.  Twenty  Years  of  Congress,  from  Lincoln  to  Gar- 
field.  2  vols.  Funk  &  Wagnalls  Co.,  New  York.  $3.75  per  vol. 

BOLLES,  ALBERT  S.  Financial  History  of  the  United  States.  V.  i  : 
1774-1789.  V.  2:  1789-1860.  V.  3:  1861-1885.  3  vols.  Appleton, 
New  York.  V.  i,  $2.50.  —  V.  2,  $3.50.  —  V.  3,  $3.50. 

BOONE,  RICHARD  G.  Education  in  the  United  States.  Its  history. 
International  Education  Series.  Appleton,  New  York.  $1.50. 

BOURINOT,  J.  G.  Story  of  Canada.  Story  of  Nations  Series.  Put- 
nams,  New  York.  $1.50. 

BRADY,  CYRUS  TOWNSEND.  Commodore  Paul  Jones.  Great  Com 
manders  Series.  Appleton,  New  York.  $1.50  net. 

BRODHEAD,  JOHN  ROMEYN.  History  of  the  State  of  New  York. 
2  vols.  Harpers,  New  York.  $3.00. 

BROOKS,  N.  C.  Complete  History  of  the  Mexican  War.  Gregg, 
Elliot  &  Co.,  Philadelphia. 


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BROOKS,  PHILLIPS.  Tolerance  :  two  lectures.  Button  &  Co.,  New 
York.  $0.75. 

BROWN,  ALEXANDER.  English  Politics  in  Early  Virginia  History. 
Houghton,  Mifflin  &  Co.,  Boston.  $2.00. 

The  First  Republic  in  America.  Houghton,  Mifflin  &  Co.,  Bos 
ton.  $7.50. 

BROWNE,  WILLIAM  HAND.  Maryland.  The  History  of  a  Palatinate. 
American  Commonwealths  Series.  Houghton,  Mifflin  &  Co.,  Boston. 
#1.25. 

BRUCE,  HENRY.  Life  of  General  Oglethorpe.  Makers  of  America 
Series.  Dodd,  Mead  &  Co.,  New  York.  $1.00. 

BRUCE,  PHILIP  ALEXANDER.  Economic  History  of  Virginia  in  the 
Seventeenth  Century.  2  vols.  Macmillan,  New  York.  $6.00. 

BRYCE,  JAMES.  The  American  Commonwealth.  2  vols.  Macmillan, 
London.  $4.00  net. 

BURGESS,  JOHN  W.  The  Civil  War  and  the  Constitution,  1859-1865. 
American  History  Series.  Scribners,  New  York.  2  vols.  $2.00  net. 

The  Middle  Period,  1817-1860.  American  History  Series.  Scrib 
ners,  New  York.  $1.00  net. 

Reconstruction  and  the  Constitution,  1866-1876.  American  His 
tory  Series.  Scribners,  New  York.  $i.oonet. 

BURKE,  JOHN.  History  of  Virginia  from  its  Settlement  to  the  Revolu 
tion.  3  vols.  Petersburg,  Va.  $7.50. 

BUTLER,  NICHOLAS  MURRAY,  Editor.  Education  in  the  United 
States.  Monographs  prepared  for  the  United  States  Exhibit  at  the  Paris 
Exposition,  1900.  2  vols.  J.  B.  Lyon  Co.,  Albany.  $3.50. 

CABLE,  GEORGE  W.  The  Negro  Question.  Scribners,  New  York. 
$0.75- 

The  Silent  South.     Scribners,  New  York.    $1.00. 

CARPENTER,  F.  B.  Six  Months  at  the  White  House  with  Abraham 
Lincoln.  The  story  of  a  picture.  Hurd  &  Houghton,  New  York. 

CARRINGTON,  HENRY  B.  Battles  of  the  American  Revolution,  1775- 
1881.  Historical  and  Military  Criticism,  with  topographical  illustrations. 
Barnes  &  Co.,  New  York.  $5.00. 

Washington,  the  Soldier.     Scribners,  New  York.    $2.00. 

CELEBRATION  OF  THE  BEGINNING  OF  THE  20  CENTURY  OF  THE 
AMERICAN  PATENT  SYSTEM,  April,  1891.  Washington. 

CENSUS  REPORTS.  Twelfth  Census  of  the  United  States,  taken  in 
the  year  1900.  U.  S.  Census  Office,  Washington. 

CENTURY  MAGAZINE.     Century  Co.,  New  York.    $0.35  per  number. 

CIST,  HENRY  M.  The  Army  of  the  Cumberland.  Campaigns  of  the 
Civil  War,  VII.  Scribners,  New  York.  $1.00. 

CLARKE,  JAMES  FREEMAN.  History  of  the  Campaign  of  1812  and  sur 
render  of  the  Post  of  Detroit.  [Being  the  second  part  of  a  volume  which 


xvi  LIST   OF   WORKS   REFERRED   TO. 

contains  also  "The  Revolutionary  Services  and  Civil  Life  of  General 
William  Hull,  by  his  daughter,  Mrs.  Maria  Campbell."]  Appleton,  New 
York. 

CLAY,  HENRY.  Works.  Comprising  his  Life,  Correspondence,  and 
Speeches.  Edited  by  Calvin  Colton,  with  an  introduction  by  Thomas  B. 
Reed,  and  a  History  of  Tariff  Legislation  from  1812  to  1896,  by  William 
McKinley.  7  vols.  E.  R.  Herrick  &  Co.,  New  York.  $14.00. 

CLEVELAND,  GROVER.  Writings  and  Speeches.  Edited  by  George  F. 
Parker.  Cassell  Publishing  Co.,  New  York.  $2.50. 

COBB,  SANFORD  H.  The  Story  of  the  Palatines.  Putnams,  New 
York.  $2.00. 

CONGRESSIONAL  DIRECTORY  (Official).  Government  Printing  Office, 
Washington. 

COOKE,  JOHN  ESTEN.  Stonewall  Jackson,  a  Military  Biography. 
Appleton,  New  York.  $3.00. 

Virginia.  A  History  of  the  People.  American  Commonwealths 

Series.  Houghton,  Mifflin  &  Co.,  Boston.  $1.25. 

COOLEY,  T.  M.,  HITCHCOCK,  H.,  et  al.  Constitutional  History  of  the 
United  States  as  seen  in  the  Development  of  American  Law.  Putnams, 
New  York.  $2.00. 

COOPER,  JAMES  FENIMORE.  History  of  the  Navy  of  the  United  States 
of  America.  2  vols.  Lea  &  Blanchard,  Philadelphia. 

COPPEE,  HENRY.  General  Thomas.  Great  Commanders  Series. 
Appleton,  New  York.  $1.50. 

Cox,  JACOB  DOLSEN.  Atlanta.  Campaigns  of  the  Civil  War,  IX. 
Scribners,  New  York.  $1.00. 

The  March  to  the  Sea.  Franklin  and  Nashville.  Campaigns  of 

the  Civil  War,  X.  Scribners,  New  York.  $1.00. 

Cox,  SAMUEL  S.  Three  Decades  of  Federal  Legislation,  1855-1885. 
Reid,  Providence.  $4.50. 

CULLUM,  GEORGE  W.  Campaigns  of  the  War  of  1812-1815.  James 
Miller,  New  York.  $5.00. 

CURTIS,  GEORGE  TICKNOR.  History  of  the  Origin,  Formation  and 
Adoption  of  the  Constitution  of  the  United  States.  2  vols.  Harpers, 
New  York.  $6.00. 

CUTLER,  WILLIAM  PARKER,  AND  JULIA  PERKINS.  Life,  Journals 
and  Correspondence  of  Rev.  Manasseh  Cutler,  LL.  D.  2  vols.  Clarke 
&  Co.,  Cincinnati.  $5.00. 

DAVIS,  JEFFERSON.  Rise  and  Fall  of  the  Confederate  Government. 
2  vols.  Appleton,  New  York.  $10.00. 

DE  TOCQUEVILLE.     See  Tocqueville. 

DEXTER,  MORTON.  Story  of  the  Pilgrims.  Congregationalist  S.  S. 
and  Publishing  Society,  Boston  and  Chicago.  $0.75. 

DICKINSON,  JOHN.  Writings,  ed.  by  P.  L.  Ford,  Vol.  j.  Hist.  Soc. 
of  Penn. 


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Dix,  MORGAN.  Memoirs  of  John  Adams  Dix.  2  vols.  Harpers, 
New  York.  $5.00. 

DONALDSON,  THOMAS.  The  Public  Domain.  Its  History,  with  Sta 
tistics.  Government  Printing  Office,  Washington. 

DOUBLEDAY,  ABNER.  Chancellorsville  and  Gettysburg.  Campaigns 
of  the  Civil  War,  VI.  Scribners,  New  York.  $1.00. 

DOYLE,  J.  A.  The  English  in  America.  Vol.  i.  Virginia,  Maryland, 
and  the  Carolinas.  Vols.  2-3.  The  Puritan  Colonies.  Longmans,  London. 
Henry  Holt,  New  York.  $3.50  per  vol. 

DRAKE,  SAMUEL  ADAMS.  Border  Wars  of  New  England.  Scribners, 
New  York.  $1.50. 

The  Making  of  New  England,  1580-1643.  Scribners,  New  York. 

$1.50. 

The  Making  of  the  Ohio  Valley  States,  1660-1837.  Scribners, 

New  York.  $1.50. 

The  Making  of  Virginia  and  the  Middle  Colonies,  1578-1701. 

Scribners,  New  York.  $1.50. 

The  Taking  of  Louisbourg,  1745.    Lee  &  Shepard,  Boston.  $0.50. 

DRAPER,  JOHN  W.  History  of  the  American  Civil  War.  3  vols. 
Harpers,  New  York.  $10.50. 

DRAPER,  LYMAN  C.  King's  Mountain  and  its  Heroes.  History  of 
the  Battle  of  King's  Mountain,  October  7,  1780,  and  the  events  which  led 
to  it.  Peter  G.  Thomson,  Cincinnati. 

DUNN,  J.  P.  Indiana.  A  Redemption  from  Slavery.  American 
Commonwealths  Series.  Houghton,  Mifflin  &  Co.,  Boston.  $1.25. 

EGGLESTON,  EDWARD.  The  Beginners  of  a  Nation.  Appleton,  New 
York.  $1.50. 

The  Transit  of  Civilization  from  England  to  America  in  the  Seven 
teenth  Century.  Appleton,  New  York.  $1.50. 

ELLIOT,  JONATHAN,  Editor.  The  Debates  in  the  Several  State  Con 
ventions  on  the  Adoption  of  the  Federal  Constitution,  as  recommended 
by  the  General  Convention  at  Philadelphia  in  1787.  Together  with  the 
Journal  of  the  Federal  Convention,  Luther  Martin's  Letter,  Yates's  Min 
utes,  Congressional  Opinions  [etc.],  4  vols.  Washington. 

ELLIOTT,  ORRIN  LESLIE.  The  Tariff  Controversy  in  the  United 
States,  1789-1833.  Leland  Stanford  Junior  University  Monographs.  Palo 
Alto,  Cal.  $1.00. 

ELLIS,  GEORGE  E.  Puritan  Age  and  Rule  in  the  Colony  of  Massa 
chusetts  Bay,  1629-1685.  Houghton,  Mifflin  &  Co.,  Boston.  $3.50. 

FEDERALIST,  THE.  A  Commentary  on  the  Constitution  of  the  United 
States,  by  Alexander  Hamilton,  James  Madison,  and  John  Jay.  Edited 
by  Paul  Leicester  Ford.  Holt,  New  York.  $1.75. 

FERNOW,  BERTHOLD.  The  Ohio  Valley  in  Colonial  Days.  Munsells, 
Albany. 


xviii  LIST   OF   WORKS   REFERRED   TO. 

FISKE,  JOHN.  American  Political  Ideas  viewed  from  the  Standpoint 
of  Universal  History.  Harpers,  New  York.  $1.00. 

The  American  Revolution.     2  vols.     Houghton,  Mifflin  &  Co., 

Boston.    $4.00. 

The  Beginnings  of   New  England.     Houghton,   Mifflin  &  Co., 

Boston.    $2.00. 

Civil  Government  in  the  United  States  considered  with  some 

Reference  to  its  Origins.     Houghton,  Mifflin  &  Co.,  Boston.    $1.00  net. 

Critical  Period  of  American  History,  1783-1789.  Houghton,  Mif 
flin  &  Co.,  Boston.  $2.00. 

The  Discovery  of  America,  with  some  Account  of  Ancient  America 

and  the  Spanish  Conquest.     2  vols.     Houghton,  Mifflin  &  Co.,  Boston. 
$4.00. 

The  Dutch  and  Quaker  Colonies  in  America.     2  vols.    Houghton, 

Mifflin  &  Co.,  Boston.     $4.00. 

Essays,  Historical  and  Literary.     2  vols.    Macmillan,  New  York. 

$4.00  net. 

New  France  and  New  England.  Houghton,  Mifflin  &  Co.,  Bos 
ton.  $1.65  net. 

Old  Virginia  and  her  Neighbours.     2  vols.     Houghton,  Mifflin  & 

Co.,  Boston.    $4.00. 

FLICK,  ALEXANDER  CLARENCE.  Loyalism  in  New  York  during  the 
American  Revolution.  Columbia  University  Press.  Macmillan,  New 
York.  $2.00  net. 

FORCE,  M.  F.  From  Fort  Henry  to  Corinth.  Campaigns  of  the  Civil 
War,  II.  Scribners,  New  York.  $1.00. 

FORD,  PAUL  LEICESTER,  Editor.  Pamphlets  on  the  Constitution  of 
the  United  States  published  during  its  Discussion  by  the  People,  1787- 
1788.  Brooklyn. 

FRANKLIN,  BENJAMIN.  Autobiography;  edited  by  John  Bigelow. 
i  vol.  Elia  Series.  Putnams,  New  York.  $1.00. 

Works,  ed.  by  Jared  Sparks.     10  vols.     Boston. 

FREEMAN,  EDWARD  A.  Greater  Greece  and  Greater  Britain.  Mac 
millan,  London.  $1.00. 

FROTHINGHAM,  RICHARD.  History  of  the  Siege  of  Boston  and  of  the 
Battles  of  Lexington,  Concord,  and  Bunker  Hill.  C.  C.  Little  and  James 
Brown,  Boston.  $3.50. 

Rise  of  the  Republic  of  the  United  States.     Little,  Brown  &  Co., 

Boston.    $3.50. 

GARDINER,  SAMUEL  RAWSON.  Student's  History  of  England.  Long 
mans,  London.  3  vols.  $3.00  net. 

GARRISON,  WILLIAM  LLOYD.  The  Story  of  his  Life,  told  by  his  Chil 
dren.  4  vols.  Houghton,  Mifflin  &  Co.,  Boston.  $8.00  net. 

GAY,  SYDNEY  HOWARD.  James  Madison.  American  Statesmen 
Series.  Houghton,  Mifflin  &  Co.,  Boston.  $1.25. 


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GEISER,  KARL  FREDERICK.  Redemptioners  and  Indentured  Servants 
in  the  Colony  and  Commonwealth  of  Pennsylvania.  Supplement  to  Yale 
Review.  Vol.  10.  No.  2.  New  Haven.  $1.50. 

OILMAN,  DANIEL  C.  James  Monroe.  American  Statesmen  Series. 
Houghton,  Mifflin  &  Co.,  Boston.  $1.25. 

GORDON,  THOMAS  F.  History  of  Pennsylvania,  to  1776.  Gary,  Lea 
&  Gary,  Philadelphia. 

GORDY,  J.  P.  History  of  Political  Parties  in  the  United  States. 
Vol.  1-2.  Henry  Holt  &  Co.,  New  York.  Title  changed  on  the  issue  of 
vol.  2  to  Political  History  of  the  United  States.  $1.75  net  per  vol. 

GRANT,  ULYSSES  S.  Personal  Memoirs.  2  vols.  Century  Co.,  New 
York.  $5.00. 

GREEN,  JOHN  RICHARD.  Short  History  of  the  English  People. 
American  Book  Co.,  New  York.  $1.20. 

GREENE,  FRANCIS  VINTON.  General  Greene.  Great  Commanders 
Series.  Appleton,  New  York.  $1.50. 

The  Mississippi.  Campaigns  of  the  Civil  War,  VIII.  Scribners, 

New  York.  $1.00. 

GREENE,  GEORGE  W.  Life  of  Nathanael  Greene.  3  vols.  Hurd  & 
Houghton,  Boston.  $7.50. 

Short  History  of  Rhode  Island.     J.  A.  &  R.  A.  Reid,  Providence. 

GRIFFIS,  WILLIAM  ELLIOT.  Matthew  Galbraith  Perry.  A  typical 
American  naval  officer.  Houghton,  Mifflin  &  Co.,  Boston.  $2.00. 

GUIZOT,  F.  P.  G.  Essay  on  the  Character  and  Influence  of  Wash 
ington  in  the  Revolution  of  the  United  States  of  America.  Miller,  New 
York. 

HALL,  HENRY.  Ethan  Allen,  the  Robin  Hood  of  Vermont.  Apple- 
ton,  New  York.  $1.00. 

HALLOWELL,  RICHARD  P.  Quaker  Invasion  of  Massachusetts. 
Houghton,  Mifflin  &  Co.,  Boston.  $1.25. 

HAMILTON,  ALEXANDER.  Works,  edited  by  J.  C.  Hamilton.  7  vols. 
Charles  S.  Francis  &  Co.,  New  York. 

HANNA,  CHARLES  A.  The  Scotch-Irish,  or  the  Scot  in  North  Britain, 
North  Ireland,  and  North  America.  2  vols.  Putnams,  New  York.  $10.00. 

HARRISON,  FREDERIC.  George  Washington,  and  other  Addresses. 
Macmillan,  New  York.  $1.75  net. 

HART,  ALBERT  BUSHNELL.  Formation  of  the  Union,  1750-1829. 
Epochs  of  American  History  Series.  Longmans,  New  York.  $1.75. 

Introduction  to  a  Study  of  Federal  Government.  Harvard  His 
torical  Monographs,  2.  Ginn  &  Co.,  Boston. 

Practical  Essays  on  American  Government.  Longmans,  New 

York.  $1.50. 

Salmon  Portland  Chase.  American  Statesmen  Series.  Houghton, 

Mifrlin  &  Co.,  Boston.  $1.25. 


xx  LIST   OF   WORKS    REFERRED    TO. 

HART,  ALBERT  BUSHNELL,  Editor.  American  History  told  by  Con 
temporaries.  4  vols.  Macmillan,  New  York.  $2.00  per  vol. 

HERBERT,  HILARY  A.,  AND  OTHERS.  Why  the  Solid  South  ?  or 
Reconstruction  and  its  Results.  R.  H.  Woodward,  Baltimore.  $1.25. 

HIGGINSON,  THOMAS  WENTWORTH.  Larger  History  of  the  United 
States,  to  the  Close  of  President  Jackson's  Administration.  Harpers, 
New  York.  $2.00. 

HILDRETH,  RICHARD.  History  of  the  United  States  of  America. 
First  Series,  from  the  Discovery  of  the  Continent  to  the  Organization  of 
the  Government  under  the  Federal  Constitution.  3  vols.  Second  Series, 
from  the  Adoption  of  the  Federal  Constitution  to  the  end  of  the  Sixteenth 
Congress.  3  vols.  Together,  6  vols.  Harpers,  New  York.  $12.00. 

HINSDALE,  B.  A.  The  American  Government.  Werner  Book  Co., 
Chicago.  $1.25  net. 

The  Old  Northwest.     With  a  View  of  the  Thirteen  Colonies  as 

Constituted  by  the  Royal  Charters.    Silver,  Burdett  &  Co.,  Boston.   $1.75. 

HODGES,  GEORGE.  William  Penn.  Riverside  Biographical  Series. 
Houghton,  Mifflin  &  Co.,  Boston.  $0.50  net. 

HOLST,  H.  VON.  Constitutional  and  Political  History  of  the  United 
States.  Translated  from  the  German  by  J.  J.  Lalor  and  A.  B.  Mason. 
8  vols.  Callaghan  &  Co.,  Chicago.  $12.00  net. 

The  Constitutional  Law  of  the  United  States  of  America.     Trans. 

by  A.  B.  Mason.     Callaghan  &  Co.,  Chicago.     $2.00  net. 

John  Brown.     De  WTolfe,  Fiske  &  Co.,  Boston.     $1.25. 

John    C.    Calhoun.      American    Statesmen    Series.      Houghton, 

Mifflin  &  Co.,  Boston.     $1.25. 

HOSMER,  JAMES  K.  Life  of  Thomas  Hutchinson,  Royal  Governor  of 
the  Province  of  Massachusetts  Bay.  Houghton,  Mifflin  &  Co.,  Boston. 
$4.00. 

Life  of  Young  Sir  Henry  Vane,  Governor  of  Massachusetts  Bay 

and  Leader  of  the  Long  Parliament.     Houghton,  Mifflin  &  Co.,  Boston. 
$4.00. 

Samuel  Adams.  American  Statesmen  Series.  Houghton,  Mif 
flin  &  Co.,  Boston.  $1.25. 

Short  History  of  Anglo-Saxon  Freedom.     Scribners,  New  York. 

$2.00. 

Short   History  of   the  Mississippi  Valley.     Houghton,  Mifflin  & 

Co.,  Boston.     $1.20  net. 

HUBBARD,  WILLIAM.  History  of  the  Indian  Wars  of  New  England. 
Ed.  by  Samuel  G.  Drake.  2  vols.  Woodward,  Roxbury. 

HUGHSON,  SHIRLEY  CARTER.  The  Carolina  Pirates  and  Colonial 
Commerce,  1670-1740.  Johns  Hopkins  Studies.  Baltimore.  $1.00. 

HUMPHREYS,  ANDREW  A.  The  Virginia  Campaign  of  '64  and  '65. 
The  Army  of  the  Potomac  and  the  Army  of  the  James.  Campaigns  of 
the  Civil  War,  XII.  Scribners,  New  York.  $1.00. 


LIST    OF    WORKS    REFERRED    TO.  xxi 

HUNT,  GAILLARD.  Life  of  James  Madison.  Doubleday,  Page  &  Co., 
New  York.  $2.50  net. 

HUTCHINSON,  THOMAS.  History  of  the  Colony  of  Massachusetts  Bay 
from  .  .  .  1628  until  .  .  .  1691.  Boston. 

Same,  from  1691  to  1750.     Boston. 

Same,  from  1749  to  1774.     Murray,  London. 

ILES,  GEORGE.  Flame,  Electricity,  and  the  Camera.  Doubleday,  Page 
&  Co.,  New  York.  $2.00  net. 

INTERSTATE  COMMERCE  COMMISSION.  Annual  Report  on  the  Statis 
tics  of  Railways  [by  Henry  C.  Adams].'  Government  Printing  Office, 
Washington. 

IRVING,  WASHINGTON.  Life  of  George  Washington.  5  vols.  Put- 
nams,  New  York.  $50.00. 

JAMES,  WILLIAM.  Naval  History  of  Great  Britain,  1793-1820.  6  vols. 
Macmillan,  New  York.  $12.00. 

JAY,  WILLIAM.  Review  of  the  Causes  and  Consequences  of  the 
Mexican  War.  Mussey  &  Co.,  Boston. 

JEFFERSON,  THOMAS.  Writings.  Collected  and  edited  by  Paul 
Leicester  Ford.  10  vols.  Putnams,  New  York.  $5.00  net. 

Writings.  Edited  by  H.  A.  Washington.  9  vols.  Lippincott. 

$27.00. 

JEVONS,  W.  STANLEY.  Money  and  the  Mechanism  of  Exchange. 
Kegan  Paul,  London. 

JOHNSTON,  ALEXANDER.  Connecticut.  A  Study  of  a  Commonwealth- 
Democracy.  American  Commonwealths  Series.  Houghton,  Mifftin  & 
Co.,  Boston.  $1.25. 

History  of  American  Politics.  3d  edition,  revised  and  enlarged 

by  William  M.  Sloane.  Holt  &  Co.,  New  York.  $0.80  net. 

The  United  States.  Its  History  and  Constitution.  Scribners, 

New  York.  $1.00. 

Editor.  Representative  American  Orations  to  illustrate  American 

Political  History.  3  vols.  Putnams,  New  York. 

KAPP,  FRIEDRICH.  Life  of  Frederick  William  von  Steuben.  Mason 
Bros.,  New  York. 

KENDALL,  AMOS.  Autobiography.  Edited  by  his  son-in-law,  William 
Stickney.  Lee  &  Shepard,  Boston.  $3.00. 

KING,  RUFUS.  Ohio.  First  Fruits  of  the  Ordinance  of  1787.  Ameri 
can  Commonwealths  Series.  Houghton,  Mifflin  &  Co.,  Boston.  $1.25. 

KINGSFORD,  WILLIAM.  History  of  Canada.  10  vols.  Rowsel  & 
Hutchinson,  Toronto. 

KINLEY,  D.  The  Independent  Treasury  of  the  United  States. 
Crowell  &  Co.,  New  York.  $1.50. 

LALOR,  JOHN  J.,  Editor.  Cyclopedia  of  Political  Science,  Political 
Economy,  and  of  the  Political  History  of  the  United  States.  By  the  best 


xxii  LIST   OF   WORKS    REFERRED   TO. 

American  Writers.  3  vols.  Rand,  McNally  &  Co.,  Chicago.  Each, 
$6.00. 

LARNED,  J.  N.  History  of  England  for  the  Use  of  Schools  and  Acade 
mies.  Houghton,  Mifflin  &  Co.,  Boston.  $1.25  net. 

Editor.  History  for  Ready  Reference.  From  the  best  Historians, 

Biographers  and  Specialists.  6  vols.  C.  A.  Nichols  Co.,  Springfield, 
Mass. 

LAUER,  PAUL  E.  Church  and  State  in  New  England.  Johns  Hopkins 
Studies.  Baltimore.  $0.50. 

LECKY,  WILLIAM  EDWAR»  HARTPOLE.  History  of  England  in  the 
Eighteenth  Century.  8  vols.  Appleton  &  Co.,  New  York.  $20.00. 

LEVERMORE,  CHARLES  H.  The  Republic  of  New  Haven.  Johns  Hop 
kins  University  Studies.  Baltimore. 

LINCOLN,  ABRAHAM.  Complete  Works,  comprising  his  Speeches,  Let 
ters,  State  Papers,  and  Miscellaneous  Writings.  Edited  by  John  G.  Nicolay 
and  John  Hay.  2  vols.  Century  Co.,  New  York.  $10.00. 

LIVERMORE,  MARY  A.  My  Story  of  the  War  :  a  woman's  narrative 
of  four  years'  personal  experience  as  nurse  in  the  Union  Army  and  in  re 
lief  work.  Worthington  &  Co.,  Hartford.  $3.50. 

LODGE,  HENRY  CABOT.  Alexander  Hamilton.  American  Statesmen 
Series.  Houghton,  Mifflin  &  Co.,  Boston.  $1.25. 

Daniel  Webster.  American  Statesmen  Series.  Houghton,  Mifflin 

&  Co.,  Boston.  $1.25. 

George  Washington.  American  Statesmen  Series.  2  vols.  Hough- 
ton,  Mifflin  &  Co.,  Boston.  $2.50. 

Life  and  Letters  of  George  Cabot.  Little,  Brown  &  Co.,  Boston. 

$3.50  net. 

Short  History  of  the  English  Colonies  in  America.  Harpers, 

New  York.  $3.00. 

LONG,  A.  L.  Memoirs  of  Robert  E.  Lee.  His  military  and  personal 
history.  Stoddart  &  Co.,  New  York. 

LOTHROP,  THORNTON  KIRKLAND.  William  Henry  Seward.  Ameri 
can  Statesmen  Series.  Houghton,  Mifflin  &  Co.,  Boston.  $1.25. 

LOWELL,  EDWARD  J.  The  Hessians,  and  other  German  Auxiliaries  of 
Great  Britain  in  the  Revolutionary  War.  Harpers,  New  York.  $1.50. 

LOWELL,  JAMES  RUSSELL.  Among  my  Books.  Houghton,  Mifflin  & 
Co.,  Boston.  Series  i  and  2,  each  $2  oo. 

Biglow  Papers.     Houghton,  Mifflin  &  Co.,  Boston. 

MACAULAY,  THOMAS  BABINGTON,  LORD.  Critical  and  Historical  Es 
says.  3  vols.  Houghton,  Mifflin  &  Co.,  Boston.  $6.00. 

History  of  England  from  the  Accession  of  James  II.  5  vols. 

Houghton,  Mifflin  &  Co.,  Boston.  $10.00. 

McCRADY,  EDWARD.  History  of  South  Carolina.  [Vol.  i]  under  the 
Proprietary  Government,  1670-1719;  [Vol.  2]  under  the  Royal  Govern- 


LIST  OF   WORKS   REFERRED   TO.  xxin 

ment,  1719-1776;  [Vol.  3]  in  the  Revolution,  1775-1780.  Macmillan, 
New  York.  Each  $3.50  net. 

McCuLLOCH,  HUGH.  Men  and  Measures  of  Half  a  Century.  Scribners, 
New  York.  $2.50. 

MACDONALD,  WILLIAM,  Editor.  Select  Charters  and  other  Docu 
ments  Illustrative  of  American  History,  1606-1775;  with  notes.  Mac 
millan,  New  York.  $2.25  net. 

Editor.  Select  Documents  Illustrative  of  the  History  of  the  United 

States,  1776-1861.  Macmillan,  New  York. 

MACLEAN,  J.  P.  Historical  Account  of  the  Settlement  of  Scotch  High 
landers  in  America.  Helman-Taylor  Co.,  Cleveland.  $5.00. 

MACMASTER,  JOHN  BACH.  History  of  the  People  of  the  United  States 
from  the  Revolution  to  the  Civil  War.  7  vols.  Appleton  &  Co.,  New 
York.  Each  $2.50. 

MCPHERSON,  EDWARD.  Political  History  of  the  United  States  of  Amer 
ica  during  the  Great  Rebellion.  2d  ed.  Philip  &  Solomon,  Washington. 
#5.00. 

MADISON,  JAMES.  Letters  and  other  Writings.  4  vols.  Lippincotts, 
Philadelphia.  $16.00. 

Papers  purchased  by  order  of  Congress.1  3  vols.  Langley,  New 

York. 

MAGRUDER,  ALLAN  B.  John  Marshall.  American  Statesmen  Series. 
Houghton,  Mifflin  &  Co.,  Boston.  $1.25. 

MAHAN,  A.  T.  The  Gulf  and  Inland  Waters.  The  Navy  in  the  Civil 
War,  III.  Scribners,  New  York.  $1.00. 

Influence  of  Sea  Power  upon  the  French  Revolution  and  Empire. 

2  vols.  Little,  Brown  &  Co.,  Boston.  $6.00. 

Influence  of  Sea  Power  upon  History,  1660-1783.  Little,  Brown 

&  Co.,  Boston.  $4.00. 

MARSHALL,  JOHN.  Writings  upon  the  Federal  Constitution.  Munroe 
&  Co.,  Boston. 

MARTINEAU,  HARRIET.  Retrospect  of  Western  Travel.  2  vols. 
Harpers,  New  York. 

MASSACHUSETTS  HISTORICAL  SOCIETY.    Collections,  Boston. 

MENDENHALL,  THOMAS  C.  Century  of  Electricity.  Houghton,  Mif 
flin  &  Co.,  Boston. 

MORLEY,  JOHN.  Walpole.  English  Statesmen  Series.  Macmillan, 
London.  $0.75. 

MORSE,  JOHN  T.,  JR.  John  Adams.  American  Statesmen  Series. 
Houghton,  Mifflin  &  Co.,  Boston.  $1.25. 

John  Quincy  Adams.  American  Statesmen  Series.  Houghton, 

Mifflin  &  Co.,  Boston.  $1.25. 

Benjamin  Franklin.  American  Statesmen  Series.  Houghton,  Mif 
flin  &  Co.,  Boston.  $1.25. 

1  Madison's  Journal  of  the  Constitutional  Convention  contained  in  vols.  2-3. 


xxiv  LIST   OF   WORKS    REFERRED   TO. 

MORSE,  JOHN  T.,  JR.  Thomas  Jefferson.  American  Statesmen  Series. 
Houghton,  Mifflin  &  Co.,  Boston.  $1.25. 

Abraham  Lincoln.    American  Statesmen  Series.    2  vols.    Hough- 
ton,  Mifflin  &  Co.,  Boston.     $2.50. 

NATIONAL  EDUCATIONAL  ASSOCIATION.  Journal  of  Proceedings  and 
Addresses. 

NEW  YORK  STATE.  Documents  relative  to  the  Colonial  History  of 
the  State  of  New  York,  procured  in  Holland,  England,  and  France  by 
John  Romeyn  Brodhead.  14  vols.  Edited  by  E.  B.  O'Callaghan  and  B. 
Fernow.  Albany. 

NICHOLS,  GEORGE  WARD.  Story  of  the  Great  March.  Harpers,  New 
York.  $1.50. 

NICOLAY,  JOHN  G.  The  Outbreak  of  Rebellion.  Campaigns  of  the 
Civil  War,  I.  Scribners,  New  York.  $1.00. 

NICOLAY,  JOHN  G.,  AND  HAY,  JOHN.  Abraham  Lincoln.  A  History. 
10  vols.  Century  Co.,  New  York.  $20.00. 

NORTH  AMERICAN  REVIEW.  1816-1903.  Boston-New  York.  $0.50 
per  number. 

O'CALLAGHAN,  E.  B.  History  of  New  Netherland,  or  New  York  under 
the  Dutch.  2  vols.  Appleton  &  Co.,  New  York.  $6.00. 

OLD  SOUTH  LEAFLETS.  Published  by  the  Directors  of  the  Old  South 
Work.  Boston.  $0.05  each. 

PALFREY,  FRANCIS  WINTHROP.  The  Antietam  and  Fredericksburg 
Campaigns.  Campaigns  of  the  Civil  War,  V.  Scribners,  New  York. 
$1.00. 

PALFREY,  JOHN  GORHAM.  History  of  New  England  to  the  Revolution 
of  the  Seventeenth  Century.  2  vols.  The  same,  to  the  Revolution  of  the 
Eighteenth  Century,  i  vol.  The  same,  during  the'Stuart  Dynasty.  2  vols. 
Little,  Brown  &  Co.,  Boston.  $18.00  net. 

PARIS,  L.  P.  A.  D'ORLEANS,  COMTE  DE.  History  of  the  Civil  War  in 
America.  Trans,  by  Louis  F.  Tasistro.  Edited  by  Henry  Coppee.  4 
vols.  Coates  &  Co.,  Philadelphia.  Each  $3.50. 

PARKMAN,  FRANCIS.  The  Conspiracy  of  Pontiac  and  the  Indian  War 
after  the  Conquest  of  Canada.  2  vols.  Little,  Brown  &  Co.,  Boston. 
$3.00. 

Count  Frontenac  and  New  France  under  Louis  XIV.  Little, 

Brown  &  Co.,  Boston.  $1.50. 

Half-Century  of  Conflict.  2  vols.  Little,  Brown  &  Co.,  Boston. 

$3.00. 

The  Jesuits  in  North  America.  Little,  Brown  &  Co.,  Boston. 

$1.50. 

La  Salle  and  the  Discovery  of  the  Great  West.  Little,  Brown  & 

Co.,  Boston.  $1.50. 

Montcalm  and  Wolfe.   2  vols.   Little,  Brown  &  Co.,  Boston.   $3.00. 


LIST   OF   WORKS    REFERRED    TO.  xxv 

PARKMAN,  FRANCIS.  The  Old  Regime  in  Canada.  Little,  Brown  & 
Co.,  Boston.  $1.50. 

Pioneers  of  France  in  the  New  World.  Little,  Brown  &  Co., 

Boston.  $1.50. 

PARTON,  JAMES.  Life  and  Times  of  Aaron  Burr.  2  vols.  Houghton, 
Mifflin  &  Co.,  Boston.  $5.00. 

Life  of  Andrew  Jackson.  3  vols.  Houghton,  Mifflin  &  Co.,  Bos 
ton.  $7.50. 

Life  of  Thomas  Jefferson.    Houghton,  Mifflin  &  Co.,  Boston.    $2.50. 

PECK,  CHARLES  H.  The  Jacksonian  Epoch.  Harpers,  New  York. 
$2.50. 

PELLEW,  GEORGE.  John  Jay.  American  Statesmen  Series.  Hough- 
ton,  Mifflin  &  Co.,  Boston.  £1.25. 

PHELAN,  JAMES.  History  of  Tennessee.  Houghton,  Mifflin  &  Co., 
Boston.  $2.00. 

PHISTERER,  FREDERICK.  Statistical  Record  of  the  Armies  of  the 
United  States.  Campaigns  of  the  Civil  War,  Supplementary  Vol. 
Scribners,  New  York.  $1.00. 

PITTENGER,  WILLIAM.  Daring  and  Suffering.  [Also  rewritten  and 
republished  under  varying  titles  :  "  Capturing  a  Locomotive,"  and  "The 
Great  Locomotive  Chase."]  Penn  Pub.  Co.,  Philadelphia.  $1.25. 

POLITICAL  SCIENCE  QUARTERLY.  Edited  by  the  political  science 
faculty  of  Columbia  University.  Ginn  &  Co.,  Boston.  $0.50. 

PoND4  GEORGE  A.  The  Shenandoah  Valley  in  1864.  Campaigns  of 
the  Civil  War,  XI.  Scribners,  New  York.  $1.00. 

POOR,  HENRY  V.  Manual  of  the  Railroads  of  the  United  States  for 
[various  years].  H.  V.  &  N.  W.  Poor,  New  York.  $10.00. 

PRESCOTT,  GEORGE  B.  Electricity  and  the  Electric  Telegraph.  8th 
ed.,  revised  and  enlarged.  2  vols.  Appleton,  New  York.  $7.00. 

PRESTON,  HOWARD  W.,  Editor.  Documents  illustrative  of  American 
History.  1606-1863.  Putnams,  New  York.  $1.20. 

QUINCY,  EDMUND.  Life  of  Josiah  Quincy.  Little,  Brown  &  Co., 
Boston.  $3.00  net. 

QUINCY,  JOSIAH.  Memoir  of  the  Life  of  John  Quincy  Adams.  S.  S. 
Rider,  Boston. 

RHODE  ISLAND.  Records  of  the  Colony.  Edited  by  J.  R.  Bartlett. 
10  vols.  Providence.  $12.50. 

RHODES,  JAMES  FORD.  History  of  the  United  States  from  the  Com 
promise  of  1850.  Vols.  1-4.  Macmillan,  New  York.  $2.50  net. 

RICHARDSON,  CHARLES  F.  American  Literature,  1607-1885.  2  vols. 
Putnams,  New  York.  Each  $3.00. 

RICHARDSON,  JAMES  D.  A  Compilation  of  the  Messages  and  Papers 
of  the  Presidents,  1789-1897.  10  vols.  Government  Printing  Office, 
Washington. 


xxvi  LIST   OF    WORKS    REFERRED    TO. 

RIDPATH,  JOHN  C.  Life  and  Work  of  James  A.  Garfield.  Jones, 
Cincinnati. 

RIVES,  WILLIAM  C.  Life  and  Times  of  James  Madison.  3  vols. 
Little,  Brown  &  Co.,  Boston.  $10.50. 

ROBERTS,  CHARLES  G.  D.  History  of  Canada.  L.  C.  Page  &  Co., 
Boston  $2.00  net. 

ROBERTS,  ELLIS  H.  New  York.  American  Commonwealths  Series. 
2  vols.  Houghton,  Mifflin  &  Co.,  Boston.  $2.50. 

ROBINSON,  ROWLAND  E.  Vermont :  A  Study  of  Independence. 
American  Commonwealths  Series.  Houghton,  Mifflin  &  Co.,  Boston. 
$1.25. 

ROOSEVELT,  THEODORE.  Gouverneur  Morris.  American  Statesmen 
Series.  Houghton,  Mifflin  &  Co.,  Boston.  $1.25. 

The  Naval  War  of  1812.     Putnams,  New  York.     $2.50. 

New  York.  Historic  Towns  Series.    Longmans,  New  York.   $1.25. 

Thomas  Hart  Benton.  American  Statesmen  Series.  Houghton, 

Mifflin  &  Co.,  Boston.  $1.25. 

The  Winning  of  the  West.  4  vols.  Putnams,  New  York.  Each 

$2.50. 

ROPES,  JOHN  CODMAN.  The  Army  under  Pope.  Campaigns  of  the 
Civil  War,  IV.  Scribners,  New  York.  $1.00. 

The  Story  of  the  Civil  War.  Parts  1-2.  [1861-1862.]  2  vols. 

Putnams,  New  York.  Pt.  i,  $1.50;  pt.  2,  $2.50. 

ROUTLEDGE,  JAMES.  Chapters  in  the  History  of  Popular  Progress. 
1660-1820.  Macmillan,  London.  i6s. 

SABINE,  LORENZO.  Biographical  Sketches  of  the  Loyalists  of  the 
American  Revolution.  2  vols.  Little,  Brown  &  Co.,  Boston.  $7.00. 

SAINSBURY,  W.  NOEL,  Editor.  Calendar  of  State  Papers  [Great 
Britain].  Colonial  Series  :  America  and  West  Indies.  4  vols.  London. 

SARGENT,  NATHAN.  Public  Men  and  Events,  from  .  .  .  181710  1853. 
2  vols.  Lippincott,  Philadelphia.  $6.00. 

SCHAFF,  PHILIP.  Progress  of  Religious  Freedom.  Scribners,  New 
York.  $1.50. 

SCHOOLCRAFT,  HENRY  R.  Notes  on  the  Iroquois.  Pease  &  Co., 
Albany. 

SCHOULER,  JAMES.  History  of  the  United  States  of  America  under 
the  Constitution.  Revised  edition.  6  vols.  Dodd,  Mead  &  Co.,  New 
York.  $13.50. 

SCHURZ,  CARL.  Abraham  Lincoln.  An  Essay.  Houghton,  Mifflin 
&  Co.,  Boston.  $1.50. 

Life  of  Henry  Clay.  American  Statesmen  Series.  2  vols. 

Houghton,  Mifflin  &  Co.,  Boston.  $2.50. 

SCHUYLER,  GEORGE  W.  Colonial  New  York.  2  vols.  Scribners, 
New  York.  $10.00  net. 


LIST   OF   WORKS    REFERRED   TO.  xxvii 

SEDGWICK,  ELLERY.  Thomas  Paine.  Beacon  Biographies  Series. 
Small,  Maynard  &  Co.,  Boston.  $0.75. 

SEELEY,  SIR  J.  R.  The  Expansion  of  England.  2d  edition.  Mac 
ro  illan,  London.  43.  6d. 

Short  History  of  Napoleon  the  First.  Little,  Brown  &  Co.,  Bos 
ton.  $1.50. 

SEWARD,  WILLIAM  H.  Works.  Edited  by  George  E.  Baker.  New 
edition.  5  vols.  Houghton,  Mifflin  &  Co.,  Boston.  Each  $3.00. 

SHARPLESS,  ISAAC.  Two  Centuries  of  Pennsylvania  History.  Lippin- 
cott,  Philadelphia.  $1.25  net. 

SHEPARD,  EDWARD  M.  Martin  Van  Buren.  American  Statesmen 
Series.  Houghton,  Mifflin  &  Co.,  Boston.  $1.25. 

SHERMAN,  W.  T.  Memoirs,  written  by  himself.  With  an  appendix, 
bringing  his  life  down  to  its  closing  scenes,  by  Hon.  James  G.  Elaine. 
2  vols.  D.  Appleton  &  Co.,  New  York.  $5.00. 

SIEBERT,  WILBUR  H.  The  Underground  Railroad  from  Slavery  to 
Freedom.  With  an  introduction  by  Albert  Bushnell  Hart.  Macmillan, 
New  York.  $4.00. 

SIMMS,  WILLIAM  GILMORE.  Life  of  Francis  Marion.  Derby,  New 
York. 

SLOANE,  WILLIAM  MILLIGAN.  The  French  War  and  the  Revolution. 
American  History  Series.  Scribners,  New  York.  $1.00  net. 

SMITH,  EDWARD  P.  Incidents  of  the  United  States  Christian  Com 
mission.  Lippincott,  Philadelphia.  $3.00  net. 

SMITH,  CAPTAIN  JOHN.  Works,  1608-1631.  Edited  by  Edward  Arber. 
Birmingham. 

SMITH,  GOLDWIN.  The  Moral  Crusader,  William  Lloyd  Garrison. 
Funk  &  Wagnalls,  New  York.  $1.00. 

SOLEY,  JAMES  RUSSELL.  The  Blockade  and  the  Cruisers.  The  Navy 
in  the  Civil  War,  I.  Scribners,  New  York.  $1.00. 

SPAULDING,  ELBRIDGE  G.  History  of  the  Legal  Tender  Paper  Money 
issued  during  the  Great  Rebellion.  Buffalo. 

STANWOOD,  EDWARD.  History  of  the  Presidency.  Houghton,  Mif 
flin  &  Co.,  Boston.  $2.50. 

STEVENS,  JOHN  AUSTIN.  Albert  Gallatin.  American  Statesmen 
Series.  Houghton,  Mifflin  &  Co.,  Boston.  $1.25. 

STILLE,  CHARLES  J.  History  of  the  United  States  Sanitary  Commis 
sion.  Lippincott,  Philadelphia.  $3.50. 

Life  and  Times  of  John  Dickinson.  Lippincott,  Philadelphia. 

$3.00  net. 

STITH,  WILLIAM.  History  of  the  First  Discovery  and  Settlement  of 
Virginia.  Sabin  reprint,  New  York.  $7.50. 

STONE,  WILLIAM  L.  Life  of  Joseph  Brant  (Thayendanegea),  includ 
ing  the  Border  Wars  of  the  American  Revolution.  2  vols.  Phinney  & 
Co.,  Buffalo.  $5.00. 


xxvin         LIST   OF   WORKS    REFERRED   TO. 

STOREY,  MOORFIELD.  Charles  Sumner.  American  Statesmen  Series. 
Houghton,  Mifflin  &  Co.,  Boston.  $1.25. 

SUMNER,  WILLIAM  GRAHAM.  Andrew  Jackson  as  a  Public  Man. 
American  Statesmen  Series.  Houghton,  Mifflin  &  Co.,  Boston.  $1.25. 

The  Financier  [Robert  Morris]  and  the  Finances  of  the  American 

Revolution.  2  vols.  Dodd,  Mead  &  Co.,  New  York.  $5.00. 

History  of  American  Currency.     Holt  &  Co.,  New  York.     $3.00. 

History  of  Banking  in  the  United  States.  [Vol.  i  of  "  History  of 

Banking  in  all  the  Leading  Nations."]  Journal  of  Commerce,  New 
York. 

SVVETT,  JOHN.  American  Public  Schools.  American  Book  Co.,  New 
York.  $1.00  net. 

TARBELL,  IDA  M.  Life  of  Abraham  Lincoln,  drawn  from  original 
sources.  2  vols.  McClure,  Phillips  &  Co.,  New  York.  $5.00. 

TAUSSIG,  F.  W.  The  Silver  Situation  in  the  United  States.  Putnams, 
New  York.  $0.75. 

Tariff  History  of  the  United  States.  A  Series  of  Essays.  4th 

edition.  Putnams,  New  York.  $1.25. 

THOREAU,  HENRY  D.  A  Yankee  in  Canada.  With  Anti-Slavery 
and  Reform  Papers.  J.  R.  Osgood  &  Co.,  Boston.  $1.50. 

THURSTON,  ROBERT  H.  History  of  the  Growth  of  the  Steam  Engine. 
International  Scientific  Series.  Appleton  &  Co.,  New  York.  $2.50. 

THWAITES,  REUBEN  GOLD.  The  Colonies,  1492-1750.  Epoch  Series. 
Longmans,  New  York.  $1.25. 

TOCQUEVILLE,  ALEXIS  DE.  Democracy  in  America.  Trans,  by 
Henry  Reeve,  as  revised  and  annotated  from  the  author's  last  edition  by 
Francis  Bowen.  With  an  introduction  by  Daniel  C.  Gilman.  2  vols. 
Century  Co.,  New  York.  $5.00. 

TOWER,  CHARLEMAGNE,  J*.  The  Marquis  de*  Lafayette  in  the 
American  Revolution.  2  vols.  Lippincott,  Philadelphia.  $8.00. 

TREATIES  AND  CONVENTIONS  CONCLUDED  BETWEEN  THE  UNITED 
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TRENT,  WILLIAM  P.  Southern  Statesmen  of  the  Old  Regime. 
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TUCKER,  GEORGE  F.  The  Monroe  Doctrine.  A  concise  history  of  its 
origin  and  growth.  George  B.  Reed,  Boston.  $1.25  net. 

TUCKERMAN,  BAYARD.  Life  of  General  Lafayette.  2  vols.  Dodd, 
Mead  &  Co.,  New  York.  $3.00. 

TUDOR,  WILLIAM.     Life  of  James  Otis.     Wells  &  Lilly,  Boston. 

TWITCHELL,  JOSEPH  HOPKINS.  John  Winthrop.  Makers  of  Amer 
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TYLER,  MOSES  Corr.  History  of  American  Literature,  1607-1765. 
2  vols.  Putnams,  New  York.  Each  $2.50. 


LIST   OF   WORKS    REFERRED   TO.  xxix 

TYLER,  MOSES  COIT.  Literary  History  of  the  American  Revolution, 
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Patrick  Henry.  American  Statesmen  Series.  Houghton,  Mifflm 

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UPHAM,  CHARLES  WENTWORTH.  Salem  Witchcraft.  2  vols.  Wig- 
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WALKER,  FRANCIS  A.  The  Making  of  the  Nation.  1783-1817. 
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WALKER,  WILLISTON.  History  of  the  Congregational  Churches  in 
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WASHINGTON,  BOOKER  T.  The  Future  of  the  Negro.  Small,  May- 
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WHITING,  WILLIAM.  War  Powers  under  the  Constitution  of  the 
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WILLIAMS,  GEORGE  H.  History  of  the  Negro  Race  in  America. 
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WILSON,  WOODROW.  Congressional  Government.  A  Study  in  Amer 
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Division  and  Reunion,  1829-1889.  Epochs  of  American  History. 

Longmans,  New  York.  $1.25. 

WINSOR,  JUSTIN.  Carder  to  Frontenac.  1534-1700.  Houghton,  Mif 
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English  and  the  French.  1697-1763.  Houghton,  Mifflin  &  Co.,  Boston. 
$4.00. 

The  Westward  Movement.  The  Colonies  and  the  Republic  west 

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xxx  LIST   OF   WORKS    REFERRED   TO. 

WiNSOR,  JUSTIN,  Editor,  Memorial  History  of  Boston.  4  vols. 
Ticknor  &  Co.,  Boston.  $25.00. 

Editor.  Narrative  and  Critical  History  of  America.  8  vols. 

Houghton,  Mifflin  &  Co.,  Boston.  $44.00  net. 

WORMELEY,  KATHARINE  PRESCOTT.  The  Other  Side  of  War  with 
the  Army  of  the  Potomac  :  Letters  from  the  Headquarters  of  the  U.  S. 
Sanitary  Commission  during  the  Peninsular  Campaign  in  Virginia  in 
1862.  Ticknor,  Boston. 


ATLAS »  OF   HISTORICAL    MAPS 


115 J  C  110  D  105  E  100 


. 


Cotton 

Tobacco 
Coal 

Iron -__ 

Copper 

Gold..   . 


11KT     Long 


Map  I 


95°  G  OO3  H  85°  1 


V 


L 


J  75" 


D 


o        / 


4^ 


rru." 


"""%    r?f  i  /^-^  ^^ 
it  ^      r    /<  ?  /   ,:    f&\ -- \ 


'-***r% 


\,^, 


SSK-^     M.    icStr/ 


3Ia»  S 


MAP  SHOVING  THE 
PHYSICAL  FEATURES 

OF 

GREATEST  INFLUENCE 

ox 
AMERICAN  HISTORY 

SCALE  OF  MILES  

0      50    100  200  300  400  .500 


West       95         from  Greenwich      00 


d 


*jc/cjnciv  ny  iipiric;anji  to  it  iriory  (\Vynlj 

$(,£011.  art£ra/?c  wi't/iout.lut  $ol3e  \<.*ft/iin. 


SMITH'S    MAP    ( 


Map  HI 


NEW   ENGLAND. 


Map  IV 


NORTH  AMERICA 

IN 

1774 


C!)J30'     C    Longit 


Map  V 


50  "30 '  G 


NEW  ENGLAND  COLONIES 

AND 

CONTIGUOUS  TERRITORY  NORTHWARD 
TO  THE  WAR  OF  INDEPENDENCE 

Scale  of  Miles 


50  100 


rom  Greenwich  64J30' 


>330'    G 


Map  VI 


>I1IHM  K  COLONIES 

And 
CONTIGUOUS  TERRITORY 

NORTHWARD  to  the 
WAR  OF  INDEPENDENCE 


Map  VII 


SOUTHERN  COLONIES 

TO  THE 

WAR  OF  INDEPENDENCE 


80°       C  Longitude     West          78°     D    from    Greenwich  70°         E 


^~*S  o 

LAND  CLAIMS  OF  THE  STATES 

PRIOR  TO  THE  CESSIONS  OF 

1780-18O2 


,:. 


or  Mi 


0  100          liOO          300          400 


87=  Longitude  West        82°        from  Greenwich          77° 


Map  IX 


UNITED  STATES 
in  179O 

SCALK  or  MILES 


Map  X 


From  >'.  C.  Brooks's  Complete  Uistorj  of  the  Mexican  War  published  in  1849. 


.Map  XII 


THE  CIVIL  WAB  IN  THE  EAST 


Map  XIII 


THE  CIVIL  WAR  L\  THE  WEST 


IE  PRINCIPAL  CAMPAIGNS 

-    .  MILES 
0  50 


innif%LC^  *s"\%3ff 


A          127  B  122°  C  HI"  D  112  E          107  F          102°    Longitude 


Slaver}-  extinguished  by  Stutc  action.  17cSO-17W. 
Slavery  prohibited  by  Ordinance  of  1787. 
Slavery"  prohibited  by  Missouri  Compromise  Act,  1820. 
Slavery  extinguished  by  Mexican  Law,  1829-1837. 
_    Slavery  excluded  by  Art  Organizing  Territory  of  Oregon 
11  Slavery  admitted  by  the  Compromise  Acts  of  1850. 
U    Slavery  admitted  by  the  Kansas-Nebraska  Act,  1854. 
Slavery  admitted  by  the  Dred  Scott  Decision,  1857. 
Slavery  abollrtied  by  State  action  or  (In  Kentucky)  by  tl 
Slavery  abolighcd  by  President  s  Proclamation.  18*53.  and  by 


13th  Amendment, 
Stnte  action,  1865. 


Map  XIV 


West  from   92     Greenwich   87 


72°  M  07  N 


40 


UNITED 

Its  Recessions, 
'    and  Final   Extinction 
78O-1865 


California,  in  1850.  Minnesota,  in  1858,  Oregon,  in  1859, 
and  Kansas  in  1861.  adopted  State  constitutions  which 
prohibited  slavery.  By  Act  of  Congress  hi  1862  it  was 
extinguished  and  prohibited  in  all  the  country  then  re 
maining  in  the  territorial  State  which  included  every 
region  affected  by  the  Compromise  Acts  of  1850,  the 
Kansas-Nebraska  Act.  and  the  Dred  Scott  Decision. 


Map   XV 


a    r 


CONTINENTAL  EXPANSION 

OF  THE 

UNITED    STATES 
Since  1783. 

SCiLE.OF  JllLES 


100  200 


•iuu 


ngitude  95  °  West         G        from     90  °  Greenwich  H 


XVII 


Elements  of  the 
POPULATION 

of  the 
UNITED  STATES 

Their  growth  from 
179O  to  189O 


1790 


1800 


1810 


1820 


1830 


I  840 


1850 


I860 


1870 


1880 


1890 


From  ••  The  Statistical  Atlas  of  the  United  States  Ceniua  of  1890  ' 


HISTORY   OF   THE    UNITED    STATES. 


INTRODUCTION. 

DISCOVERY   AND    EARLY    EXPLORATION    OF   AMERICA. 

The  Voyages  of  the  Northmen.  In  a  certain  sense  it  is  right 
to  credit  Columbus  with  the  discovery  of  America  ;  for  his 
voyage  made  the  western  hemisphere  known  to  Europe,  and 
led  to  its  possession  by  peoples  from  the  other  side  of  the 
world  ;  but  he  was  not  the  first  navigator  from  Europe  who 
saw  and  touched  American  shores.  There  is  no  longer  a 
doubt  that  bold  Northmen  of  the  tenth  and  eleventh  centu 
ries,  who  had  made  their  way  from  Norway  to  the  Orkney 
and  Shetland  islands,  and  then  to  the  Faroe  Islands,  Ice 
land,  and  Greenland,  did  finally  sail  on  toward  the  west  and 
find  America.  The  first  to  do  this  is  said  to  have 
been  Leif  Ericson.  or  Leif,  son  of  Eric  the  Red, 
whose  voyage  was  made  in  the  year  1000,  with  a  single  ship 
and  a  crew  of  thirty-five  men.  Others  followed,  and  a  col 
ony  was  attempted,  at  some  place  which  Leif  had  named 
Vinland,  because  he  found  wild  grapes  there,  as  well  as 
good  timber,  which  the  Greenlanders  and  Icelanders  de 
sired.  The  colony  failed,  and  further  voyages  beyond  Green 
land  were  given  up  ;  but  the  story  of  what  had  been  done 
and  seen  in  an  unknown  land  survived.  So  far  as  is  known, 
that  story  was  not  put  into  writing,  among  the  "  sagas,"  or 
narratives  of  the  Icelanders,  until  the  fourteenth  century,  — 
more  than  three  hundred  years  after  Leif  made  his  voyage. 
Historical  accuracy  in  the  saga  is  not,  therefore,  to  be  sup- 


,2,    1(    ,    ...  INTRODUCTION. 

posed  ;  but  many  reasons  exist  for  believing  that  its  main 
statements  are  true. 

Geographical  Ideas  in  the  Fifteenth  Century.  If  Icelanders 
or  any  others  knew  of  a  world  beyond  the  Atlantic  before 
Columbus  made  his  way  to  it,  their  knowledge  does  not  seem 
to  have  reached  any  in  Europe  who  gave  it  thought,  and  it 
had  no  effect  on  geographical  ideas.  Those  ideas  were  pre 
pared  already  for  the  undertaking  of  Columbus,  since  many 
learned  men,  from  the  time  of  Aristotle,  had  believed  the 
earth  to  be  a  globe,  and  that  one  might  go  westward  as  well 
as  eastward  to  Asia,  if  the  great  ocean  could  be  traversed, 
and  if  no  other  obstacles  were  found.  In  fact,  the  project  of 
a  voyage  westward,  to  seek  the  Asiatic  coasts  on  the  other 
side  of  the  world,  was  urged  on  the  king  of  Portugal  by  Tosca- 
nelli,  a  famous  Italian  astronomer  and  geographer,  in  1474, 
when  Columbus,  then  in  Portugal,  most  probably  had  his  in 
terest  in  the  subject  first  roused.  It  is  not  for  originating 
the  thought  of  such  a  voyage  that  Columbus  deserves  his 
great  fame,  but  for  acting  on  it  and  giving  effect  to  it,  with 
a  courage  and  a  resolute  perseverance  which  nothing  could 
defeat. 

The  Desire  in  Europe  to  reach  Asia  by  Sea.  The  desire  in 
Europe  to  reach  southern  and  eastern  Asia,  and  the  islands 
in  that  part  of  the  globe,  by  sea,  had  been  growing  for  years. 
China  (then  called  Cathay),  Japan  (Cipango),  India,  and 
the  islands  south  of  it,  were  the  countries  out  of  which  came 
a  very  large  part  of  the  chief  luxuries  of  the  age,  such  as 
spices,  gums,  precious  stones,  ivory,  ebony,  cotton  fabrics, 
and  silks.  They  were  countries  about  which  many  fables 
were  believed  and  few  facts  known  ;  they  were  supposed  to  be 
kingdoms  of  measureless  wealth.  For  centuries  the  grand 
prize  of  commerce  —  the  greatest  of  all  sources  of  wealth  — 
Over,  had  been  the  trade  of  Europe  with  those  regions  of 

trade         the  Far  East'  carried  on  over  land-routes  from  the 

with  the    Red  Sea  and  the  Persian  Gulf  to  the  Mediterranean 

and  the  Black  Sea,  and  managed  by  merchants  of 

Alexandria,  Constantinople,  Venice,  Genoa,  and  other  Medi- 


DISCOVERY   AND    EARLY   EXPLORATION.          3 

terranean  cities.  But  the  old  Asiatic  land-routes  of  that 
trade,  and  the  whole  eastern  part  of  the  Mediterranean,  had 
fallen  entirely,  at  last,  under  the  control  of  the  Turks,  who 
capped  their  conquests  by  taking  Constantinople,  in  1453. 
Moreover,  commerce  on  the  western  Mediterranean  was  har 
assed  by  increasing  swarms  of  pirates  from  the  Barbary 
coasts.  If  a  practicable  ocean-route  to  the  East  did  actually 
exist,  every  year  added  urgency  to  the  need  of  its  discovery 
and  use. 

But  though  Europe,  in  the  last  quarter  of  the  fifteenth  cen 
tury,  was  shaking  off  the  torpid  ignorance  of  the  Middle 
Ages,  the  spirit  of  enterprise  was  not  yet  easily  waked.  One 
man,  in  Portugal,  a  son  of  the  king,  had  been  moved  by  that 
spirit  long  before.  This  was  Prince  Henry,  called 
"the  Navigator,"  who  spent  his  life  in  promoting  ^^Jo/ 
expeditions  down  the  west  African  coast,  to  find  the  •**»»•*»«- 
southern  end  of  that  continent  and  sail  round  it  to 
the  lands  of  the  East.  From  1418  to  1463,  when  he  died, 
Prince  Henry  strove  at  this  work,  sending  ship  after  ship  ;  but 
the  farthest  point  they  had  reached  at  his  death  was  a  little 
beyond  the  Gambia  River,  —  not  a  fourth  of  the  distance  to 
the  goal  at  which  he  aimed.  He  had  trained  the  Portuguese, 
however,  for  tasks  of  ocean  exploration,  and  they  did  not 
give  them  up.  They  pushed  their  voyages  down  the  African 
coast,  and  began  to  think,  moreover,  of  the  practicability  of 
reaching  the  same  end  by  a  westward  voyage. 

The  Voyages  of  Columbus.  Maritime  enterprise  was  at  this 
stage  in  Portugal  when,  at  some  time  between  1470  and  1474, 
Christopher  Columbus,  the  Genoese  mariner  and  map-maker, 
came  to  Lisbon  and  found  employment  there.  It  is  evident 
that  the  project  of  a  voyage  westward  to  the  Indies  took  pos 
session  of  his  mind  soon  after  he  reached  Lisbon,  if  it  had 
not  done  so  before  ;  for  he  wrote  to  Toscanelli  in  1474,  seek 
ing  advice  and  information,  and  received  an  encouraging  reply. 
The  means  for  carrying  out  his  project,  however,  were  not 
to  be  obtained  in  Portugal,  and  he  went  to  Spain.  After  many 
years  of  weary  effort  in  the  two  countries,  he  won  Queen  Isa- 


4  INTRODUCTION. 

bella  of  Castile  to  belief  in  his  plans.     An  agreement  was 
signed  in  the  spring  of  1492,  under  which    he  set 


bug  and  sail  from  Palos  on  the  3d  of  the  following  August, 
with  a  little  fleet  of  three  small  caravels,  not  one  of 
which  was  fit  for  an  Atlantic  voyage. 

The  ships  furnished  to  Columbus  had  been  taken  for  the 
expedition  from  unwilling  owners  by  royal  command  ;  debtors 
and  criminals  had  been  released  from  prison  to  make  up  some 
considerable  part  of  a  reluctant  crew  ;  and  it  is  splendid  proof 
of  commanding  qualities  in  the  great  explorer  that  he  was 
able,  in  such  circumstances,  to  keep  mutiny  suppressed  for 
ten  weeks,  every  day  of  which  was  changing  the  fears  of  his 
men  into  despair.  Before  September  ended  he  was  in  extreme 
peril  from  the  murderous  thoughts  that  were  working  in  the 
minds  of  his  crew  ;  yet  his  strong  spirit  kept  them  in  awe 
until  the  night  of  the  nth  of  October  (Old  Style,  being  the 
Lnnd  2oth,  New  Style),  when  a  light  was  seen,  which 
dixcov-  indicated  land.  At  two  o'clock  next  morning  the 
land  itself  was  in  view,  and  at  daybreak  the  happy 
explorer,  with  many  of  his  companions,  now  penitent  and  ad 
miring,  went  on  shore  in  formal  state,  and  took  possession  in 
the  name  of  the  queen  of  Castile. 

Columbus  found  himself  on  a  small  island,  now  known  to 
have  been  one  of  the  Bahamas  ;  but  which  of  those  islands 
it  was  is  a  question  in  dispute.  He  supposed  that  he  had  ar 
rived  in  the  neighborhood  of  Cathay  ;  and  when,  cruising  south 
ward,  he  coasted  Cuba  and  reached  Hayti,  he  concluded  the 
latter  to  be  Cipango  (though  he  named  it  Espanola  —  Little 
Spain),  and  the  former  to  be  a  part  of  the  mainland  on  the 
Asiatic  side  of  the  world.  He  was  puzzled  by  not  finding 
the  cities  and  the  splendors  he  expected,  but  does  not  seem 
to  have  been  shaken  in  his  belief.  His  explorations  were 
checked  on  Christmas  day  by  the  wrecking  of  his  principal 
ship,  and  this  decided  him  to  return  to  Spain.  He  reached 
Palos  on  the  i5th  of  March,  1493,  after  a  stormy  and  perilous 
voyage. 

The  return  was  triumphant;  the  joy  and  pride  in  Spain 


DISCOVERY   AND    EARLY    EXPLORATION  5 

were  intense  ;  the  excitement  amongst  navigators  and  geo 
graphers,  when  news  of  what  Columbus  had  accom-   The 
plished  went  slowly  through  Europe,  must  have  been   news  in 
very  great ;  and  yet  nobody  realized  what  he  had   J    irope' 
done.     Nobody  suspected  that  he  had  found  a  New  World. 
He  was  supposed  to  have  reached,  as  he  himself  believed, 
some  undetermined  part  of  eastern  Asia,  which  might  be 
called  vaguely  "  the  Indies  ;  "  and  the  lands  of  his  discovery 
were  so  described.     It  followed   naturally  that  their  inhab 
itants  were  called  "  Indians  ;  "  and  thus  the  aboriginal  people 
of  the  western  hemisphere  received  a  meaningless  name. 

To  secure  and  establish  Spanish  sovereignty  over  the  coun 
tries  which  Columbus  had  discovered,  and  over  further  dis 
coveries  in  the  western  ocean,  an  immediate  application  was 
made  to  the  pope  for  such  a  grant  as  the  head  of  the  Chris 
tian  church  was  then  believed  to  have  power  to  make,  in 
disposal  of  heathen  lands.  Previous  popes  had  made  similar 
grants  to  the  kings  of  Portugal,  covering  every  region  of  hea 
thendom  that  their  ships  might  reach.  The  reign- 

f  •  u    11  Grant  of 

ing  pope,  Alexander  VI.,  now  issued  two  bulls,  or   iandbu 
papal  edicts,  on  the  3d  and  4th  of  May,  1493,  vesting   the 
in  the  Spanish  crown  a  like  sovereignty  over  coun 
tries  then  or  thereafter  found  in  the  western  ocean,  west  of  a 
meridian  line  drawn  100  leagues  west  of  the  Azores  and  Cape 
Verde  Islands,  so  far  as  such  countries  were  not  occupied 
already  by  Christian  powers.     Thus  Portugal  and  Spain  had 
papal  authority  for  claiming  all  the  regions  of  the  earth  which 
Christendom  was  then  beginning  to  discover ;  and  papal  au 
thority  in  those  days  was  hard  to  dispute.    By  a  treaty  signed 
at  Tordesillas,  in  1494,  the  Spanish  and  Portuguese  sovereigns 
moved  the  dividing  meridian  between  their  papal  grants  to  a 
point  370  leagues  (about  mo  geographical  miles)  west  of 
the  Cape  Verde  Islands,  making  it,  according  to  later  compu 
tations,  the  meridian  of  47°  32'  56"  west  of  Greenwich. 

To  Columbus  his  grand  discovery  brought  nothing  but  a 
harassed  and  embittered  life.  He  returned  to  Hispaniola  in 
1493,  with  a  fleet  of  seventeen  ships,  bearing  a  large  party  of 


6  INTRODUCTION. 

eager  adventurers,  who  expected  to  receive  fortunes  at  his 

hands.     He  explored  diligently  for  the  great  cities 

bus's  ~     and  rich  peoples  of  Cipango  and  Cathay,  and  they 

second       Were  nowhere  to  be  found.     He  discovered  Jamaica 

voyage. 

and  other  islands,  but  they  gave  him  nothing  that 
he  sought.  A  little  gold  was  picked  up,  here  and  there, 
but  not  much.  His  disappointed  colonists  grew  angry  and 
vindictive,  and  the  sorely  tried  viceroy  (so  he  had  been  com 
missioned)  had  to  use  his  authority  with  a  hard  hand.  Some 
of  the  discontented  stole  ships  and  returned  to  Spain,  with 
charges  against  him.  Then  came  war  with  the  natives,  al 
ready  plundered  and  oppressed. 

In  the  spring  of  1496  Columbus  returned  to  Spain,  and  was 
absent  from  America  for  more  than  two  years.     On  the  voy 
age  which  brought  him  back,  in  1408,  he  took  a  more 

Colum- 

bus>8         southerly  course,  and  came  to  the  island  of  Trim- 
third         dad  ancj  the  coast;  of  South  America,  at  the  delta  of 

VOI/dflG* 

the  Orinoco.  He  saw  that  a  river  which  discharged 
so  much  water  as  the  Orinoco  must  flow  through  a  continent ; 
but  he  never  doubted  that  the  continent  was  either  Asia,  or  a 
neighbor  to  Asia,  lying  close  to  it  on  the  south.  He  reached 
his  colony  late  in  the  summer,  and  found  affairs  there  in  worse 
condition  than  when  he  left.  For  two  years  he  struggled  with 
rebellion,  fomented  and  encouraged  by  enemies  at  the  Spanish 
court.  The  latter  succeeded  finally  in  having  one  Bobadilla 
Coium  sen^  out  to  investigate  and  deal  with  the  troubles, 
bus  in  and  the  powers  given  to  that  official  were  such  that 
chains.  ^Q  gent  coiumbus  home  in  chains.  The  foul  indig 
nity  was  somewhat  repaired  by  Queen  Isabella,  who  gave  a 
kind  reception  to  the  great  explorer,  now  old  and  worn  ;  but 
he  was  never  restored  to  the  viceroyalty  of  the  lands  he  had 
added  to  the  dominions  of  Castile. 

He  was  given,  however,  a  small  and  poor  fleet  of  four  cara- 
Coium       ve^s>  witn  which  to  make  a  fourth  exploring  voyage. 
bus's         This  time,  sailing  in  May,  1502,  he  found  the  Cen 
tral  American  coast,  and  examined  it  for  some  dis 
tance,  attempting  to  establish  a  colony  at  Veragua,  without 


DISCOVERY   AND   EARLY   EXPLORATION.         / 

success.  In  returning  to  Spain,  which  he  reached  in  Novem 
ber,  1504,  he  suffered  great  hardships;  and  on  the  2oth  of 
May,  1506,  he  died. 

The  Rounding  of  Africa  by  the  Portuguese.  Columbus  died 
in  the  belief  that  he  had  accomplished  what  he  set  out  to  do, 
reaching  eastern  Asia  by  sailing  towards  the  west.  Mean 
time,  the  Portuguese  explorers  had  actually  realized  the  dream 
of  Prince  Henry,  and  the  national  ambition  of  eighty  years, 
having  sailed  round  Africa  into  the  Indian  Ocean  and  so  to 
Hindustan.  The  first  of  their  captains  to  reach  and  pass  the 
southern  extremity  of  the  African  continent  was  Bar-  Rarthol, 
tholomew  Diaz,  in  1486,  but  he  did  no  more.  In  ometv 
1 49 7-98  Vasco  da Gama  made  the  complete  voyage  to  a™f 
India,  reaching  Calicut,  on  the  Malibar  coast.  This  Tns™  <*« 

Gama. 

achievement  had  effects  of  more  immediate  impor 
tance  than  those  coming  from  what  Columbus  had  done.  It 
turned  the  rich  trade  of  the  East  into  a  new  channel  and  into 
new  hands.  It  practically  ended  the  great  commercial  career 
of  Venice  and  other  cities  of  the  Mediterranean  Sea.  It 
seated  the  wider  commerce  of  the  world  on  the  Atlantic  coast 
of  Europe,  and  that  change  had  much  to  do  with  the  sub 
sequent  rise  of  Holland  and  England  as  the  leading  maritime 
powers. 

The  Voyages  of  John  Cabot.  Columbus  was  alone  in  the 
glory  of  his  voyages  to  the  western  waters  of  the  Atlantic 
until  1497.  Then  John  Cabot,  an  Italian,  residing  at  Bristol, 
England,  commissioned  by  the  English  king,  Henry  VII.,  to 
explore  the  wide  ocean,  steered  a  course  so  straight  xnscov_ 
westward  that  it  brought  him,  as  is  now  believed,  to  erv  °f^e 
the  coast  of  Labrador.  He  sighted  the  coast  on  the  Can  eon- 
24th  of  June,  1497,  being  the  first  of  the  fifteenth  tinent' 
century  explorers  to  see  the  American  mainland.  In  the 
next  year  he  commanded  a  second  expedition,  which  is  be 
lieved  to  have  reached  the  American  coast  at  some  point 
south  of  Labrador,  and  skirted  it  thence  to  Florida ;  but  the 
scant  records  of  the  voyage- are  obscure.  Until  recently  it 
was  understood  that  this  second  voyage  was  commanded  by 


INTRODUCTION. 

Sebastian  Cabot,  a  son  of  John ;  but  research  has  substan 
tially  proved  that  John  Cabot  was  the  explorer  in  both  years. 
The  Cabot  discovery  and  coasting  exploration  gave  grounds 
to  the  English  crown  for  claiming  sovereignty  over  most  of 
the  North  American  continent,  though  the  claim  was  not  put 
forward  for  many  years. 

Vespucius,  and  the  Naming  of  America.  Another  Italian 
navigator,  Amerigo  Vespucci  (or  Americus  Vespucius,  as  his 
name  was  latinized),  is  believed  by  some  historians  to  have 
coasted  a  long  stretch  of  the  southern  part  of  North  America 
in  1497-98.  It  is  well  known  that  Vespucius  made  voyages 
to  America  in  1499  anc^  1501-02  ;  but,  in  a  letter  that  was 
published  in  Europe  not  long  after  he  returned  from  the  lat 
ter  voyage,  Vespucius  gave  accounts  of  an  earlier  expedition, 
Veg  in  1497-98,  which  he  had  accompanied  as  pilot  and 

d»s's  astronomer.  His  story  of  it  led  Humboldt  and 
voyages.  others?  jn  jater  t|meSj  to  believe  that  he  had  then 

explored  Central  and  North  American  coasts  from  Honduras 
to  Florida.  Other  historical  investigators  have  satisfied 
themselves  that  Vespucius  never  made  the  voyage  in  ques 
tion,  and  that  his  account  of  it  is  false.  We  will  not  attempt 
to  decide  which  view  is  correct. 

Americus  Vespucius  had  scholarly  friends  in  Europe  who 

made   his    voyages    widely    known.     One   of    them,    Martin 

Waldseemiiller,  a  professor  of  geography  at  St.  Die, 

If'aldsee-      T  .  .  .         .  .  ..    ,        ,     . 

in  liner's  -Lorraine,  in  a  book  published  in  1507,  suggested 
that  the  continent  (South  American)  coasted  by 
Vespucius  in  1501-02,  which  he  had  described  as 
"  Mundus  Novus,"  a  New  World,  should  be  named  in  his 
honor,  AMERICA.  It  was  supposed  to  be  a  country  quite 
distinct  from  the  lands  that  Columbus  had  found,  the  latter 
being  Asiatic,  while  Vespucius,  going  beyond  the  equator, 
had  come  upon  a  world  that  the  ancients  never  knew.  Map- 
makers  and  globe-makers  took  up  the  suggestion,  and,  with 
out  any  common  agreement  or  formal  action  of  any  kind  on 
the  subject,  it  came  to  pass  that  .the  name  AMERICA  was  fixed, 
first  to  the  southern  and  then  to  the  northern  of  the  two  con 
tinents  of  the  New  World. 


DISCOVERY   AND    EARLY   EXPLORATION.          9 

Early   Explorations   and  Conquests.     Many  years   passed 
after  the  death  of  Columbus  before  the  Spaniards,  gold-hunt 
ing  and  exploring  around  the  Gulf  of  Mexico  and  the  Carib 
bean  Sea,  could  be  shaken  from  the  belief  that  they  were  in 
Asian  lands  and  waters.     Yet  Vasco  Nunez  de  Balboa,  then 
leader  of  a  settlement  at  Darien,  crossed  the  mountains  of 
the  narrow  isthmus  in  1513,  saw  the  great  Pacific  Discov 
Ocean,  and  waded  into  its  waters  to  proclaim  that  cry  of  the 
he  took  possession  of  the  whole  sea  for  the  kings  of      *c*^c- 
Castile.     In  the  previous  year,  Juan  Ponce  de  Leon  explored 
Florida  (seeking  a  fabled  Fountain  of  Youth),  and  learned 
something  of  its  extent.     In  1519  Alvarez  de  Pineda  entered 
the  mouth  of  the  Mississippi  and  was  on  the  lower 
waters  of  the  enormous  stream  for  no  less  than  six  z,eon, 
weeks.     In  the  same  year  Hernando  Cortes  landed  •***»«*«> 

Cortes. 

on  the  Mexican  coast  and  began  that  rapacious  con 
quest  of  a  half-civilized  people,  the  story  of  which  is  more 
thrilling  than  any  romance.  By  that  time  it  was  impossible 
not  to  suspect  that  the  mass  of  land  which  had  such  coast 
lines,  such  varieties  of  people,  and  so  stupendous  a  river, 
might  be  one  that  blocked  the  sea  between  Europe  and  Asia, 
and  signified  a  larger  girth  to  the  world  than  geographers 
had  been  reckoning  upon.  Such  suspicions  were  more  than 
strengthened  when  a  few  survivors  of  the  marvellous  and 
terrible  voyage  of  Magalhaes  (called  Magellan  in  English 
speech)  returned  to  Spain  in  1522,  with  news  of  an 

i  .         .  riii  r  ]Unael- 

actual  circumnavigation  of  the  globe,  —  of  the  dis-  ian>8 
covery  of  Magellan's  straits  at  the  southern  end  of  v°va'Jf 

J    m  °  round 

Vespucius's  New  World ;   of   the  crossing  of   the   the 
great  "  South  Sea ;  "  of  the  finding  of  the  Philip-  world' 
pines  and  the  Moluccas,  or  Spice  Islands ;  and  of  the  home 
ward  voyage  thence  by  the  Cape  of  Good  Hope.     The  exist 
ence  of  a  wide  ocean  between  the  imagined  Indies  and  Cathay 
of  Columbus  and  the  real  Indies  and  Cathay  began  to  be  un 
derstood.    But  no  conception  was  yet  formed  of  the  magnitude 
of  the  lands  which  lay  between  the  Atlantic  and  that  farther 
sea.     The   new   continent  was   believed    to  have  not  much 


10  INTRODUCTION. 

breadth,  and  possibly  to  be  divided  by  straits,  through  which  a 
Search  passage  from  ocean  to  ocean  might  be  found.  It 
for  a  then  became  the  main  object  of  exploration  for  the 

north- 

tvestpas-  next  hundred  years  to  find  such  a  "  northwest  pas 
sage,  sage,"  and,  after  every  inlet,  bay,  and  river  mouth, 
south  of  the  Arctic  Circle,  had  been  probed,  the  search  for 
it  went  on  for  two  more  centuries  in  the  farther  north. 

The  French  did  not  enter  the  field  of  exploration  until 
1524,  though  some  of  their  hardy  fishermen  had  been  resort 
ing  to  the  Newfoundland  banks  for  a  score  of  years,  at  least, 
before  that  date.  It  was  an  Italian,  Verrazano,  in  the  service 
Terra-  of  Francis  .1.,  king  of  France  (then  at  war  with 
zano.  Spain),  who  visited  some  parts  of  the  American 
coast  in  the  year  named  above,  possibly  sighting  the  mouth 
of  the  Hudson  River,  and  touching  New  England  shores ; 
but  little  is  known  of  his  voyage.  Ten  years  later  (1534)  a 
French  explorer,  Jacques  Cartier,  entered  the  Gulf  of  St.  Law 
rence,  fully  believing  that  he  had  found  a  passage 
to  the  Pacific  Ocean,  or  South  Sea.  Approaching 
winter  drove  him  back,  but  he  returned  the  next  year  and 
sailed  up  the  St.  Lawrence  River,  until  stopped  by  the  rapids, 
where  the  city  of  Montreal  arose  in  after  years.  In  1541  an 
attempt  was  made  by  an  enterprising  French  nobleman,  Jean 
De  ia  Fran£ois  de  la  Roque,  lord  of  Roberval,  to  colonize 
Jtoque.  faQ  country  discovered  by  Cartier,  and  the  latter  was 
joined  with  him  in  a  patent  obtained  from  the  king.  After 
Cartier  and  Roberval  had  each  in  turn  passed  a  winter  on  the 
St.  Lawrence,  they  abandoned  their  plans. 

One  Narvaez,  a  Spaniard,  landed  an  expedition  of  400  men, 

with  80  horses,  on  the  northern  coast  of  the  Gulf  of  Mexico, 

in  1528,  hoping  to  find  another  such  prize  of  empire 

and  plunder  as  Cortes  had  won.     At  the  end  of  a 

month  of  fruitless  marching  the  party  built  boats  and  coasted 

to  the  mouth  of  the  Mississippi,  where  many  of  them  were 

wrecked  and  drowned.     The  remainder  were  cast  ashore  at 

some  distance  farther  west,  and  all  perished  except  three 

Spaniards  and  a  negro,  who  were  captured  by  the  Indians, 


DISCOVERY   AND    EARLY   EXPLORATION.        II 

but  contrived  to  make  themselves  feared  as  sorcerers,  and 
were  spared.  For  nearly  eight  years  they  wandered  with  the 
natives,  until,  in  1536,  they  reached  a  Spanish  outpost  in 
Mexico,  having  journeyed  about  2000  miles.  They  are  sup 
posed  to  have  travelled  through  Texas  and  Chihuahua  to 
northeastern  Sonora.  An  account  of  their  extraor-  cabeza 
dinary  adventures  was  published  afterward  by  one  de  Vaca- 
of  the  party,  Cabeza  de  Vaca,  whose  later  career  showed  him 
to  be  no  ordinary  man. 

Cabeza  de  Vaca's  experience,  proving  the  magnitude  of 
the  region  north  of  the  Mexican  gulf,  probably  stimulated  a 
new  expedition  to  explore  and  possess  it,  which  started  from 
Havana,  Cuba,  in  1539,  with  Fernando  de  Soto  in  command. 
Soto  landed  in  western  Florida,  marched  northward  Soto  and 
to  the  Savannah  River,  then  westward,  being  desper-  the  Mis- 
ately  resisted  by  the  Indians,  to  the  Yazoo,  where 
he  spent  the  winter  of  1541-42.  In  the  following  spring  he 
crossed  the  Mississippi,  marched  up  its  western  bank  to  some 
point  probably  beyond  the  Missouri  state  line,  and  then 
turned  back.  On  the  return  march  he  died.  A  little  more 
than  half  of  his  men  made  their  way  to  Tampico,  Mexico,  by 
river  and  coast. 

Another  expedition,  resulting  partly  from  Cabeza  de  Vaca's 
reports,  and  partly  from  other  stories  that  were  afloat  at  that 
time,  started  northward  from  Mexico,  under  Francisco  de 
Coronado,  in  1540,  to  seek  for  seven  wonderful  cities,  sup 
posed  to  be  hidden  far  away  in  that  part  of  the  land.  An  ad 
venturous  monk  had  seen  them  from  a  distance,  in  the  previous 
year,  and  imagined  splendors  in  them  which  did  not  Coro. 
exist.  Coronado  found  these  "  seven  cities  of  Ci-  nado> 
bola,"  as  they  were  called,  and  they  proved  to  be,  as  is  now 
known,  the  pueblos  of  the  Zunis,  in  New  Mexico,  one  of 
which  is  still  occupied  by  the  tribe.  Interesting  as  those 
pueblos  are,  they  offered  nothing  that  Coronado  desired  ;  nor 
did  he  find  anywhere  the  treasure  that  he  sought,  though  he 
marched  far  beyond  them,  through  Colorado,  to  the  east  of 
the  mountains  that  are  full  of  silver  and  gold. 


12  INTRODUCTION. 

EUROPE  AND  AMERICA  IN  THE  SIXTEENTH  CENTURY. 

Effects  in  Europe  of  the  late  Geographical  Discoveries.  The 
discovery  of  America  and  the  finding  of  an  ocean  route  from 
western  Europe,  around  Africa,  to  the  eastern  seas,  were 
events  which  produced  extraordinary  effects  in  the  following 
age.  Their  new  revelation  of  the  world  was  a  surprise  to  men's 
minds,  which  kindled  imagination,  wakened  ideas,  shattered 
many  old  bigotries  of  ignorance,  emboldened  both  action  and 
thought,  and  set  a  vigorous  spirit  of  adventure  and  enterprise 
astir.  By  shifting  the  main  seats  of  navigation  and  com 
merce  from  the  Mediterranean  to  the  Atlantic  coast  of  Eu 
rope,  they  brought  fresh  races  into  the  lead  of  the  world's 
work. 

The  Decay  of  Spain.  The  Spaniards  and  Portuguese,  who 
won  possession  of  the  new  fields  at  first  and  held  them  for 
a  time,  were  peoples  of  high  capacity,  but  unfortunate  cir 
cumstances  were  combining  to  bring  a  blight  on  their  na 
tional  life.  Nine  years  before  the  voyage  of  Columbus,  the 
The  in  misguided  piety  of  Queen  Isabella  had  established 
the  terrible  tribunal  of  the  Inquisition,  which  soon 


crushed  intellectual  freedom  in  Spain.  After  the 
death  of  Isabella  (1504)  and  her  husband,  King  Ferdinand 
(1516),  the  united  Spanish  crowns  passed  to  a  prince,  their 
grandson  (called  Charles  I.  in  Spain,  but  better  known  as  the 
Emperor  Charles  V.),  who  inherited  additionally  the  wide 
dominions  of  Austria  and  Burgundy,  the  latter  including  the 
rich  provinces  of  the  Netherlands  (now  Holland  and 
Belgium),  and  who  was  elected  in  1519  to  be  king  of 
Germany  and  emperor  of  what  claimed  to  represent 
the  great  empire  of  old  Rome.  Raised  thus  above 
all  other  sovereigns  of  his  day  in  prestige  and  power,  this 
imperial  king  was  able  to  destroy  every  vestige  of  political 
freedom  in  Spain,  and  that  unhappy  nation  went  slowly  to 
decay,  under  the  double  despotism  in  state  and  church. 

It  was  ill  fortune  that  led  the  Spaniards  to  those  parts  of 
America  in  which  the  precious  metals  were  found,  for  the 


THE   SIXTEENTH   CENTURY.  13 

ruin  of  their  country  was  hastened  by  the  cruel  plundering  of 
Mexico  and  Peru.  They  could  not  keep  the  wealth  of  gold 
and  silver  that  they  gathered  ;  it  ran  through  their  hands  to 
enrich  other  people  more  than  themselves.  It  par 
alyzed  thrifty  industry  and  substantial  enterprise  ;  it 
seduced  and  corrupted  all  classes;  it  was  worse 
than  wasted  by  kings  and  courts.  The  Spaniards 
were  never  colonists  of  their  American  possessions,  in  the 
proper  sense  of  the  term;  they  were  conquerors,  —  their  ob 
ject  was  not  to  develop,  but  to  drain.  It  is  more  than 
possible,  however,  that  if  any  other  of  the  European  peoples 
had  been  first  to  find  the  mines  of  the  Aztecs  and  the 
Incas,  the  result  would  have  been  the  same. 

Rise  of  the  Dutch.  In  the  first  years  of  the  reign  of  that 
emperor,  Charles  V.,  who  was  king  of  Spain,  the  religious 
movement  known  as  the  Protestant  Reformation  was  begun. 
He  resisted  it  in  all  parts  of  his  dominions,  but  it  spread  with 
rapidity  almost  everywhere  except  in  Spain,  where  the  heavy 
hand  of  the  Inquisition  suppressed  it  at  once.  The  same 
dreadful  engine  of  persecution  was  set  to  work  in  the  Nether 
lands  by  Charles,  with  a  different  effect.  Under  fhilip 
him  and  his  son,  Philip  II.,  the  provinces  so  called  the 
were  made  to  suffer  many  years  of  malignant  and 
horrible  oppression,  until  they  were  driven  to  revolt.  Then, 
in  their  struggle  for  freedom,  they  showed  a  fortitude,  a  hero 
ism,  a  vigor  of  spirit,  that  have  never  been  surpassed.  They 
not  only  won  their  independence  in  the  end,  but,  even  in  the 
midst  of  their  long  battle  with  the  greatest  power  of  the  age, 
they  mastered  most  of  the  commerce  of  the  very  seas  which 
the  Spaniards  and  Portuguese  were  claiming  as  their  own. 
Portugal,  by  falling  under  the  rule  of  Philip  II.,  shared  the 
Spanish  blight,  and  surrendered  her  brief  control  of  the  trade 
of  the  East  to  the  Hollanders,  or  Dutch,  who  shared  it  with 
the  English  at  a  later  day. 

England  and  the  English.  —  Origin  of  Puritans  and  Inde 
pendents.  —  First  Colonizing  Attempts.  England,  at  the  time  of 
the  discovery  of  America,  had  just  passed  through  a  long 


14  INTRODUCTION. 

series  of  civil  wars,  by  which  the  ancient  liberties  of  the 
people  and  the  parliamentary  franchises  that  protected  them 
were  impaired.  The  sovereigns  (of  the  Tudor  family)  who 
then  acquired  the  crown  were  able  to  create  a  more  abso 
lute  government  than  the  country  had  known  before,  and 

the  second  of  their  line,  Henry  VIII.,  became  one 
motion  of  the  worst  of  the  despots  of  a  singularly  despotic 
in  Huff-  age>  j-je  opposed  the  Reformation  with  violence  ; 

but,  when  the  pope  of  that  day  refused  to  annul 
his  marriage  with  a  queen  whom  he  wished  to  discard,  he 
forced  the  church  in  England  to  cast  off  its  former  allegiance 
to  the  Roman  pontiff,  to  assume  an  independent  character,  and 
to  acknowledge  the  king  as  its  supreme  head.  Under  his  son, 
Edward  VI.,  and  his  daughter,  Elizabeth,  the  Church  of  Eng 
land,  thus  organized  independently,  acquired  a  character  much 
nearer  to  that  of  the  Protestant  or  Reformed  churches  of  the 
continent  than  Henry  VIII.  had  desired;  but  it  retained 
more  of  the  old  forms  of  worship  than  many  of  its  clergy  and 
lay  members  approved.  In  the  time  of  Queen  Elizabeth 
there  grew  up  a  strong  party  in  the  church  which  aimed  at 
Rise  of  further  changes,  and  this  party  of  the  Puritans,  as 
and1*™*  *key  were  styled,  bore  a  part  of  great  importance  in 
depend-  the  subsequent  history,  not  of  England  alone,  but  of 
ents.  English  colonies  in  America  as  well.  A  smaller  reli 
gious  party,  called  Separatists,  or  Independents,  went  further 
than  the  Puritans,  withdrawing  from  connection  with  the 
established  national  church,  denying  the  authority  of  govern 
ment  in  matters  of  religion,  and  claiming  the  right  of  each 
Christian  congregation  to  organize  and  rule  itself.  Some 
of  these,  too,  made  an  important  appearance  in  subsequent 
American  history. 

Circumstances,  in  the  reign  of  Elizabeth,  brought  the  Eng 
lish  into  conflict  with  Spain.  Long  before  the  conflict  came 
to  an  acknowledged  state  of  war,  Spanish  settlements  in 
America  and  Spanish  ships  laden  with  the  spoils  of  the  New 
World  were  attacked  and  plundered  in  a  more  than  half 
piratical  way.  It  was  in  that  lawless  warfare  with  the  Span- 


THE   SIXTEENTH    CENTURY.  15 

iards  that  the  English  really  entered  on  their  career  of  power 
as  a  maritime  people  ;  and  it  was  then  that  they  began  to  put 
forward  their  own  claims  to  America,  founded  on  the  voy 
ages  of  John  Cabot,  the  first  explorer  known  to  have  reached 
the  North  American  continent  and  coasted  its  shores.  The 
practical  assertion  of  those  claims  appeared  first  First 
in  a  royal  patent  issued  to  Sir  Humphrey  Gilbert,  EnrjUsn 

'     attempts 

in  1578,   empowering  him  to  occupy  and  colonize   to  found 
such  territory  in  the  New  World,  "  not  actually  pos-   colonies- 
sessed   by  any   Christian  prince,"  as   he   might   choose  to 
take.     Sir  Humphrey  perished  at  sea,  and  his  undertaking 
came  to  naught.     He  was  followed  in  it  by  his  younger  half- 
brother,  Walter  Raleigh  (afterward  Sir  Walter),  who  spent  his 
fortune  in  repeated  attempts  to  plant  an  American   Sir 
settlement  that  would  take  root.     Raleigh  made  a    waiter 
careful  beginning  in    1584,  when  he  sent  out  two 
ships,  under  capable  captains,  to  explore  and  choose  a  site. 
They  found  what  pleased  them  on  the  island  of  Roanoke,  and 
made  a  report  so  favorable  that  Raleigh,  in  the  following  year, 
placed  a  colony  of  108  persons  there.     These  people  remained 
a  single  year,  and  then,  being  visited  by  a  cruising  fleet,  com 
manded  by  the  famous  English  rover,  Captain  Drake,  they 
begged  to  be  taken  home.     Raleigh,  undiscouraged,  sent  a 
second  colony  to  the  same  ground  in  1587.     For  three  years 
thereafter,  in  consequence  of  the  war  with  Spain,  this  settle 
ment  was  reached  by  no  ship,  and  when,  in  1590,  the  island 
was  visited  once  more,  not  a  vestige  of  the  unfortunate  col 
onists  could  be  found.     Their  fate  is  unknown  ;  but  a  surviv 
ing  remnant  of  the  Indians  who  were  neighbor  to  them  (the 
Croatans)   are   said  to  show  signs  even  now,  in  their  names, 
their  language,  and  their  bodily  features,  which  intimate  that 
some,  at  least,  of  the  lost  colonists  were  taken  into  the  tribe. 
Raleigh's  means  had  been  exhausted,  and  colonizing  enter 
prise  became  nearly  extinct  in  England  for  a  score  of  years. 
But   English  claims  to  the  greater  part  of    North 
America  were   maintained,    and   the  whole  region 
was  named  Virginia,  in  honor  of  the  English  "  virgin  queen." 


16  INTRODUCTION. 

French  Huguenot  Colonies  in  America.  In  France  the  Re 
formation  movement  of  the  sixteenth  century  gave  rise  to  a 
long  series  of  religious  civil  wars  between  the  Protestants 
(called  Huguenots)  and  the  Catholics,  who  adhered  to  the 
ancient  church  and  its  papal  head.  The  latter  prevailed, 
and  the  Huguenots,  at  different  periods,  were  made  to  suffer 
severely  at  their  hands.  As  a  means  of  escape  from  their 
troubled  life  in  France,  emigration  to  America  was  recom 
mended  by  Admiral  Coligny,  the  Huguenot  leader,  and  three 
attempts  at  colonization  were  made,  in  1555,  1562,  and  1564. 
The  Canada  region,  which  France  claimed  as  the  discovery 
of  Cartier,  was  barred  to  them,  and  they  were  forced  to  tres 
pass  on  the  claims  of  some  other  nation  in  seeking  a  home. 
Their  first  undertaking  was  on  the  bay  of  Rio  de  Janeiro,  in 
Coli_  Brazil,  where  their  settlement  was  suppressed  by  the 
gny's  col-  Portuguese.  Coligny  then  planted  a  colony  on  Port 
Royal  Sound,  or  Broad  River,  in  what  is  now  South 
Carolina;  but  it  endured  the  hardships  of  the  wilderness 
only  one  year.  His  third  colony  was  placed  on  the  St.  John's 
River,  in  Florida,  and  this,  the  most  sadly  fated  of  all,  was 
savagely  destroyed  by  the  Spaniards  (1565),  who  butchered 
every  man,  woman,  and  child,  about  seven  hundred  in  all. 
That  bloody  deed  gave  no  offence  to  the  French  government, 
but  was  avenged  by  a  private  citizen,  Dominic  de  Gourgues, 
who  recaptured  the  forts  which  the  Huguenots  had  built  on 
the  St.  John's,  and  slew  the  Spaniards  in  them,  to  the  last 
man. 

THE  ABORIGINAL  INHABITANTS  OF  NORTH  AMERICA. 
State  of  the  Tribes  when  First  Known.     Little  or  nothing 

J  o 

is  known  of  the  life  of  mankind  in  this  western  hemisphere 
before  Columbus  made  his  memorable  voyage  to  it  in  1492. 
Some  reasonable  conjectures  are  founded  on  facts  learned 
then  and  since,  but  no  actual  knowledge  of  the  aboriginal 
people  of  America  prior  to  that  time  can  be  said  to  exist. 
Numerous  tribes  of  a  race  very  different  from  any  seen  in 


ABORIGINAL   INHABITANTS.  I/ 

other  parts  of  the  world  were  found  inhabiting  the  two  con 

tinents  and  the  neighboring  islands,  and,  while  most  of  them 

were  savage  or  barbarous,  a  few  had  advanced  to 

the  half-civilized  state.     These  latter  were   begin- 

ning  a  rude  invention  of  writing  bv  pictures  mixed   l<-(lffe  °f 

.    Indians. 

with  signs,  but  they  had  not  yet  made  it  a  means  of 
preserving  the  records  of  their  past.  In  the  proper  sense  of 
the  term  history,  the  History  of  America  begins,  therefore, 
with  the  arrival  from  Europe  of  people  who  practised  the  re 
cording  art.  Behind  it  lies  an  undoubtedly  long  "prehis 
toric  "  time,  of  which  some  glimpses  have  been  obtained  by 
a  careful  study  of  relics,  remains,  traditions,  myths,  lan 
guages,  customs,  and  religious  beliefs.  These  furnish  facts 
of  a  kind  from  which  much  can  be  inferred  that  is  probable, 
but  little,  after  all,  that  is  not  open  to  frequent  questioning 
and  dispute. 

The  tribes  and  confederacies  of  tribes  found  in  different 
parts  of  the  western  continents  and  islands  differed  widely 
in  character,  in  condition,  and  in  language  ;  but  nearly  all 
scientific  men  now  believe  that  they  came  from  one  Orlf/in  of 
stock,  and  that  no  other  stock  or  race  had  ever  ex-  Indians. 
isted  in  this  part  of  the  world.  Furthermore,  it  seems  to  be 
a  fairly  well  settled  scientific  belief  that  the  race  did  not  have 
its  origin  in  America  ;  but  whence  its  ancestry  came,  and  at 
how  remote  a  time,  are  questions  much  debated,  on  slender 
grounds  of  fact.  We  will  not  enter  the  debate. 

Until  lately  it  was  believed  that  large  parts  of  this  conti 
nent,  especially  in  the  great  valley  of  the  Mississippi,  had 
been  inhabited  once  by  another  more  civilized  people,  whose 
imagined  empire  had  suffered  worse  than  the  fate  of  Rome, 
being  obliterated  so  entirely  by  invading  barbarians  that  no 
relic  remained,   except  a  multitude  of  mysterious   artificial 
"mounds,"  scattered  widely  throughout  the  land.    Moi(tlds 
But  speculation  concerning  those  singular  mounds   and 
and  their  builders  is  now  silenced  by  the  systematic 


and  scientific  study  which  the  United  States  Bureau  €>'s- 

of  Ethnology,  organized  by  the  government,  at  Washington, 


18  INTRODUCTION. 

has  brought  to  bear  on  the  subject  in  recent  years.  It  has 
been  proved  beyond  doubt  that  the  mounds  in  question  are  of 
no  great  antiquity ;  that  they  were  the  work  of  known  aborigi 
nal  tribes  ;  and  that  they  signify  no  state  more  civilized  than 
that  in  which  those  tribes  were  found.  In  some  instances  they 
were  burial  mounds ;  in  others  they  were  works  of  defence. 

If  the  making  of  pottery  is  taken  (as  suggested  by  the  late 
Mr.  Lewis  H.  Morgan,  in  his  work  on  "  Ancient  Society")  for 
the  mark  of  distinction  between  savage  and  barbarous  peoples, 
the  native  tribes  of  North  America  were  generally  in  the  bar 
barous  state  when  first  known  to  the  European  world.  A  few 
would  be  classed  as  savages,  but  not  low  in  the  scale  ;  a  few 
more  had  risen  to  the  rank  of  the  half-civilized  man.  Not 
any  had  passed  out  of  what  is  known  as  "  the  stone  age  "  of 
The  culture  ;  the  period,  that  is,  in  which  weapons,  tools, 

stone  and  other  implements  are  made  wholly  or  mostly  of 
stone.  Copper,  found  in  its  pure  state  and  easily 
worked,  had  come  into  use  in  many  parts  of  the  continent ; 
and  even  the  hardening  of  copper  into  bronze,  by  an  alloy  of 
tin,  is  said  to  have  been  practised  by  some  of  the  Mexican 
tribes,  which  had  also  learned  the  working  of  silver  and  gold  ; 
but,  even  among  the  latter,  tools  and  weapons  of  stone  re 
mained  in  common  use. 

Many  tribes,  in  many  parts  of  the  country,  carried  on  some 
rude  cultivation  of  the  soil.  Maize,  or  Indian  corn,  the  one 
Cuitivu-  cereal  native  to  America,  and  cultivated  more  easily 
tion  of  than  other  grains,  was  raised  extensively ;  other  pro 
ducts  were  pumpkins,  squashes,  potatoes,  and  beans. 
These  native  articles  of  food  were  welcomed  by  the  European 
settlers  when  they  came,  and  have  had  importance  in  Ameri 
can  agriculture  and  diet  ever  since.  Another  gift  to  the  new 
comers  was  tobacco,  the  liking  for  which  was  learned  so 
quickly  and  spread  so  rapidly  abroad  that  tobacco-culture 
soon  became  the  most  profitable  industry  of  the  New  World. 

In  their  labors  and  in  the  improvement  of  their  modes  of 
life  the  native  Americans  had  no  domesticated  animals  to  give 
them  help,  except  the  llama  of  Peru.  No  beasts  in  the  north- 


ABORIGINAL    INHABITANTS.  19 

ern  continent  appear  to  have  been  capable  of  domestication, 
save  the  wolf,  from  the  taming  of  which  a  poor  species  of  dog 
had  been  obtained.    The  horse  is  found  to  have  had  a  primi 
tive  existence  in   North   America,  but  the  species 
became  extinct  ;  the  buffalo  has  proved  practically   domestic 


untamable  ;  and,  in  fact,  the  continent  was  singu- 
larly  wanting  in  dumb  helpers  for  man.  Without 
flocks  and  herds,  or  beasts  of  burden,  the  American  race  was 
handicapped  seriously  in  its  rise  out  of  primitive  conditions 
of  life. 

The  tribes  most  advanced  were  found  in  Mexico,  Central 
America,  and  Peru  ;  but  the  state  of  culture  among  them  is 
now  known  to  have  been  much  lower  than  formerly  was 
supposed.  The  Spaniards  who  subjugated  them  misunder 
stood  many  things  that  they  saw,  and  exaggerated  many 
particulars,  so  that  wholly  wrong  ideas  of  the  native  people, 
and  of  their  social  and  political  organization,  were 
drawn  from  the  early  Spanish  accounts.  In  Mex-  Of  Mex 
ico,  for  example,  they  mistook  a  league  or  confeder- 
acy  of  three  dominant  tribes  for  an  "empire,"  and 
its  war  chief  for  an  emperor  or  king.  They  mistook  huge 
communal  buildings,  like  the  "pueblos  "  still  existing  in  New 
Mexico  and  Arizona,  —  the  fortress  tenements  of  many  kin 
dred  families,  sometimes  populated  by  thousands  of  men, 
women,  and  children,  —  they  mistook  these  for  palaces,  and 
described  them  as  evidences  of  royal  magnificence  and  power. 

The  facts,  placed  now  beyond  doubt  by  recent  studies,  show 
a  condition  that  can  fairly  be  called  half-civilization,  among 
the  Aztec  or  Nahuatl  tribes  of  Mexico,  the  Maya-Quiche 
tribes  of  Central  America,  and  the  tribes  of  Peru.  In  agri 
culture  and  in  some  mechanical  arts  the  Peruvians  were  the 
more  advanced,  and  in  their  religious  worship  they  were  in 
nocent  of  the  human  sacrifice  and  the  cannibalism  of  the  hide 
ous  Mexican  rites  ;  but  written  language,  in  which  the  Aztecs 
and  the  Mayas  had  made  beginnings,  was  unknown  to  the 
Peruvian  tribes.  The  skill  of  the  three  peoples  in  architecture 
was  much  beyond  that  found  elsewhere  in  the  New  World. 


20  INTRODUCTION. 

Linguistic  Grouping  of  the  Tribes.  Many  varieties  of  lan 
guage  were  spoken  by  the  native  American  tribes,  most  of 
which,  still  preserved  among  the  survivors  of  the  race,  have 
been  studied  with  care,  especially  since  the  formation  of  the 
Bureau  of  Ethnology,  which  directs  those  studies  in  a  sys 
tematic  way.  The  result  has  been  to  find  relationships  of 
language,  or  "  families  of  speech,"  which  classify  the  numerous 
tribes  within  the  present  territory  of  the  United  States  into 
fifty-seven  groups,  the  tribes  in  each  group  speaking  dialects 
of  the  same  tongue.  These  linguistic  families  or  stocks  are 
mostly  small,  more  than  half  of  the  whole  number  being, 
located  in  little  districts  on  the  Pacific  coast.  Some,  how 
ever,  were  originally  very  large,  and  were  spread  over  wide 
areas  of  the  country ;  among  such  the  following  stood  first : 

1.  The  Algonquian  stock.     The  many  large  tribes  of  this 
group  were  spread  over  the  whole  North  Atlantic  coast,  as 
Atgon-       far  south  as  North  Carolina,  and  the  whole  interior 
quins.        westward  to  the  Mississippi  (including  Canada  al 
most  entire  to  the  Rocky  Mountains),  excepting  a  region  oc 
cupied  by  the  Iroquois,  or  Huron-Iroquois,  as  described  below. 

2.  The  Iroquoian  stock.     The  fierce,  aggressive  tribes  of 
the  Iroquois  had  forced  their  way  into  the  heart  of  the  Algon- 

quian  domain,  and,  when  first  known,  were  in  posses- 
sjon  Q£  territory  covering  the  present  State  of  New 
York  (except  on  the  lower  Hudson)  and  most  of  Pennsylvania, 
with  part  of  Maryland,  northern  Ohio,  eastern  Michigan,  the 
Canadian  border  of  lakes  Huron,  Erie,  and  Ontario,  and  the 
upper  waters  of  the  St.  Lawrence  River.  Their  footing  on 
the  St.  Lawrence  was  not  maintained.  The  tribe  in  posses 
sion  of  the  Canadian  peninsula,  between  lakes  Ontario,  Erie, 
and  Huron,  known  as  the  Hurons  or  Wyandots,  was  Iro 
quoian,  but  at  enmity  with  the  Iroquoians  south  of  the  lakes. 
In  some  respects,  especially  in  political  organization,  the 
Iroquois  were  the  most  capable  a"nd  the  most  advanced  of  all 
the  natives  found  within  the  territory  now  covered  by  the 
United  States.  The  five  tribes  (commonly  called  the  Five 
Nations)  of  New  York  (Mohawks,  Oneidas,  Onondagas,  Ca- 


ABORIGINAL    INHABITANTS.  21 

yugas,  Senecas)  were  united  in  a  remarkable  league  of  federal 
government,  which  might  have  given  birth  to  a  great  Five  tfa- 
dominating  power,  the  seat  and  centre  of  an  inde-  * 
pendent  civilization,  if  European  intruders  had  not  broken 
in  upon  its  development  when  they  did.  According  to  Iro- 
quois  traditions,  this  league  of  the  Five  Nations  (afterward 
made  Six  Nations  when  the  Tuscaroras  were  taken  in)  had 
existed  but  a  short  time  when  Columbus  and  those  who  fol 
lowed  him  came  first  to  these  shores.  It  is  believed  to  have 
been  formed  about  the  middle  of  the  fifteenth  century,  by 
Hiawatha,1  a  famous  chief  of  the  Onondagas,  who  deserves 
to  be  ranked  among  the  great  statesmen  of  the  world. 

3.  The  Muskogean  or  Maskoki  stock.     This  held  most  of 
the  country  south  of  the  Tennessee  and  east  of  the  ^as. 
Mississippi,  to  the  Atlantic  and  the  Gulf.    Its  greater   koki- 
tribes  were  the  Creeks,  the  Cha'htas  or  Choctaws,  and  the 
Chickasaws. 

4.  The  Siouan  or  Dakota  family,  whose  large  domain  em 
braced  nearly  the  entire  western  watershed  of  the 
Mississippi,  from  the  Arkansas  northward,  and  ex 
tended  beyond  to  the  Saskatchewan. 

c.  The  Caddoan  or  Pawnee  family,  whose  terri- 

-     ,        „.  T        .   .  Pawnee. 

tory  was  mostly  south  of  the  Siouan,  in  Louisiana, 
eastern  Texas,  and  Arkansas. 

6.  The  Shoshonean  stock,  the  Shoshonean,  Ute,  and  Co- 
manche  tribes  of  which  ranged  over  a  great  part  of   sho- 
the  region  between  the  Rocky  Mountains  and  the   shonean- 
Sierra  Nevada;  from  northern  Mexico  to  Oregon. 

The  tribes  encountered  by  early  European  settlers  and  ex 
plorers,  within  the  territory  now  embraced  in  the  United 
States  and  Canada,  were  mostly  those  belonging  to  the  Al- 
gonquian,  Iroquoian,  and  Muskogean  groups. 

1  Traditions  of  Hiawatha,  picked  up  by  Schoolcraft  and  other 
writers,  became  mixed  and  confused  with  myths  that  had  no  refer 
ence  to  him,  and  a  legend  was  formed  on  which  Longfellow  founded 
his  poem.  The  Hiawatha  of  Iroquois  history  gave  his  name  to 
the  poem,  but  little  more. 


22  INTRODUCTION. 

PHYSICAL  FEATURES   OF  NORTH   AMERICA  AND   THEIR  HIS 
TORICAL  INFLUENCE. 

Mountain  and  River  Systems.  Why  many  things  happened 
in  American  history  as  they  did  can  be  learned  by  careful 
study  of  Map  I.,  at  the  beginning  of  this  book,  which 
shows  a  few  of  the  physical  features  of  the  continent,  and 
some  effects  that  came  from  conditions  of  climate  and  soil. 
The  conspicuous  features  that  catch  our  eyes  first  are  (i)  the 
two  systems  of  mountains,  or  of  mountainous  elevations  of 
land,  which  lift  the  eastern  and  western  sides  of  the  continent 
to  considerable  heights  above  the  wide  stretch  of  its  interior 
ground,  and  (2)  the  two  mighty  river  systems,  by  which  that 
vast  interior  land  is  drained.  Between  the  mountain  systems 
A  —  called  Appalachian  l  on  the  east  and  Cordilleran 

on  the  west  —  flows  the  Mississippi,  gathering  the 
stupendous  volume  of  its  waters,  through  countless 
branches,  from  springs  in  the  hills  of  both  systems, 
2000  miles  apart.  Along  the  northeastern  border  of 
the  valley  of  the  Mississippi  is  stretched  the  chain  of  the 
Great  Lakes,  drained  to.  the  Atlantic  through  the  channel  of 
the  St.  Lawrence,  which  skirts  the  eastern  mountain  system 
and  passes  round  it  at  the  north.  These  masses  of  high 
lands  on  the  eastern  and  western  sides  of  the  continent, 
and  these  basins  and  channels  of  water-drainage  for  the  great 
expanse  of  territory  between  them,  are  the  bottom  facts  of 
American  history.  The  western  mountains  came  late  into 
the  story ;  the  eastern  had  very  much  to  do  with  the  shaping 
of  its  earlier  events.  Let  us  note  a  few  particulars  :  — 

Influences  of  Physical  Geography  on  American  History. 

i.  Because  the  ranges  of  the  Appalachian  system  raised  a 
considerable  barrier  between  them  and  the  inland  country,  the 

1  The  general  name  of  "the  Appalachian  system"  is  given  to 
the  succession  of  ranges  which  bear  local  names  in  different  sec 
tions,  including,  for  example,  Cumberland  Mountains,  Alleghanies, 
Blue  Ridge,  South  Mountains,  Catskills,  Adirondacks,  Green 
Mountains,  and  White  Mountains. 


PHYSICAL   INFLUENCES.  23 

English  settlements  along  the  Atlantic  were  confined  for  a 
long  period  to  a  quite  narrow  coast-margin  of  the  continent, 
where  they  grew  compact  and  strong.  The  mountains  were  by 
no  means  impassable,  even  in  their  wilderness  state.  They 
were  crossed  by  many  Indian  "trails,"  through  many  "gaps," 
traversed  in  early  days  by  white  trappers,  hunters, 
and  pioneers,  and  in  our  day  they  hardly  check  the  on, 
speed  of  swift  trains  on  a  dozen  lines  of  rail.  But 
emigration  beyond  the  mountains,  on  any  large  scale,  had  to 
wait  until  the  climbing  footpaths  of  the  Indian  could  be 
made  into  some  kind  of  rude  wagon-roads,  and  that  was  a 
work  which  needed  more  than  a  century  and  a  half.  (See 
sections  72,  77,  and  149.) 

2.  Because  the  St.  Lawrence  River  runs  the  course  that  it 
does,  and  the  Great  Lakes  of  its  water  system  lie  as  they  do, 
the  French,  planting  themselves  on  the  lower  banks  of  the 
great  stream,  were  led  by  it,  around  and  behind  the   frencu 
mountains,  into  the  Mississippi  Valley,  as  naturally   *»  the 
as  the  English  in  the  same  period  were  kept  out ; 

and  the  circumstances  of  the  conflict  in  America  between  the 
two  peoples  were  shaped  by  that  fact.  (See  Chapter  IV.  and 
the  survey  preceding  it.) 

3.  Because  the  long  arms  of  the  Ohio  River  reach  into  the 
hills  of  western  Virginia  and  Pennsylvania,  that  stream  drew 
the  first  important  movement   of  settlers   into  the    The  Ohio 
great  valley  south westwardly,  connected  them  with    Valley- 
the  Mississippi,  made  their  prosperity  dependent  on  the  free 
dom  of  its  outlet  to  the  Gulf  of  Mexico,  so  creating  an  urgent 
demand  for  the  acquisition  of  territory  controlling  the  whole 
river,  and  doing  so  soon  enough  to  catch  the  rare  opportunity 
which  came  to  the  young  nation  of  the  United  States  in  1803, 
when  the  Louisiana  territory  was  bought  from   France  (see 
section  179). 

4.  Because  the  most  complete  break  in  the  Appalachian 
barrier  is  that  made  by  the  Mohawk  and  Hudson  rivers,  it 
followed  that  the  first  important  highway  of  busy  travel  and 
traffic  between  the  Atlantic  and  the  Great  Lakes  and  the  Far 


24  INTRODUCTION. 

West  was  opened  on  that  route,  by  the  building  of  the  Erie 
Canal>  and  New  York>  a*  the  foot  of  the  Hudson, 
was  thus  raised  to  the  chief  place  among  Ameri- 


York'        can  ctes. 

5.  Because  the  climate  and  soil  of  large  parts  of  the  south 
ern  section  of  the  country  proved  favorable  to  the  cultivation 
of  tobacco,  cotton,  and  the  sugar  cane,  which  called  for  cheap 
labor,  tending   to  agriculture  on  a  large    scale,  it  followed 
that  negro  slavery,  existing  in  all  the  American  colonies  at 
first,  became  fixed  in  the  structure  of  society  at  the  South, 
Neoro        but  not  at  the  North,  where  the  rude  labor  of  the 
slavery.    slave  cou\£  seldom  be  made  profitable  in  mechani 
cal  industries,   or  in  the  wheat-fields  and  corn-fields  of  the 
northern  farm.     Wherever  slavery  was  profitable,  self-interest 
resisted  a  growing  moral  sentiment  against  it  ;  wherever  it 
was  not,   the  opposing  sentiment  prevailed.     Thus,  on   this 
subject  there  came  to  be  a  bitter  antagonism  between  the  two 
sections  of  the  country,  with  the  terrible  consequence  of  civil 
war. 

6.  But,  because  Nature  had  practically  forbidden  that  the 
great  Valley  of  the  Mississippi  should  be  politically  divided, 
Nature      an(^  *ts  cornrnon  interests  broken,  the  civil  conflict 
forbade      was  destructive  only  to  that  which  had    been   its 
disunion.  cause      Slavery  perished  ;  the  national  unity  of  the 
American  States  was  reaffirmed. 

In  many  other  particulars,  events  in  American  history  have 
taken  their  course  from  causes  that  lie  in  the  physical  fea 
tures  of  the  country,  or  in  conditions  of  climate  and  soil,  or 
in  both  ;  but  these,  the  more  important,  are  enough  to  be 
cited  in  this  place. 


THE    COMING    OF    THE    ENGLISH. 
1607-1688. 


CHAPTER  I. 

BEGINNINGS  OF  THE  EARLY  COLONIES.     1607-1660. 
FRENCH  SETTLEMENTS.     1598-1635. 

1.  The  French  in  Canada  andAcadia.  1598-1635. 
The  French  were  earlier  by  a  few  years  than  the  English 
in  renewing  attempts  to  settle  themselves  and  establish 
trade  within  the  part  of  the  New  World  that  they  claimed. 
For  more  than  half  a  century  after  Cartier's  last  voyage 
(see  page  10)  the  great  domain  called  New  France l  had 
been  treated  with  neglect,  except  by  Norman  and  Breton 
fishermen,  who  gathered  the  "  harvest  of  the  sea  "  in  the 
Gulf  of  St.  Lawrence  and  on  the  Newfoundland  banks. 
Then,  in  1598  and  after,  under  the  wise  rule  of  Henry 
IV.,  several  attempts  at  settlement  were  made,  promoted 
by  various  patents  or  grants  from  the  king.  portRoyai, 
One  of  them  seated  a  colony  at  Port  Royal,  1605'1610- 
now  Annapolis,  Nova  Scotia,  unsuccessfully  in  1605,  but 
successfully  in  1610.  It  was  established  under  a  grant 
to  the  Sieur  de  Monts,  which  assumed  to  give  him  a  ter 
ritory  called  Acadia,  extending  from  the  4Oth  degree  of 
north  latitude  to  the  46th. 

1  Commonly  signifying  the  whole  dominion  claimed  by  the  French 
in  North  America. 


26 


THE    COMING   OF   THE    ENGLISH. 


Among  those  who  joined  fortunes  with  De  Monts  was 
Samuel  de  Champlain,  a  fine  character  and  an  able  man, 
wno  became  the  real  founder  of  New  France. 


champiain, 
1608-1609. 


In    I6o8^  acting  with  and   for  De  Monts>  he 

founded  a  settlement  at  Quebec,  and  entered  there  into 
relations  with  the  surrounding  tribes  of  Indians  which 
had  wide  and  lasting  historical  results.  The  Algonquins 


A  TLAN  TIC 
OCE  A.N 


DOMAIN    OF    THE    NORTHERN    IROQUOIS. 

of  the  St.  Lawrence  region  were  in  alliance  with  the 
Hurons,  immediately  west  of  them,  against  the  Five  Na 
tions  (the  Iroquoian  kindred  of  the  Hurons),  who  occu 
pied  what  is  now  the  State  of  New  York  (see  page  20). 
To  secure  the  friendship  of  the  Hurons  and  Algonquins, 
Champlain  joined  their  alliance,  and  he  and  his  men,  in 
1609,  to°k  Par"t  in  an  invasion  of  the  Iroquois  domain, 
entering  it  by  way  of  the  lake  which  bears  his  name,  and 
helping  to  defeat  the  warriors  of  the  Five  Nations  in 
a  battle  fought  where  Fort  Ticonderoga  was  afterward 


BEGINNINGS    OF   THE   EARLY   COLONIES.       27 

built.  Again  and  again  in  after  years  such  attacks  were 
repeated,  until  the  Iroquois,  the  fiercest  warriors  on  the 
continent,  became  dfcdly  foes  of  the  French.  This  placed 
them  generally  on  the  side  of  the  English,  when  France 
and  England  came  to  blows  in  America  (as  will  be  told 
hereafter),  and  it  had  not  a  little  to  do  with  the  result  of 
that  strife,  —  especially  by  having  prevented  the  French 
from  pushing  southward,  to  occupy  the  valley  of  the 
Hudson,  which  they  were  eager  to  do. 

2.  French  Fur  Trade.  —  French  Missions.  Gold- 
hunting,  which  had  ruined  so  many  colonizing  ventures, 
was  soon  discouraged  in  the  region  that  the  French  ex 
plored  ;  but,  in  fur-trading  with  the  Indians,  they  found 
a  pursuit  as  alluring  and  almost  as  promising  of  wealth. 
Furs,  always  coveted  and  always  high-priced  in  Europe, 
were  aboundingly  supplied  and  eagerly  exchanged  by 
the  northern  Indians  of  those  days  for  knives,  hatchets, 
blankets,  and  glittering  trinkets  of  trifling  cost.  The 
profits  of  the  trade  were  large,  while  the  methods  of  it 
were  enticing  to  an  adventurous  and  rude  class  of  men. 
Other  attractions  of  the  Canadian  country  were  not 
strong.  The  resources  that  it  offered  to  plain  industry, 
in  its  forests  and  its  soil,  received  little  thought  for  many 
years,  and  the  fur  trade  was  the  one  object  of  interest 
and  attention  in  New  France.  The  settlements  created 
by  it  were  small  trading  stations,  outside  of  coureursde 
which  the  white  population  that  it  gave  to  the  bois' 
country  was  mostly  a  wild  class  of  coureurs  de  bois  (forest- 
runners  or  rangers),  who  were  the  middlemen  in  this  com 
merce  of  the  woods. 

The  fur  trade  was  dependent,  of  course,  on  peaceful 
and  friendly  relations  between  the  Indians  and  Treatment 
the  whites.     For  that  reason  the  red  men  were  ollndlans- 
treated  with  more  consideration  there  than  elsewhere  in 


28  THE   COMING   OF   THE   ENGLISH. 

America,  and  French  conduct  toward  them  seems  favor 
ably  in  contrast  with  that  of  other  whites.  "  Spanish 
civilization,"  says  Mr.  Parkman  the*historian,  "crushed 
the  Indian;  English  civilization  scorned  and  neglected 
him  ;  French  civilization  embraced  and  cherished  him." 
But,  so  far  as  French  and  English  were  concerned,  the 
difference,  perhaps,  was  not  so  much  between  their  civ 
ilizations  as  between  their  circumstances,  which  made  the 
Indian  a  profitable  neighbor  in  one  case  and  a  trouble 
some  one  in  the  other. 

The  interests  of  trade  harmonized  in  this  matter  with 
the  missionary  spirit,  which  had  its  share  everywhere 
Jesuit  among  the  motives  of  European  colonization, 
missions.  The  missionary  societies  of  the  Catholic  church, 
especially  that  of  the  Jesuits,  were  encouraged  and  as 
sisted  in  all  ways,  and  they  carried  on  among  the  savages 
of  Canada  a  wonderful  work,  with  a  courage,  an  endur 
ance,  a  self-sacrificing  devotion,  that  have  never  been 
surpassed. 

ENGLISH  BEGINNINGS  IN  THE  SOUTH.     1606-1642. 

3.  The  Virginia  Company,  in  its  Two  Branches. 
1606-1609.  Three  voyages  to  the  New  England  coast 
between  1602  and  1605,  by  Bartholomew  Gosnold,  Martin 
Pring,  and  George  Weymouth,  represent  all  that  was  done 
by  English  enterprise  in  America  for  seventeen  years 
after  Raleigh  gave  up  his  personal  efforts  to  win  a  foot 
ing  for  England  in  the  New  World.  Then,  in  1606,  a 
great  joint  stock  company  for  the  colonization  of  the 
region  called  Virginia  was  formed  and  chartered 
charter,  by  the  king,  James  I.  Its  charter  set  the  bound 
ary  of  Virginia  on  the  south  at  the  34th  parallel 
of  latitude  (near  Cape  Fear),  and  on  the  north  at  the 
45th  (the  northern  boundary  of  Vermont),  and  gave  a 


BEGINNINGS    OF   THE   EARLY    COLONIES.      29 


hundred  miles  of  breadth  from  the  coast.  The  company 
receiving  this  extensive  grant  was  divided  into  two 
branches,  for  under 
takings  in  two  parts 
of  the  great  field.  The 
branch  authorized  to 
act  in  the  southern 
division  of  Virginian 
territory,  with  exclu 
sive  jurisdiction  from 
the  34th  parallel  to 
the  38th,  had  its  head 
quarters  in  London, 
and  is  known  usually 
as  the  London  Compa 
ny;  the  other  branch, 
empowered  to  found 
settlements  in  the 
north  between  41° 
and  45°,  was  located 
in  its  management  at 
Plymouth,  and  is 
spoken  of  as  the 
Plymouth  Company. 
This  division  of  ter 
ritory  left  a  zone  of 
three  degrees  between 
the  fields  of  the  two 
companies,  which  was 
to  be  open  to  both,  on  terms  that  were  expected  to  put 
them  in  competition  for  the  territorial  prize. 

In  a  subsequent  charter,  issued  in  1609,  the  definition 
of  the  territory  of  the  London  Company  was  somewhat 
changed.  This  time  jurisdiction  was  given  "from  sea 


GRANT  OF  1606  TO  THE  VIRGINIA  COMPANY 
IN  ITS  TWO  BRANCHES,  AND  GRANT  OF 
1609  TO  THE  LONDON  COMPANY. 

[Boundaries  of  the  grant  of  1606  are  shown 
by  dotted  lines ;  heavy  black  lines  mark  the 
grant  of  1609  as  it  was  construed  by  the  Vir 
ginians  of  later  times,  furnishing  the  ground 
of  their  claim  to  a  vast  territory  in  the  North 
west.] 


30  THE   COMING   OF  THE   ENGLISH. 

to  sea,  west  and  northwest,"  over  a  strip  of  the  conti 
nent  having  Old  Point  Comfort  for  its  middle 

The  second  .  ,  .  111-1 

charter,  on  the  coast  and  measuring  two  hundred  miles 
in  each  direction  therefrom.  The  grant  "from 
sea  to  sea  "  will  not  startle  us  if  we  remember  that  the 
continent  was  then  supposed  to  be  a  narrow  body  of 
land ;  but  the  expression  "  west  and  northwest  "  is  not 
easily  understood.  Virginians  in  later  times  construed 
it  to  mean  that  their  northern  boundary  ran  northwest 
wardly,  and  they  founded  thereon  the  claim  to  a  vast 
domain  in  the  northwest  (see  sections  78  and  141). 

4.  The  James  River  Colony  of  the  London  Branch. 
16O7-16O9.  Both  branches  of  the  chartered  company 
sent  out  colonists  in  1607.  Those  sent  by  the  Plymouth 
organization  attempted  a  settlement  (known  as  the  Pop- 
ham  Colony)  at  the  mouth  of  the  Kennebec  River,  in 
what  is  now  the  State  of  Maine,  and  failed  entirely,  re 
turning  home  in  the  following  spring.  The  undertaking 
of  the  colonists  from  London,  who  went  south  to  the 
James  River,  became  successful  in  the  end,  but  was 
barely  saved  from  ruin  at  the  beginning  by  the 
John  energy  and  capability  of  one  man,  the  famous 

Captain  John  Smith.  In  saying  this  we  trust 
his  own  remarkable  story,  which  some  recent  historians 
have  discredited ;  for,  while  it  is  unfortunately  a  fact 
that  Captain  Smith  —  strong  in  character  as  he  was,  re 
solute,  fearless,  sagacious,  high-minded,  generous,  clean 
in  life  and  plain  in  speech  —  did  have  a  magnifying 
memory  and  a  boastful  pen,  yet,  as  Dr.  John  Fiske  has 
shown  very  clearly,  there  are  more  and  stronger  reasons 
for  accepting  than  for  rejecting  the  romantic  incidents  of 
his  tale.  Smith  stayed  with  the  Jamestown  colonists 
little  more  than  two  years.  His  firm  hand  and  com 
manding  influence  kept  order  among  them  and  enforced  a 


THE   JAMES    RIVER    COLONY. 


BEGINNINGS    OF   THE    EARLY  COLONIES.       31 

fair  treatment  of  the  neighboring  Indians,  on  whom  the 

thriftless  whites  were  dependent  for  supplies  of  corn. 

No     sooner    was     he 

gone  than  the  savages 

were  provoked  to  hos 

tility,   and   a  terrible 

"  starving  time"    en 

sued,  in  the  winter  and 

spring  of  1609,  when 

all  but  60  out  of  the 

500  colonists  died. 

In  1609  the  Lon 
don  Company  under 
went  a  great  change, 

being    much  enlarged    in    numbers    and    strengthened 
in  capital,  having  many  powerful  persons  and 
city  guilds  added  to  its  membership  list.     The 

f          '       . 

company  was  then  made  a  corporation,  distinct  compa 
from  the  Plymouth  Company,  with  a  new  char 
ter,  as  stated  above.  All  the  powers  of  government  over 
the  colony  were  vested  in  a  supreme  council  at  London, 
whose  authority  was  to  be  exercised  in  Virginia  by  a 
governor  responsible  to  none  but  itself.  Under  the 
autocratic  government  thus  established  a  more  orderly 
condition  of  things  was  brought  about,  and  the  colony 
became  able  to  sustain  itself. 

5.  Tobacco  Culture.  -  -  Prosperity.  -  -  Disaster. 
1612-1624.  Before  many  years  the  James  River  colony 
began  to  see  its  way  to  a  prosperous  career.  It  had  found 
something  better  than  gold  mines,  in  the  cultivation  of 
an  herb  which,  since  America  was  discovered,  all  the 
world  had  been  learning  to  smoke.  The  natives  of  the 
West  Indies  taught  the  Spaniards,  the  Spaniards  taught 
their  neighbors,  Raleigh's  colonists  took  lessons  in  the 


London 

any, 


32  THE   COMING   OF   THE    ENGLISH. 

strange  fumigation  from  the  Indians  of  Roanoke,  Drake 
Tobacco  picked  it  up,  among  other  things,  in  his  voy- 
smoking.  ages,  and  so  the  smoking  of  tobacco  got  to  Eng 
land  and  elsewhere  in  more  than  one  way.  It  was  com 
ing  to  be  a  fashion  in  the  early  years  of  the  seventeenth 
century,  and  when  the  colonists  in  Virginia,  about  1612, 
took  a  hint  from  Indian  gardens,  and  found  that  the  plant 
could  be  cultivated,  their  crop  met  an  eager  demand. 
The  culture  proved  exceedingly  profitable  ;  Virginia  was 
made  attractive  by  it  to  a  better  class  of  settlers  than 
those  obtained  before,  and  the  fortunes  of  the  colony  be 
came  secure. 

A  change  in  the  character  and  views  of  the  London 

Company,  even  more  important  than  this  change  in  the 

circumstances  of  the  colony,  was  going  on.     In 

Reformers         ..  ,  ,      c     ,  f 

intheLon-    loiQ  the  control  oi  the  company  was  won  for 

don  Com-  ,  r  ,  IT- 

pany,  a  time  by  a  party  of  men  who  were  leaders  in 

1619-1624 

the  beginning  of  a  great  struggle  of  the  English 
people  with  their  kings  for  constitutional  rights,  and  it 
had  political  results  of  importance,  which  will  be  described 
in  another  place  (see  section  23). 

The  settlements  in  Virginia  were  now  multiplying  fast, 
spreading  up  and  down  the  peninsula  between  the  James 
and  York  rivers,  and  in  1622  it  was  estimated  that  the 
whole  population  numbered  4000  souls.  For  years  they 
had  had  little  trouble  with  the  Indians,  and  they  were 
ceasing  to  feel  any  fear.  The  savages  saw  their  care 
lessness  and  were  encouraged  to  strike  a  sud- 
break,  den  murderous  blow,  which  they  did  on  the 

1622. 

22d  of  March,  1622.  Of  the  scattered  colonists, 
347  men,  women,  and  children  were  slain  that  day  ;  then 
forces  were  rallied  which  checked  the  massacre,  and  retal 
iated  with  a  fierceness  that  awed  the  red  men  for  a  score 
of  years. 


BEGINNINGS   OF    THE    EARLY  COLONIES.       33 

The  shock  and  the  hurt  to  the  colony  from  this  disas 
ter  were  not    easily  repaired.       Many  plantations  were 
abandoned,  many  settlers  returned  to  England,  and  the 
enemies  of  the  company,  foremost  among  them  the  king, 
were  given  a  fresh  ground  of  attack.      Proceedings  to 
rescind  its  charter  were  begun  the  next  year,   overthrow 
and  by  a  decision  of  the  Court  of  King's  Bench,   London 
on  the  1 6th  of  June,  1624,  the  charter  was  de-  Oompany. 
clared  to  be  "null  and  void."     Thereupon  the  London 
Company  ceased  to  exist,  and  Virginia  became  subject 
to  the  direct  authority  of  the  king. 

6.  The  Founding  of  Maryland.  1632-1638.  In  1632 
an  extraordinary  patent  was  issued  by  Charles  I.  (who  suc 
ceeded  his  father,  James  I.,  in  1625),  conferring  on  Cecil- 
ius  Calvert,  Baron  of  Baltimore,  the  "prerogatives,"  the 
"royal  rights  and  franchises,"  of  sovereignty  over  a  large 
part  of  what  the  Virginians  considered  their  domain.  It 
covered  the  region  between  the  Potomac  and  the  Dela 
ware  Bay  and  River,  up  to  the  4Oth  parallel  of  north 
latitude,  creating  a  principality  of  the  kind  known  as 
"palatine"  (see  sect.  28).  This  palatinate  was 
to  be  called  Maryland,  in  honor  of  the  queen  of  more's 
Charles  I.  It  had  been  promised  to  George  l 
Calvert,  first  Lord  Baltimore,  the  father  of  Cecilius,  but 
he  died  before  the  patent  was  signed,  and  it  went  to 
his  son.  Father  and  son  had  recently  entered  the  Cath 
olic  church,  and  their  object  was  to  establish  a  place  of 
refuge  in  America  for  people  of  that  communion,  who 
were  cruelly  treated  by  English  laws.  The  elder  Calvert 
had  attempted  this  first,  under  a  similar  grant,  in  New 
foundland,  but  thought  the  climate  too  severe. 

The  settlement  of  Maryland  was  begun  in  the  spring 
of  1634,  by  a  company  of  English  immigrants,  both 
Catholic  and  Protestant,  led  by  Leonard  Calvert,  brother 


34 


THE    COMING    OF    THE    ENGLISH. 


FIRST    SETTLEMENT    IN    MARYLAND. 


of  Cecilius,  who  selected  their  home  at  St.  Mary's,  on 
the  river  of  that  name.     St.  Mary's  was  then  an  Indian  vil- 

__ _        _  ^    lage,  with   corn-fields 

in  fair  cultivation,  all 
of  which  were  bought 
from  the  resident 
tribe,  and  the  grow 
ing  of  corn  received 
attention  at  once. 
Other  immigrants  fol 
lowed,  other  settle 
ments  were  founded, 
and  the  colony  grew 
apace,  Catholics  and 

Protestants  living  peacefully  together,  equally  free  in 
their  worship  of  God.  The  same  religious  freedom 
was  established  in  those  same  years  by  Roger 
Williams,  on  Narragansett  Bay,  but  it  existed 
nowhere  else.  Political  liberty,  also,  was  in 
tended  by  Lord  Baltimore,  who  planned  for  it  with  a 
generous  mind.  All  the  freemen  of  the  colony  were 
called  together  as  early  as  1635,  to  sit  in  assembly  with 
the  governor  (Leonard  Calvert)  and  his  council  and  take 
part  in  the  preparation  of  a  body  of  laws.  In  1638  the 
colonists  began  to  elect  delegates  to  the  Assembly,  instead 
of  meeting  en  masse,  and  representative  government  in 
Maryland  was  fairly  on  foot. 

The  early  years  of  the  Maryland  colony  were  full  of 
conflicts  with  the  Virginians,  who  disputed  its  right  to  the 
territory  it  held,  but  we  cannot  go  into  the  long  story 
of  those  disputes. 


Religious 
and  politi 
cal  liberty. 


BEGINNINGS    OF   THE    EARLY  COLONIES.       35 

BEGINNINGS  OF  NEW  ENGLAND.     1620-1642. 

7.  First  Settlement  in  New  England.  —  The  Pilgrim 
Fathers.  162O.  For  several  years  after  the  abandon 
ment  of  the  Popham  settlement  on  the  Kennebec,  little 
attention  was  given  in  England  to  the  northern 

Captain 

part   of   the   vast   territory   covered   by  King 


James's  grant.     The  first  to  revive  interest  in  survey  and 

0  D  e  scrip  - 

North  Virginia,  as  that  region  was  then  called,  tioj'"1616 
was  the  adventurous  Captain  John  Smith,  who 
obtained  help  from  English  merchants,  in  1614,  to  equip 
an  expedition  to  its  coast  for  exploration  and  trade.  One 
result  of  the  captain's  careful  survey  was  a  very  good 
map  t)f  the  coast  (see  Map  III.),  which  he  presented  to 
Prince  Charles  (afterward  King  Charles  I.),  with  the  sug 
gestion  that  the  country  represented  be  named  New 
England.  Two  years  later  he  wrote  and  published  "  A 
Description  of  New  England,"  in  which  the  settlement 
of  the  region  was  strongly  urged. 

By  this  time  the  value  of  the  fisheries,  the  fur  trade, 
and  the  timber  of  New  England  had  been  learned  ;  but, 
harsh  in  climate  as  the  country  was,  and  generally  poor 
in  soil,  such  attractions  as  it  had  were  of  a  kind  that 
would  naturally,  in  that  day,  have  drawn  none  but  settlers 
of  an  adventurous  class,  like  those  of  New  France.  If 
New  England  was  to  be  populated  by  domestic  folk, 
wanting  homes  and  farms,  some  other  inducement  would 
be  needed  to  bring  them  across  the  sea.  Such  another 
inducement  did  come  into  play,  with  powerful  and  memo 
rable  effects.  It  arose  from  the  sore  want  in  England 
of  freedom  for  all  religious  beliefs  that  differed  from  the 
doctrines  and  forms  of  the  established  church.  There 
was  less  of  such  freedom,  in  some  respects,  under  the 
Stuart  kings,  than  in  Queen  Elizabeth's  reign  ;  and  the 


36  THE   COMING   OF   THE   ENGLISH. 

Protestant  body  which  suffered  most  from  the  persecuting 
laws  of  the  time  was  that  of  the  Separatists,  or  Inde 

pendents,  who  claimed  the  right  of  each  church 
The 

congregation  to  govern    itself  (see    page    14). 


tion,  1608-  To  escape  the  persecution,  a  small  society  of 
the  Separatists,  formed  at  Scrooby,  in  Notting 
hamshire,  left  England  in  1608  and  took  refuge  in  Hol 
land  ;  but  their  thoughts  became  turned  toward  America, 
and  they  arranged  with  the  London  Company  for  a  grant 
of  land  on  the  Delaware  River,  and  for  assistance  in  set- 
Thevoy-  tling  there.  The  pathetic  story  of  the  memo- 
ageyo*the  rable  voyage  of  these  "Pilgrim  Fathers"  (and 
s5t.-Deo.f  Mothers)  of  New  England,  in  the  leaky  ship 
Speedwell,  from  Delft  to  Southampton,  and  in 
the  Mayflower  from  Southampton  and  Plymouth  to  a 
landing  which  they  did  not  intend,  in  Cape  Cod  Bay  in 
stead  of  the  Delaware  River,  is  so  familiar  that  it  need 
not  be  repeated  here. 

8.  The  Plymouth  Colony.  162O-163O.  The  first 
landing  of  explorers  from  the  Mayflower,  in  the  harbor 
which  John  Smith  had  named  Plymouth,  is  believed  to 
have  been  made  on  Monday,  the  2ist  of  December,  1620 
(according  to  the  reckoning  of  the  New  Style),  though 
the  22d  has  been  the  anniversary  long  observed.  It 
was  the  middle  of  January  before  the  company  in  general 
left  the  ship.  Comfortable  house  shelter  was  impossible  ; 
many  had  sickened  in  the  overcrowded  and  long-buffeted 
ship  ;  the  cold  was  severe  ;  food  was  neither  plentiful  nor 
The  first  good.  The  sufferings  of  that  winter  are  be 
yond  imagination,  even  though  we  know  that 
44  out  of  1  02  died  before  the  end  of  March.  Happily 
the  weak  settlement  suffered  no  attacks  from  neighbor 
ing  Indians,  who  are  supposed  to  have  been  affrighted 
by  a  fearful  pestilence  which  visited  them  three  years 


BEGINNINGS   OF    THE    EARLY  COLONIES.       37 

before,  just  after  they  had  killed  two  or  three  white  fish 
ermen  on  the  coast.  Not  an  Indian  came  near  the  set 
tlement  for  some  months  ;  then  one  Samoset,  who  had 
picked  up  a  little  English  from  fishing  ships,  appeared, 
and  intercourse  with  the  Wampanoag  tribe  was  opened 
through  him.  Kind  treatment  won  the  confidence  of 
the  red  men,  and  their  sachem,  Massasoit,  entered  into 
an  agreement  of  friendship  which  was  kept  unbroken  for 
more  than  fifty  years. 

In  the  course  of  the  next  year  the  colonists  received 
sanction  from  England  for  their  occupancy  of  the  ground 
on  which  circumstances  had  planted  them  against 
their  will.  The  so-called  Plymouth  Company 

,     j     .1  i  •      j          j  j  Council  for 

had   then   been    reorganized   and   renamed   as  NewEng- 
"The  Council  for  New  England,"  and  had  re 
ceived  a  new  patent,  giving  it  jurisdiction  over  territory 
that  spanned  the  continent,  from  the  Atlantic  to  the 
Pacific,  between  the  4Oth  and  48th  degrees.     Its  grant 
for  the  Pilgrim  settlement  was  made  to  a  merchant  com 
pany,  in  trust  for  the  colonists,  who  paid  rent  for  their 
lands  during  several  years,  but  were  able  at  length  to  buy 
the  ground  on  which  they  lived.    By  heavy  toil,  with  great 
hardships  and  privations,  they  gradually  made  themselves 
fairly  comfortable  in  their  new  home,  and  were 
joined  by  a  few  later  comers  from  Ley  den  and  growth  oi 
England ;  but  their  growth  in  numbers  was  so 
slow  that  they  counted  no  more  than  three  hundred  at 
the  end  of  ten  years. 

In  those  ten  years  many  English  people  engaged  in 
fishing  on  the  coasts  of  New  England,  and  several  at 
tempts  at  settlement  were  made,  with  little  or  no  result. 
Numerous  grants  were  obtained  from  the  Council  for 
New  England,  by  companies  and  individuals,  and  these 
were  so  carelessly  or  ignorantly  defined  that  they  often 


38  THE    COMING   OF   THE   ENGLISH. 

overlapped   and    conflicted   with    one    another,  causing 
troublesome  disputes  in  after  years. 

9.  The  Puritans  in   England.     1625-163O.    Mean 
time  affairs  in  England  were  taking  a  course  which  led, 
at  the  close  of  the  period  in  question,  to  a  sudden  move 
ment  of  Puritan  emigration,  so  extensive  that  strong  col 
onies  in  New  England  were  formed.     King  Charles  I., 
more  despotic  in  disposition  than  even   his  father  had 
been,  seemed  likely  at  that  time  to  succeed  in  breaking 
down  the  resistance  of  his  subjects  and  making  his  own 
will  supreme.     He  drove  Parliament  from  its  meeting- 
place  in   1629,  and  for  eleven  years  after  that  date  the 
representation  of  the  people  in  their  government  was 
suppressed.     They  were  unlawfully  taxed ;  the  patriots 
who  opposed  the  king  were  imprisoned  unlawfully ;  the 
oppression  became  in  every  way  intolerable  ;  but  in  no 
thing  else  so  much  as  in  the  king's  attempt  to  force 
everybody  to  worship  God  in  the  mode  which  his  own 
opinion  approved.    The  views  called  Puritan,  which  have 
been  described  already  (see  page   14),  had  spread  very 
widely  by  this  time,  and  seem  to  have  been  held  by  a 
majority  of  the  clergy  and  a  large  part  of  the  laity  of  the 
established  church.     But  a  minority,  supported  by  the 
king  and  the  courts,  were  able  to  enforce  church  ceremo 
nies  which  the  Puritan  majority  abhorred.     Most  of  those 
who  stood  up  against  the  oppressions  of  the  king,  and 
strove  for  the  constitutional  rights  of  the  people,  were  of 
the  Puritan  class,  and  were  moved  even  more  by  religious 
than  by  political  feeling. 

10.  Emigration   and   Settlement  of   the   Governor 
and  Company  of    Massachusetts   Bay.      1629-1637. 
By  1628  many   Puritans  were  regarding  their  prospects 
in    England    with    despair,    and   were     looking   toward 
America,  as  the  Independents  had  done  ten  years  before. 


BEGINNINGS    OF  THE   EARLY  COLONIES.       39 

A  grant  from  the  Council  for  New  England  was  obtained 
by  John  Endicott  and  five  others,  giving  them  Settiement 
the  territory  from  three  miles  north  of  the  ofSalem- 
Merrimac  River  to  three  miles  south  of  the  Charles,  with 
the  usual  stretch  from  sea  to  sea.  Endicott  went  out 
that  same  summer,  with  sixty 
others,  to  take  possession  of 
the  grant,  and  joined  a  little 
settlement  already  made, called 
Naumkeag,  which  then  took 
the  name  of  Salem  and  has 
borne  it  since.  In  1629  this 
scheme  of  colonization  was 
broadened  out.  Endicott's 
joint  stock  company  of  six 
grantees  became  a  large  cor 
poration,  embracing  many  men 
of  importance  and  wealth. 
Under  the  name  of  "  The  Gov 
ernor  and  Company  of  Massa 
chusetts  Bay,"  it  obtained  a  royal  charter,  drawn  in  such 
terms  that,  by  shrewd  and  bold  management,  a  degree 
of  independence  which  the  king  had  not  dreamed  of  was 
secured.  The  company  could  add  to  its  membership 
without  limit,  and  its  ruling  body,  consisting  of  a  gov 
ernor,  a  deputy-governor,  and  twelve  assistants,  received 
authority  to  make  such  laws  as  it  might  deem  needful, 
provided  only  that  they  "  be  not  contrary  or  repugnant  " 
to  the  laws  of  England.  No  place  in  which  its  Removal  of 
powers  should  be  exercised  was  named,  and  a  j5™mSnt 
right  to  transfer  the  charter  and  government  to  Amerlca- 
from  England  to  New  England  was  assumed.  When, 
therefore,  a  large  party  of  eight  hundred  Puritan  colo 
nists  sailed  from  Yarmouth  in  the  spring  of  1630,  their 


THE    FIRST    NEW    ENGLAND   SET 
TLEMENTS. 


40  THE   COMING   OF   THE   ENGLISH. 

charter,  their  governor  (John  Winthrop),  and  other  officers, 
went  with  them  to  the  shores  of  Massachusetts  Bay. 

This  party  took  residence  first  on  the  northern  side  of 
Charles  River,  naming  the  place  Charlestown,  but  soon 
settlement  scattered,  the  greater  number  settling  on  the 
of  Boston,  peninsula  called  Shawmut,  where  Boston  was 
founded  and  became  the  chief  town.  Others  from  Eng 
land  followed  the  pioneers  of  the  Puritan  migration,  in 
such  numbers  that  nearly  4000  are  believed  to  have  been 
settled,  in  a  score  of  villages  around  Massachusetts  Bay, 
by  the  year  1634. 

It  was  impossible  for  the  colony  to  have  so  rapid  and 
so  prosperous  a  growth,  and  to  show  the  political  freedom 
that  it  did  from  the  beginning,  without  provoking  hostil 
ity  in  England,  and  its  enemies  were  not  slow  to  act. 
Controlling  the  Council  for  New  England,  they  gave  up 
the  charter  of  that  corporation,  on  condition  that 

Hostility  in 

England,  all  its  grants  should  be  revoked  by  the  king, 
and  that  New  England  should  be  parceled  out 
afresh.  Laud,  the  bigoted  archbishop  of  Canterbury, 
was  put  at  the  head  of  a  commission  to  superintend  colo 
nial  affairs.  The  Massachusetts  company  was  commanded 
to  surrender  its  charter,  and  proceedings  against  it  were 
begun  in  the  English  courts.  But,  fortunately,  the  con 
flict  in  England  between  king  and  parliament  came  then 
to  a  stage  which  emboldened  Massachusetts  to  disobey 
the  command.  Thereafter,  Laud  and  the  king  and  all 
their  party  had  enough  to  think  of  at  home,  and  their 
designs  against  New  England  came  to  naught. 

11.  Enlightenment  and  Intolerance  in  the  Mas 
sachusetts  Colony.  1635-1647.  These  threatenings 
from  England  made  no  stay  in  the  prosperous  progress 
of  the  colony.  Two  very  different  tendencies  in  the 
character  of  its  people,  toward  breadth  of  mind  in  one 


BEGINNINGS   OF    THE    EARLY  COLONIES.       41 

direction  and  narrowness  in  another,  were  being  shown 
at  this  time.  We  have  evidence  of  the  first  in  the  Pub 
lic  Latin  School  of  Boston,  opened  in  1635,  and 

-^  .  .         Harvard 

in  Harvard  College,  founded  in  the  following  College  and 

pul)  lie 

year.     Other  public  schools  rose  rapidly  in  the  schools, 

J  ii.i  1635-1647- 

surrounding  towns,  and  in   1647  the  legislature 
of  the  colony,  styled    the  "general  court,"  enacted  an 
ordinance  which  has  been  called  with  truth  "  the  great 
charter   of  free  education"   in    Massachusetts.     ''That 
learning  may  not  be  buried  in  the  grave  of  our  fathers, 
in  church  and  commonwealth,"  it  said,  "  the  Lord  assist 
ing   our  endeavors,  it    is   therefore  ordered  that    every 
township   in  this   jurisdiction,   after  the    Lord  ordinance 
hath  increased  them    to  the   number  of   fifty  °11647- 
householders,  shall    then  forthwith   appoint    one  within 
their  town  to  teach  all  such  children  as  shall  resort  to 
him  to  write  and  read." 

At  the  same  time,  while  sowing  the  seeds  of  free 
thought,  by  planting   free   schools,   the    Massachusetts 
Puritans  were  striving,  in  a  narrow  way,  to  make  their 
own  religious  opinions  the  absolute  law  of  their 
little  state.     Their  first  step  in  that  direction   oftnefran- 
was   taken  when   all   save   members    of   their 
churches  were   excluded  from  the    "  freedom  "  of   the 
"body  politic," -  —  that  is,  from  a  voice  and  vote  in  pub 
lic  affairs  (see  sect.  25). 

12.  Secession  from  Massachusetts  Bay.  —  The 
Founding  of  Connecticut.  1635-1638.  Opposition  to 
this  exclusion  was  one,  apparently,  among  several  causes 
of  discontent  which  brought  about  a  movement  of  seces 
sion  and  emigration  to  the  valley  of  the  Connecticut. 
The  movement  was  begun  by  a  few  pioneers  in  1635, 
and  they  were  followed  by  a  large  party,  led  by  Thomas 
Hooker,  minister  of  the  church  at  Newtown  (afterward 


42 


THE    COMING    OF   THE    ENGLISH. 


First  settle 
ments. 


Cambridge),  in  the  next  year.  There  were  several  claim 
ants  of  that  beautiful  valley  at  the  time.  The  Dutch 
na^  tried  to  seize  it ;  men  from  Plymouth  had 
built  a  trading  fort  on  the  river  ;  Lord  Brooke 
and  Lord  Say  and  Sele,  in  England,  held  a  grant  which 

covered  it,  and  the  agent  of 
those  noblemen,  John  Win- 
throp  the  younger,  son  of  the 
Massachusetts  governor,  had 
built  a  fort  that  he  called  Say- 
brook,  at  the  mouth  of  the 
river.  At  a  later  day  the  set 
tlers  from  Massachusetts  made 
terms  with  the  holders  of  this 
grant.  Their  first  settlements 
were  at  Windsor,  Hartford, 
and  Wethersfield,  where  about 
800  people  were  living  in  the 
spring  of  1637,  under  a  govern 
ment  organized  more  demo 
cratically  than  that  from  which 
they  had  removed  (see  sect.  26). 

In  that  year  the  Connecticut  colony  was  already  so 
strong  that  it  bore  the  brunt  of  the  first  serious  war  in 
New  England  between  the  red  men  and  the  white.  Some 
murders  of  white  traders  by  Pequot  Indians  had  been 
Thepequot  avenged  by  Massachusetts  with  a  savageness 
war,  1637.  that  enraged  the  tribe  Its  retaliations  fell 

mostly  on  the  settlers  in  Connecticut,  and,  though  the 
latter  could  put  less  than  100  fighting  men  into  the 
field,  against  1000  braves,  they  fell  upon  the  tribe  and 
practically  destroyed  it  in  a  brief  campaign.  With  the 
help  of  a  small  company  from  Massachusetts  and  a  few 


BEGINNINGS   OF   CONNECTICUT. 


BEGINNINGS   OF    THE    EARLY  COLONIES.       43 

friendly  Indians,  they  surprised  the  Pequots  in  their 
stronghold,  hunted  them  down  without  mercy,  and  left 
but  a  wretched  remnant,  some  of  whom  were  captured 
and  enslaved. 

In  the  next  year  after  the  Pequot  War  (1638)  another 
settlement  within  the  later  bounds  of  Connecticut  was 
started,  at  New  Haven,  by  a  wealthy  company 
from  England,  London  merchants  and  others,  NewnHa- 
of    the    Puritan    class,    accompanied   by   their  ven' 
minister,  John  Davenport.     This  grew  very  soon  into  a 
colony  of  several  confederated  towns,  with  a  government 
formed  on  a  "  Fundamental  Agreement,"  as  it  was  styled 
(see  sect.  26). 

13.  The  Founding  of  Providence.  —  Beginnings  of 
Rhode  Island.  1636-1637.  The  exclusive  Puritanism 
in  Massachusetts  which  sent  Thomas  Hooker  and  his 
followers  away  from  Charles  River  to  a  new  settlement 
on  the  Connecticut  was  driving  forth,  in  that  same  year 
(1636),  another  pastor,  of  even  larger  mind  and  loftier 
spirit,  to  make  him  the  founder  of  still  another  colony, 
that  would  be  in  due  time  another  American  State. 
This  was  Roger  Williams,  who  came  to  Boston  opinions  oi 
as  a  young  divine  in  1631.  He  began  soon  to  wiiuams, 
give  expression  to  opinions  that  offended  the  1631-1637- 
Puritans  in  power.  He  contended  for  the  perfect  free 
dom  of  religious  opinion  ("  soul-liberty,"  as  he  called  it) 
which  is  common  now  in  most  parts  of  the  world,  but 
which  few  people  in  his  day  could  think  of  as  a  possible 
thing.  He  held  that  civil  governments  should  have 
nothing  to  do  with  the  doctrines,  ceremonies,  or  main 
tenance  of  any  church.  He  denied  the  right  of  the 
king  of  England  to  give  away  lands  in  America,  and  con 
demned  the  taking  of  such  lands  without  purchase  from 


44 


THE    COMING    OF    THE   ENGLISH. 


the  Indians  as  a  flagrant  wrong.1  He  was  beyond  his 
age  in  many  such  views.  The  authorities  in  Boston 
looked  upon  him  as  a  troublesome  agitator,  and,  when 
he  was  called  to  a  church  in  Salem  that  approved  his 
preaching,  their  hostility  pursued  him,  until  he  withdrew 
to  Plymouth,  where  he  remained  for  nearly  two  years. 
Returning  to  his  pulpit  in  Salem,  he  gave  offence  again 
to  the  rulers  of  Massachusetts  Bay.  In  January,  1636, 
they  ordered  that  he  should  be  sent  to  England 

Persecution  .  .     A. 

of  Roger       on  a  ship  then  preparing  to  sail ;  but  he  escaped 

Williams  in    r  .         .     ' 

Massachu-    from  them  by  going  into  the  wild  forest,  among 
the  Indians,  whose  language  he  had  learned  and 

whose  friendship  he  had  won.  He  made  his  way  to  the 
head  of  Narragansett  Bay,  where, 
being  joined  by  faithful  friends 
from  Salem,  he  founded  a  settle 
ment  called  Providence  (see  sect. 
27),  on  ground  fairly  bought  from 
the  Indians,  with  whom  a  "  cove 
nant  of  peaceful  neighborhood  " 
was  entered  into  and  enduringly 
kept. 

14.  Mrs.  Anne  Hutchinson 
and  the  Antinomian  Contro 
versy.  1636-1638.  In  1638  an 
other  settlement  in  the  neighbor 
hood  of  Providence  was  founded 
by  another  band  of  exiles  from 

Massachusetts  Bay.  They  were  followers  of  Mrs.  Anne 

1  The  ground  first  occupied  by  the  settlers  on  Massachusetts 
Bay  had  not  been  bought  from  the  natives  ;  but  lands  acquired 
subsequently  for  the  extension  of  the  settlement  are  said  to  have 
been  bargained  and  paid  for.  Palfrey,  History  of  New  England, 
iii.  137- 


FIRST    SETTLEMENTS   ON 
NARRAGANSETT    BAY. 


BEGINNINGS    OF   THE    EARLY    COLONIES.       45 

Hutchinson,  a  remarkable  woman,  who  had  been  lec 
turing  in  Boston  and  causing  great  religious  excitement 
by  doctrines  which  a  majority  of  the  ministers  and  rulers 
condemned.  A  strong  party  had  been  won  to  her  sup 
port,  including  the  governor  of  that  year,1  Sir  slrHenry 
Henry  or  Sir  Harry  Vane,  who  had  lately  come  Vane- 
from  England,  and  who  returned  there  the  next  year,  to 
become  an  important  actor  in  the  momentous  events  of 
the  time.  The. doctrines  in  dispute,  called  "  Antinomian," 
we  will  not  try  to  explain ;  it  is  enough  to  note  the  con 
sequences  of  the  dispute.  The  opponents  of  Mrs.  Hutch 
inson  carried  the  day,  and  she  and  some  of  her  adherents 
were  banished  from  the  jurisdiction  of  Massachusetts 
Bay.  Some  went  with  her  and  her  husband  to  the  island 
of  Aquidneck,  in  Narragansett  Bay,  which  they  bought 
from  the  Indians,  and  which  got  the  name  of  Early  Rhode 
Rhode  Island,  though  they  intended  that  it  tie^elts*" 
should  be  called  the  Isle  of  Rhodes.  Two  set-  1638- 
tlements  were  formed,  at  Portsmouth  and  Newport,  and 
a  few  years  later  (1644-47)  these,  together  with  another 
settlement  at  Warwick,  on  Narragansett  Bay,  were  united 
with  that  of  Roger  Williams  in  the  "  Colony  of  Provi 
dence  Plantations,"  under  a  patent  which  Williams  went 
to  England  to  obtain. 

Other  companies  of  the  friends  and  followers  of  Mrs. 
Hutchinson  went  northward  and  settled  in  towns  which 
became  the  Exeter  and  Dover  of  New  Hampshire. 

15.  New  England  in  164O.  In  1642  the  strife  in 
England  between  king  and  Parliament  came  to  an  out- 

1  John  Winthrop  had  been  reflected  governor  each  year  until 
1634,  when  Thomas  Dudley  was  chosen.  In  1635  John  Haynes 
was  elected;  in  1636  the  office  was  given  to  Vane.  The  next  year 
Winthrop  was  returned  to  it  and  held  it  until  1649,  except  during 
two  years —  1641  and  1645. 


46  THE    COMING   OF   THE   ENGLISH. 

break  of  civil  war.  The  great  Puritan  party  had  grown 
strong  enough  to  feel  sure  of  success  in  breaking  the 
Decrease  in  tyranny  of  royal  power,  and  the  chief  motives  of 
emigration.  emigration  to  New  England  had  nearly  died 
out.  After  1639  not  many  of  that  party  crossed  the  sea. 
In  1640  the  New  England  population  is  believed  to  have 
numbered  about  26,000,  and  it  had  taken  root  already  in 
five  of  the  six  States  formed  at  a  later  day.  Even  Maine, 
which  had  been  granted  to  Sir  Ferdinando  Gorges,  as 
well  as  New  Hampshire,  claimed  by  Captain  John  Mason, 
contained  a  few  germs  of  settlement  within  its  bounds. 
More  than  half  of  the  whole  population  was  in  Massa 
chusetts,  where  a  score  of  towns  were  growing  up,  all  in 
the  eastern  section  save  Springfield,  on  the  Connecticut 
River.  Plymouth  had  planted  a  few  other  towns  in  its 
neighborhood,  but  the  total  of  inhabitants  did  not  exceed 
3000.  Connecticut  contained  about  the  same  number ; 
the  New  Haven  settlements  somewhat  less. 

16.  Confederation  of  four  New  England  Colonies. 
1643.     In   1643  these  four  substantial  colonies  formed 
a  league,  or  loose  confederacy,  called  "  The  United  Colo 
nies  of  New  England."     The  main  purpose  of  the  union 
was  a  common  defence,  not  only  against  Indian  enemies, 
but  also  against  the  Dutch  settlements  growing  up  on 
the  Hudson  and  the  French  on  the  north,  both  of  which 
were  giving  rise  to  some  fear.     The  Narragansett  settle 
ments  were  refused  admission  to  the  league.     The  fact 
that  this  confederacy  was  formed  without  authority  from 
England  marks  the  independent,  self-reliant  feeling  that 
the  New  England  colonies  had  already  acquired. 

DUTCH  SETTLEMENTS.    1610-1655. 

17.  The  Dutch  on  the  Hudson  and  the  Delaware. 
1609-1655.     The  English  were  now  securely  settled  in 


BEGINNINGS    OF   THE   EARLY   COLONIES.      47 

two  widely  separated  parts  of  the  American 
territory  that  they  claimed,  but  they  had 
lost  control  of  the   space    between.     The 
Dutch  had  slipped  in  and  taken  possession 
of  the  most  valuable  harbor  on  the  coast, 
and   of   the   two   important    streams   then 
known  as  the  North  and  South  rivers,  but 
afterwards  named  the  Hudson  and  the  Dela 
ware.    Their  hold  on  those  possessions  was 
firm,  and  their  title  was  as  good  as  that 
acquired   by   any  other  European   people. 
Though  Cabot  and  other  navigators  of  the 
sixteenth  century  may  have  looked 
the  noble  bay  of  New  York,  it  was 
mariner  in  the  service  of  the  Dutch 
East    India    Company,    Henry 
Hudson,   who   first    explored 
the  fine  river  which  empties 
there  and  discovered  the 
importance  of  the  place. 
He  did  this  in  1609,  while 
searching    for    the    ima 
gined  "northwestern  pas 
sage  "  to  a  sea  beyond. 
His    discovery    was    fol 
lowed  quickly  by  action 
at  Amsterdam  to  occupy 
the   ground.     A   station 
or  factory  for  traffic  with 
the    Indians   was   estab 
lished  on   the  island  of 

Manhattan  in  1610;  the  neighboring  coast,  eastward  to 
Cape  Cod  and  southward  to  Delaware  Bay,  was  promptly 
explored  and  mapped ;  the  whole  region  was  named  New 


EARLY    DUTCH    SETTLEMENTS. 


48  THE    COMING   OF    THE   ENGLISH. 

Netherland,  and  the  company  which  mapped  and  named 
it  received  an  exclusive  privilege  of  trade  from  the  govern 
ment  of  Holland  in  1614.  In  the  same  year  a  trading 
post  called  Fort  Nassau  was  established  up  the 
founded,  North  River ;  but  this  was  abandoned  five 

1  fil  Q 

years  later  and  another,  called  Fort  Orange, 
was  built  where  the  city  of  Albany  now  stands.  Friendly 
relations  with  the  Five  Nations  of  the  Iroquois  were  culti 
vated  from  the  first,  and  with  lasting  effect. 

In  1621  the  original  trading  company  was  superseded 
by  a  great  corporation,  styled  the  West  India  Company, 
west  India  chartered  with  "  almost  unlimited  powers  to 
company.  colonize,  govern,  and  defend  New  Netherland."  1 
The  new  company  built  a  fort  called  Fort  Amsterdam 
on  Manhattan  Island,  in  1623,  and  sent  out  30  families 
of  its  servants,  who  were  engaged  in  the  conduct  of  its 
trade.  In  that  year  it  built,  also,  a  fort  on  the  Delaware 
(or  South  River),  opposite  the  site  of  Philadelphia,  and 
began  the  construction  of  another  on  the  Connecticut, 
where  Hartford  stands.  Thus  the  energetic  Hollanders 
made  preparations  to  hold  the  two  extremities  of  the 
territory  that  they  claimed.  On  the  New  England  side 
they  were  opposed  by  the  Connecticut  colonists,  who 
swedes  on  Proved  too  strong  for  them  and  forced  them 
wJr?,ela~  back;  but  they  established  their  footing  on 
1638-1655.  the  Delaware  (1655)  after  a  struggle  with  the 
Swedes,  who  founded  a  settlement  there,  at  and  around 
Wilmington,  in  1638. 

18.  Ill  Government  of  the  Dutch  Colony.  In  1626 
the  company  bought  the  island  of  Manhattan  from  the 
Indians,  and  its  settlement,  named  New  Amsterdam, 
soon  became  a  thriving  seat  of  the  fur  trade  —  the  most 
important  outside  of  New  France.  Good  government 
1  Brodhead,  History  of  the  State  of  New  York,  v.  i.  ch.  3. 


BEGINNINGS   OF   THE   EARLY   COLONIES.       49 

might  have  given  the  colony  a  brilliant  career  ;  for,  look 
ing  both  seaward  and  landward,  the  advantages  of  its 
position  were  very  great.  But  the  government  of  New 
Netherland  was  not  of  the  kind  that  would  build  up  a 
vigorous  colonial  state.  For  some  reason  the  Dutch  failed 
to  carry  the  free  spirit  of  their  home  government  with 
them  into  the  colonies  they  founded  in  other  parts  of  the 
world.  Even  the  inhabitants  of  the  growing  town  of 
New  Amsterdam  had  no  voice  in  the  management  of  their 
own  municipal  affairs  for  more  than  forty  years  after  its 
settlement  was  begun.  The  governors  sent  out  by  the 
West  India  Company  were  autocrats,  under  almost  no 
restraint.  Two  of  them,  Wouter  (Walter)  Van  VanTwii- 
Twiller  and  William  Kieft,  who  ruled  the  colony  ^re^d 
in  an  important  period,  from  1632  till  1647,  were  1632-1647- 
men  of  little  character  or  sense.  The  latter  abused  the 
neighboring  Indians,  of  Algonquian  tribes,  with  brutal 
recklessness,  and  provoked  a  terrible  war  (1641-44). 
After  the  colony  had  endured  his  senseless  tyranny  for 
ten  years,  it  got  a  hearing  for  its  complaints  and  he  was 
removed,  giving  place  to  a  fiery  old  soldier,  Peter 
Stuyvesant,  who  was  more  of  a  despot  than  his  vesaiit,  * 

j.       .£    j     t  .  i         1647-1664. 

predecessors,   but   dignified   his   autocracy   by 
high  qualities  of  a  strong  character  which  commanded 
respect.     The  reign  of  Stuyvesant  lasted  until  the  colony 
was  taken  from  the  Dutch. 

THE  COLONIES  DURING  THE  OVERTHROW  OF  MONARCHY  IN 
ENGLAND.    1642-1660. 

19.  Civil  War  in  England.  —  Its  Effect  on  the  Col 
onies.  1642-1649.  In  1642  the  conflict  between  the 
king  and  his  party,  called  Cavaliers,  and  the  Puritan 
party  of  the  Parliament  and  people,  called  Roundheads, 
came  to  an  outbreak  of  civil  war.  This  produced  a  con- 


50  THE    COMING   OF   THE   ENGLISH. 

fusion  and  weakening  of  government  which  left  the  colo 
nies  in  practical  independence  for  some  years.  Until  that 
time  the  crown  had  exercised  sole  sovereignty  over  all 
colonial  possessions,  without  any  parliamentary  legisla 
tion,  and  its  right  to  do  so  had  never  been  denied.  Now, 
the  royal  authority  was  about  to  be  extinguished  for  a 
period,  by  the  result  of  the  war,  and  meantime  the  colo 
nies  were  reached  by  no  authority  that  could  really  be 
enforced.  In  1643  Parliament  created  a  Board  of  Com 
missioners  to  superintend  colonial  affairs,  and  thus  as 
serted  its  right  to  legislate  for  all  the  dominions  of  the 
English  crown  ;  but  the  Board  had  little  power. 

In  1649  the  king,  defeated  in  the  war,  was  tried  by  the 
victorious  party  of   his  long-abused    subjects,  was   con 
demned,  and  was  put  to  death.     A  republican 
wealth  and   government  was  then  established,  for  what  took 
rate,  the  name  of  the  Commonwealth  of  England: 

1649-1658.    ,,..,,  £ 

but  this  existed  no  longer  than  four  years. 
Then  Oliver  Cromwell,  supported  by  the  army,  took  the 
reins  of  government  into  his  own  hands,  with  the  title  of 
Lord  Protector,  and  for  the  next  five  years  he  exercised 
an  authority  more  dictatorial  than  the  late  king  had  ever 
claimed. 

20.  Substantial  Independence  of  New  England. 
1642-166O.  The  New  England  colonists  were  natu- 
NOW  Eng-  ra^Y  m  sympathy  with  the  party  that  triumphed 
Sdciviiin8:  m  the  English  civil  war ;  but  they  were  none 
war-  the  less  disposed  to  gain  all  possible  independ 

ence  for  themselves  from  the  state  of  political  confusion 
into  which  the  mother  country  had  been  brought.  The 
late  king's  charter  to  the  Massachusetts  colonists  was 
supposed  to  furnish  the  ground  on  which  they  were 
building  up  a  political  community  in  the  New  World. 
Theoretically  they  had  been  his  subjects,  not  as  being 


BEGINNINGS    OF   THE    EARLY   COLONIES.       51 

part  of  the  English  nation,  under  crown  and  Parliament, 
but  as  being  a  chartered  community  in  another  dominion 
of  the  king,  across  the  sea.  Practically,  their  subjection 
to  the  king  had  been  made  very  slight  by  the  troubles  in 
England  which  weakened  his  power  and  drew  his  atten 
tion  away.  Consequently,  they  had  been  able  to  act 
with  almost  the  freedom  of  a  sovereign  people,  from  the 
first.  Those  who  went  away  from  them  to  the  Connecti 
cut  valley  had  assumed  even  more  of  self-sovereignty, 
when  they  framed  a  constitution  for  themselves  (see 

sect.  26) ;    and  the  four  leading  colonies  were 

£   .  ,  .        .  v  •      i  •     i  j  i_         Subjection 

fairly  stepping  into  political  independence  when   to  the 

they  formed  a  federal  union  (see  sect.  16),  with 
no  consent  asked  for  or  given  from  the  other  side  of  the 
sea.     This  substantial   independence   they   were  deter 
mined  to  keep  unimpaired  if  they  could. 

The  attitude  of  New  England  was  shown  with  plain 
ness  in  1651,  when  Parliament  demanded  a  surrender  of 
the  royal  charter  of  Massachusetts,  and  ordered  Demands  oj 
the  colony  to  take  a  new  one  from  the  parlia-  Parllament- 
mentary  commission  created  in  1643.  No  answer  to  the 
demand  went  from  Boston  for  more  than  a  year ;  then  it 
was  given  in  the  form  of  a  courteous  memorial,  setting 
forth  reasons  why  Massachusetts  preferred  to  keep  her 
old  charter  unchanged. 

But  the  written  answer  of    Massachusetts  to   Parlia 
ment  did  not,  perhaps,  express  so  much  of  her  feeling  of 
independence  as  was  manifested  in  another  proceeding 
of  that  same  year  (1652).    This  was  the  setting 
up  of  a  mint  for  the  coining  of  silver  money,  to   chusetts 
supply  a  pressing  need  of  colonial  trade.     All 
the  colonies  had  been  suffering  from  the  want  of  a  stand 
ard  of   value   and  a  medium  of   exchange.      They  had 
been  forced  to  use  the  "wampum"  or  "  peage  "  money 


52  THE    COMING    OF    THE    ENGLISH. 

of  the  Indians,  made  of  shell  beads,  strung  and  woven 
Early  into  ornamental  belts.  They  had  likewise  used 

money.  beaver-skins  and  corn  for  a  measure  of  value, 
and  tobacco,  in  Virginia,  was  the  only  money  known.  In 
the  palatinate  of  Maryland,  the  almost  vice-royal  pro 
prietor  had  authority  from  his  charter  to  coin  money  ; 
but  that,  being  a  special  attribute  of  sovereignty,  had 
not  been  conferred  upon  the  Governor  and  Company  of 
Massachusetts  Bay.  They  boldly  took  it,  however,  on 
themselves,  and  the  "pine  tree  shillings"1  which  their 
mint  began  to  issue  might  fairly  be  taken  for  an  an 
nouncement  that  Massachusetts  esteemed  herself  to  be  a 
practically  independent  state. 

21.  Persecution  of  Quakers  in  Massachusetts.  1656- 
166O.  Massachusetts  lost  its  able  governor,  John  Win- 
throp,  in  1649,  anc^  J°hn  Endicott  was  governor  for  all 
but  two  of  the  next  fifteen  years.  Those  were  years 
in  the  history  of  the  colony  on  which  a  barbarous  perse 
cution  of  the  pure  and  peaceful  Christian  sect  called 
Friends  or  Quakers  has  left  a  black  stain.  The  Quakers 
were  disciples  of  George  Fox,  then  preaching  in  Eng 
land.  They  were  required  by  their  belief  to  "  testify," 
without  regard  to  consequences,  against  many 
things  in  churches  and  governments,  and  to 


do  it  very  often  in  rude  and  provoking  ways. 
No  punishment  —  death  least  of  all  —  could  keep  them 
from  the  doing  of  this  duty,  as  they  conceived  it  to  be. 
They  were  going  forth  from  England  at  this  time  to 
preach  their  doctrines  in  many  parts  of  the  world,  and 
they  suffered  persecution  in  many  places,  but  nowhere 
else  so  unmercifully  as  in  Massachusetts,  which  their 

1  So  called  from  the  figure  of  a  pine  tree,  stamped  on  the  face  of 
the  coin,  with  the  name  of  the  colony,  in  one  of  its  old  forms, 
"  Masathusets,"  circled  round  it. 


BEGINNINGS    OF   THE    EARLY  COLONIES.       53 

first  missionaries  reached  in  1656.  That  year  they  were 
only  imprisoned  and  banished.  The  next  year,  under  a 
special  law,  they  suffered  whipping,  in  addition, 

r     ,     .  ,,71  Persecution 

and  sometimes  the  cutting  of  their  ears.  When  in  New 
those  penalties  failed  to  keep  them  out  of  Bos 
ton,  the  magistrates  and  clergy  persuaded  the  General 
Court  to  pass  a  law  (1658)  inflicting  death.  Under  that 
dreadful  law,  in  1659  and  1660,  three  men  and  one  wo 
man  were  hanged.  Then  public  feeling  put  a  stop  to 
the  horrible  work.  The  lesser  punishments  went  on  for 
some  years,  but  no  more  of  the  dauntless  Quakers  were 
put  to  death.  In  the  milder  fashion  they  suffered  perse 
cution  in  all  the  New  England  colonies  except  Rhode 
Island,  which  was  true  to  the  tolerant  principles  of  Roger 
Williams  and  refused  to  join  in  hunting  them  down. 

22.  Virginia  and  Maryland  during  and  after  the 
English  Civil  War.  1642-1657.  In  Virginia,  during 
and  after  the  English  civil  war,  the  prevalent  feeling 
was  in  sympathy  with  the  cause  of  the  king.  For  three 
years  after  the  execution  of  King  Charles,  an  unsubmis 
sive  royalist  governor,  Sir  William  Berkeley,  held  his 
ground  at  Jamestown,  undisturbed.  It  was  not  until 
1652  that  Parliament  sent  over  a  fleet,  with  commission 
ers,  who  seated  a  new  governor  in  Berkeley's  place,  leav 
ing  the  colonial  government  otherwise  untouched.  In 
the  next  year  the  Lord  Protector  Cromwell  grasped  au 
thority  in  England,  and  the  Cavalier  colony  was  discreetly 
submissive  to  his  rule. 

Maryland  was  more  disturbed  than  Virginia  by  the 
strife  in  England,  becoming  the  scene  of  a  fierce  struggle 
for  several  years.  In  the  beginning  its  proprietor,  Lord 
Baltimore,  espoused  the  king's  cause.  Later,  he  culti 
vated  the  good-will  of  the  opposite  party,  appointing  a 
Protestant  gentleman,  William  Stone,  to  be  governor, 


54  THE   COMING   OF   THE   ENGLISH. 

and  embodying  a  great  enlargement  of  the  policy  of 
religious  toleration  in  a  famous  act  which  he 
ation  Act,  drew  up,  and  which  was  passed  by  the  Mary 
land  Assembly  in  1649.  In  *6$2  the  same 
parliamentary  commissioners  who  displaced  Governor 
Berkeley  in  Virginia  entered  Maryland  and  annulled  the 
authority  of  its  palatine  lord.  With  the  help  of  the 
Puritan  new  settlers  in  Maryland  (see  sect.  31),  they  de 
posed  Governor  Stone,  set  up  a  provisional  government, 
and  filled  a  new  Assembly  with  Puritans,  by  not  allow 
ing  Catholics  to  vote  or  to  hold  seats.  The  body  thus 
made  up  was  so  shameless  as  to  alter  the  Toleration  Act 
of  1649,  by  excepting  "popery,  prelacy  [that  is,  episco 
pacy],  and  licentiousness  of  opinion  "  from  the  beliefs 
and  practices  that  should  be  free.  A  state  of  fierce 
civil  war  in  the  colony  ensued,  in  which  the  Puritans 
triumphed  (1655)  ;  but  Cromwell  frowned  on  their  pro 
ceedings,  and  they  were  forced  in  the  end  (1657)  to  come 
to  terms  with  Lord  Baltimore.  His  government,  and 
with  it  the  Toleration  Act  of  1649,  was  restored. 

In  1658  Cromwell  died,  and  a  state  of  things  followed 
in  England  which  made  the  people  willing  to  restore 
their  ancient  monarchy,  by  calling  the  late  king's  elder 
son  from  exile  and  seating  him  on  the  throne  (1660). 

TOPICS    AND    SUGGESTED    READING    AND    RESEARCH. 

1.    The  French  in  Canada  and  Acadia. 

TOPICS  AND  REFERENCES. 

i.  Beginnings  of  French  settlement.  2.  The  territory  called 
Acadia.  Parkman,  Pioneers,  chs.  ii.-v. ;  Winsor,  America,  iv. 
I35-H5  ;  Winsor,  Cartier,  ch.  iv. ;  Bourinot,  ch.  v. ;  Roberts,  18-22. 

3.  Champlain.  —  His  Indian  alliance  and  its  lasting  conse 
quences.  Parkmzn,  Pioneers,  chs.  ii.-iv.,ix.-xvii.;  Winsor,  A merica, 
iv.  ch.  iii. ;  Winsor,  Cartier^  chs.  v.-vii.;  Higginson,  127-136;  Bouri 
not,  chs.  vi.-viii. ;  Roberts,  22-45. 


TOPICS,   REFERENCES,  AND    RESEARCH.        55 

2.  The  French  Fur  Trade.  —  French  Missions. 

TOPICS  AND  REFERENCES. 

i.  Importance  of  the  fur  trade.  2.  Character  of  the  white  popu 
lation  that  it  attracted.  3.  French  treatment  of  the  Indians  as 
affected  by  the  fur  trade.  Parkman,  Old  Regime,  303-315  ;  Bouri- 
not,  ch.  xii.;  Weeden,  i.  129;  Thwaites,  17-19,  4-8-49- 

4.  French  missions  and   missionaries  in  America.      Parkman, 
Jesuits ;  Winsor,  America,  iv.  ch.  vi. ;  Winsor,  Cartier,  129-161  ; 
Bourinot,  ch.  ix. ;  Higginson,  120-127. 

3.  The  Virginia  Company  in  its  Two  Branches. 

TOPICS  AND  REFERENCES. 

i.  Three  early  voyages  to  the  New  England  coast.  2.  Charter 
ing  of  the  Virginia  Company  (text  in  MacDonald,  i.  11-17;  Preston, 
1-13).  3.  Boundaries  of  the  region  called  Virginia.  4.  Division 
of  the  territory  between  two  branches  of  the  company.  Fiske, 
Old  Va.j  i.  55-67;  Doyle,  i.  134-149;  Fisher,  30-34;  Thwaites, 
65-69. 

5.  Change  in  grant  to  the  branch  called  the  London  Company 
(text  in  MacDonald,  i.  11-17;   Preston,  14-21).     6.   Doubtful  de 
scription  of  its  new  boundary.     7.  Claims  founded  on  it  by  Vir 
ginians  in  later  times.     See  references  in  sections  78  and  141. 
RESEARCH.  —  Which  of  the  present  States  of  the  American  Union 

were  covered  or  partly  covered  by  the  first  grant  to  the  Virginia 
Company  ?  On  what  ground  could  the  European  nations  which 
first  "  discovered  "  different  parts  of  the  American  continent, 
already  inhabited  by  red  men,  assume  a  right  to  take  possession 
of  them  ? 

4.   The  James  River  Colony  of  the  London  Branch. 

TOPICS  AND  REFERENCES. 

1.  Failure  of  the  Popham  settlement  on  the  Kennebec.     Palfrey, 
i.  83-85  ;  Fiske,  Old  Va.,  i.  70,  71. 

2.  The  James  River  colony  of  the  London  Company.    3.  Services 
and  character  of  Captain  John  Smith. —  Credibility  of  his  story. 
John   Smith,    Works,  305-488;    Stith,  42-107;    A.  Brown,  First 
Republic,  preface  ;  Fiske,  Old  Va.,  i.  71-79,80-143,  151-159;  Doyle, 
i.  149-166;  Higginson,  141-151  ;  Hart,  Contempts,  i.  209-218. 


56       BEGINNINGS    OF    THE    EARLY  COLONIES. 

4.  Change  in  the  London  Company.  —  Its  powers  of  govern 
ment  over  the  colony.  Doyle,  i.  167-177  ;  Fiske,  Old  Va.,  i.  144- 
147. 

RESEARCH.  —  The  fate  of  Jamestown,  the  first  settlement  in  Vir 
ginia. 

5.    Tobacco  Culture.  —  Prosperity.  —  Disaster. 

TOPICS  AND  REFERENCES. 

1.  Prosperity  on  James  River  resulting  from   tobacco  culture- 
Bruce,  i.  51,  52,   160-165,  210-212,  254,  255,  262-270;   Fiske,   Old 
Va.,  i.  174-177;    Hart,  Contempts,  i.  288-291,  307-310  ;  Eggleston, 
Beginners,  84-86. 

2.  Important  political  change  in  the  London  Company.      See 
references  in  section  23. 

3.  Spread  of  settlements  between  James  and  York  rivers.     4. 
Murderous  outbreak  of  Indians.     5.    Overthrow  of  the  charter  of 
the  London  Company.     Fiske,  Old  Va.,  i.  189,  190,  201-222  ;  Hart, 
Contempts,  i.  225-233. 

RESEARCH.  —  Spanish  influence  at  the  English  court  against  the 
London  Company.  Fiske,  Old  Va.,  i.  194-196.  —  With  what 
kings  did  the  English  people  carry  on  the  struggle  for  constitu 
tional  rights  that  is  referred  to  in  this  section  ? 

6.    The  Founding  of  Maryland. 

TOPICS  AND  REFERENCES. 

1.  Grant  to  Lord   Baltimore  of  territory  taken  from   Virginia 
(text  in  Preston,  63-77;  MacDonald,  i.  53-59). 

2.  His  "palatine  "  principality.     See  references  in  section  28. 

3.  Object  of  Lord  Baltimore  in  obtaining  the  grant.     4.    Begin 
ning  of  the  settlement  of  Maryland.      5.    Religious  and  political 
freedom  in  the  Maryland  colony.     W.  H.  Browne,  ch.  ii.  ;  Fiske, 
Old  Va.,  i.  265-275;  Doyle,  i.  367-387;    Lodge,  Short  Hist.,  93- 
100 ;  Drake,  Afaking  Va.,  66-79;  Fisher,  62-67. 

RESEARCH.  —  The  harsh  treatment  of  Catholics  in  England  at  this 
period.  Eggleston,  Beginners,  236-239. 


TOPICS,   REFERENCES,  AND    RESEARCH.        57 

7.    First  Settlement  in  New  England.  —  The  Pilgrim 
Fathers. 

TOPICS  AND  REFERENCES. 

1.  Mapping  and  naming  of  New  England  by  Captain  John  Smith. 
Winsor,  America,  iii.  179,  180;  Fiske,  Beginnings,  77-79  J  Palfrey, 
i.  92-98;  Hart,  Contemp's,  i.  313-318;  O.  S.  Leaf.,  121. 

2.  The  influence  which  brought  colonists  to  the  region.     3.    Mi 
gration  of  the  "  Pilgrim  Fathers."     4.    Their  religious  denomina 
tion    and  its    claims.     Palfrey,  i.   126-163;  Winsor,  America,  iii. 
chs.  vii.-viii. ,  Walker,  chs.  i.-iii. ;  Dexter,  chs.  i.-xvi. ;  PMske,  Begin 
nings,  70-77,  79-82;  Eggleston,  Beginners,  141-181;  Doyle,  ii.  14- 
68;  Hart,  Contempts,  i.  167-170,  340-348. 

8.    The  Plymouth  Colony. 

TOPICS  AND  REFERENCES. 

i.  Sufferings  and  trials  of  the  Pilgrim  settlement.  2.  Their 
relations  with  the  Indians.  3.  Creation  of  the  Council  for  New 
England  (text  in  MacDonald,  i.  23-33). 

4.  Its  grant  of  land  to  the  Pilgrim  colony  (text  in  MacDonald, 

i-  51-53)- 

5.  Slow  growth  of  the  colony.    Palfrey,  i.  chs.  v.-vi.;  Dexter,  chs. 

xvii.-xxv.  ;  Fiske,  Beginnings,  82-87  ;  Hart,  Contemp's,  i.  349-359. 

RESEARCH.  —  Other  attempts  at  settlement  in  New  England  be 
tween  1620  and  1630.  Palfrey,  i.  ch.  vi.  ;  Drake,  Making  N.  E., 
104-141.  In  what  circumstances  was  the  Plymouth  branch  of 
the  Virginia  Company  reorganized  and  rechartered,  as  the  Coun 
cil  for  New  England  ?  Fisher,  84-85. 

9.    The  Puritans  in  England. 

TOPICS  AND  REFERENCES. 

i.  Despotic  attempts  of  Charles  I.  in  England.    2.   Spreading  of 
the  views  called  "  Puritan."     Green,  ch.  viii.  sects,  i  and  5  ;  Win 
sor,  America,  iii.  ch.  vii. ;  Walker,  76-94;  Palfrey,  i.  ch.  vii. ;  Eg 
gleston,  Beginners,  192-196;  Larned,  England,  379-384. 
RESEARCH.  —  What  is  an  "  established  church  "  ?  —  Is  there  any 
such  church  in  the  United  States  ?  —  Is  there  now  an  established 
church  in  England  ?  —  Did  the  distinction  between  Puritans  and 
Independents,  in  their  church  organization,  disappear  after  the 
former  came  to  New  England  ?     Walker,  ch.  iv. 


58       BEGINNINGS    OF   THE    EARLY  COLONIES. 

10.  Emigration  and  Settlement  of  the  Governor  and 

Company  of  Massachusetts  Bay. 

TOPICS  AND  REFERENCES. 

1.  Cause  of  the  emigration.     Green,  ch.  viii.  sect.  4. 

2.  Grant  of  territory  to  John  Endicott  and  others.  —  Endicott's 
settlement.     3.    Chartering  of  "  The  Governor    and  Company  of 
Massachusetts  Bay."    Remarkable  degree  of  independence  secured 
(text  in  MacDonald,  i.  37-42;    Preston,  36-61;   O.  S.  Leaf.,  7.) 
4.   Transfer  of  the  charter  and  government  to  New  England.    Ellis, 
ch.  vii.;    Fiske,  Beginnings,  92-104,  and   Civil  Gov't,   146-148; 
Winsor,  Boston,  i.  151-159;  Palfrey,  i.  283-329;  Doyle,  ii.  ch.  iii. ; 
Hart,  Contempts,  i.  366-372;  Fisher,  101-103,  108-112. 

5.  Rapid  rise  of  settlements  on  Massachusetts  Bay.  6.  De 
mands  for  the  surrender  of  the  charter.  Twitchell,  chs.  v.-x. ; 
Usher,  120-123. 

RESEARCH.  —  Other  grants  by  the  Council  for  New  England,  to 
Mason,  Gorges,  and  others.  Doyle,  ii.  ch.  vii. ;  text  in  Mac- 
Donald,  i.  36,  37,  50,  51. 

11.  Enlightenment  and  Intolerance  in  the  Massachu 

setts  Colony. 

TOPICS  AND  REFERENCES. 

1.  The  planting  of  schools  and  founding  of  Harvard  College. 
Fiske,  Beginnings,  1 10-1 1 1 ;  Palfrey,  i.  548-549  ;  Hart,  Contempts, 
i.  467-472. 

2.  Restriction  of  political  rights  to  church  members.     Walker, 
98-100,  125-128  ;  Ellis,  ch.  vi.  ;  Fiske,  Beginnings,  108-109,  247- 
252;  Palfrey,  i.  344-348,  383-389;  Hart,  Contempts,  330-333,  393- 
396. 

12.  Secession  from  Massachusetts  Bay.  —  The  Found 

ing  of  Connecticut. 

TOPICS  AND  REFERENCES. 

i.  Migration  of  Thomas  Hooker  and  his  followers  to  the  Con 
necticut.  2.  Rival  claimants  of  the  Connecticut  Valley.  3.  The 
Pequot  Indian  War.  4.  The  New  Haven  settlement.  —  Its  "  Fun 
damental  Agreement"  (text  in  MacDonald,  i.  67-72).  Johnston, 
Connecticut^  17-20,69-74;  Fiske,  Beginnings,  122-127,  134-136; 


TOPICS,  REFERENCES,  AND    RESEARCH.        59 

Doyle,  ii.  ch.  v. ,  Eggleston,  Beginners,  316-325;  Hart,  Contempts, 

1.  410-415,   439-444;  Hubbard,  ii.  5-38.     See,  also,  references  in 
sect.  26. 

13.    The  Founding  of  Providence.  —  Beginnings  of 
Rhode  Island. 

TOPICS  AND  REFERENCES. 
i.   The  broad   views    and   tolerant   spirit   of   Roger  Williams. 

2.  His  persecution  in  Massachusetts.     3.   The  founding  of  Provi 
dence    Plantation.     4.    The    buying  of    lands   from  the   Indians. 
Arnold,   i.  chs.  i.-iv. ;    Ellis,   ch.   viii.  ;  Walker,   129-136;    Fiske, 
Beginnings,  114-116;   Hart,  Contempts,  i.   402-406;   O.  S.  Leaf,, 
54- 

RESEARCH.  —  The  Character  of  Roger  Williams.  Eggleston,  Begin 
ners,  301-306.  —  Other  early  advocates  of  religious  toleration. 
Brooks,  38-46.  -  -  Later  development  of  religious  freedom. 
Schaff ;  Lauer,  ch.  iii. 

14.    Mrs.  Anne  Hutchinson.  —  The  Antinomian  Con 
troversy. 

TOPICS  AND  REFERENCES. 

i.  Banishment  of  Mrs.  Hutchinson  and  her  followers.  2.  Set 
tlement  on  the  island  of  Aquidneck.  —  Other  settlements  on  Nar- 
ragansett  Bay.  3.  Origin  of  the  name  of  Rhode  Island.  4.  Patent 
to  the  "  Colony  of  Providence  Plantations  "  (text  in  MacDonald, 
i.  91-93).  5.  New  Hampshire  settlements.  Arnold,  i.  chs.  ii.,  v.- 
vii. ;  Hosmer,  Vane,  47-80  ;  Palfrey,  i.  ch.  xii. ;  Ellis,  ch.  ix. ;  Eggle 
ston,  Beginners,  329-341 ;  Fiske,  Beginnings,  116-120;  Twitchell, 
chs.  xi.-xii. ;  Hart,  Contempts,  i.  382-387,  397-401. 
RESEARCH.  —  The  subsequent  political  career  of  Vane  in  England. 

Hosmer,  Vane. 

15.    New  England  in  164O. 

TOPICS  AND  REFERENCES. 

i.  Outbreak  of  civil  war  in  England.  2.  Ending  of  Puritan 
emigration.  3.  Extent  and  distribution  of  population  in  New  Eng 
land.  Fiske,  Beginnings,  137-139. 


60       BEGINNINGS    OF   THE    EARLY  COLONIES. 

16.    Confederation  of  Four  New  England  Colonies. 

TOPICS  AND  REFERENCES. 

i.  Confederation  of  the  four  leading  New  England  colonies 
(text  in  Preston,  85-95  ;  MacDonald,  i.  94-101).  2.  Purpose  of 
the  union,  and  its  significance.  Fiske,  Beginnings,  1 55-160;  Palfrey, 
i.  623-634;  Doyle,  ii.  294-316;  Frothingham,  Rise  of  the  Rep., 
33-49 ;  Hart,  Contempt,  i.  447~454- 

17.    The  Dutch  on  the  Hudson  and  the  Delaware. 

TOPICS  AND  REFERENCES. 

i.    Position  acquired  by  the  Dutch.     2.  Their  title  to  it.     3.  Ex 
tent   of  territory  claimed  by  them  and    called   New  Netherland. 
4.    Chartering  of  the  West  India  Company,  and  its  early  settle 
ments.     Fiske,  D.  and  Q.  Col's,  i.  97-113,  116-117,  277~279- 
RESEARCH.  —  Swedish  settlements  on  the  Delaware.     O.  S.  Leaf., 

96 ;  Fiske,  D.  and  Q.  CoFs,  i.  237-242. 

18.    Ill  Government  of  the  Dutch  Colonies. 

TOPICS  AND  REFERENCES. 

i.  New  Amsterdam.  2.  Character  of  the  New  Netherland  gov 
ernment.  3.  Peter  Stuyvesant.  O'Callaghan,  ii.  bk.  6,  ch.  viii. ; 
Fiske,  D.  and  Q.  Col's,  i.  131-133,  162-201 ;  Lodge,  Short  Hist., 
286-292  ;  Thwaites,  Colonies,  198-202  ;  Drake,  Making  Va.,  123- 
138  ;  Hart,  Contempts,  i.  529-537. 
RESEARCH.  —  Constitution  and  character  of  the  government  of 

Holland  at  this  time. 

19.    Civil  War  in  England.  —  Its  Effect  on  the  Colo 
nies. 

TOPICS  AND  REFERENCES. 

i.  The  royalist  party,  called  Cavaliers,  and  the  parliamentary 
party,  called  Roundheads.  2.  Confusion  and  weakening  of  author 
ity  over  the  colonies.  3.  Execution  of  the  king.  4.  The  Common 
wealth  and  Protectorate  in  England.  Green,  ch.  viii.  sects.  7-10 ; 
Gardiner,  537-576;  Lamed,  England,  ch.  xvii. 


TOPICS,  REFERENCES,  AND    RESEARCH.        6l 

2O.    Substantial  Independence  of  New  England. 

TOPICS  AND  REFERENCES. 

i.  Attitude  of  the  New  England  colonies  during  and  after  the 
English  civil  war.  2.  Theory  of  the  relation  of  the  colonies  to  the 
English  crown.  Fiske,  Civil  Gov't,  156-158. 

3.  Failure  of  the  attempt  of  Parliament  to  charter  Massachusetts 
anew.     Fiske,  Beginnings,  160-162;  Palfrey,  ii.  401. 

4.  The  Massachusetts  mint  and  its  significance.     5.   Substitutes 
for  coined  money  in  the  colonies.    Weeden,  i.  32-45,  190-192,  325- 
326  ;  Palfrey,  ii.  403-405. 

6.    Cromwell's  attitude  toward  the  colonies. 

RESEARCH.  —  The  origin  of  coined  money.  —  The  two  purposes 
which  money  serves,  and  the  reasons  why  they  are  served  best 
by  the  so-called  precious  metals.  —  Why  and  under  what  condi 
tions  can  a  paper  note  be  made  to  serve  satisfactorily  as  a  repre 
sentative  substitute  for  coined  money  ?  Jevons,  chs.  iii.,  v.-vi., 
xvi.-xviii. 

21.   Persecution  of  Quakers  in  Massachusetts. 

TOPICS  AND  REFERENCES. 

i.   The  Friends,  or  Quakers.     2.    Their  persecution  in  Massa 
chusetts  and  elsewhere.     Fiske,  Beginnings,  179-191  ;  Higginson, 
203-206;  Doyle,  iii.  126-146;  Hart,  Contempts,  i.  479-486. 
RESEARCH.  —  Characteristics  of  the  Quakers  (Hallowell,  ch.  i.). 

22.    Virginia  and  Maryland  during  and  after  the  Eng 
lish  Civil  War. 

TOPICS  AND  REFERENCES. 

i.  Virginia  in  sympathy  with  the  king.  2.  Treatment  of  the 
colony  by  Parliament  and  Cromwell.  Doyle,  i.  281-302;  Fiske, 
Old  Va.,  ii.  16-21  ;  Lodge,  Short  Hist.,  14-18;  Hart,  Contempts, 
233-236: 

3.  The  Maryland  Toleration  Act  of  1649  (text  in  MacDonald, 
i.  104-106  ;  Hart,  Contemp's,  i.  291-294).  4.  Influx  of  expelled 
Puritans  from  Virginia.  5.  Their  conduct  in  Maryland.  W.H. 
Browne,  57-89;  Fiske,  Old  Va.,  i.  301-318;  Doyle,  i.  402-416; 
Hart,  Contempts,  5.  262-267. 


CHAPTER    II. 

POLITICAL    AND    SOCIAL    DEVELOPMENT    OF     THE     EARLY 
COLONIES. 

23.  Virginia.  In  origin  and  in  form  and  character  of 
society  and  government  there  was  much  unlikeness  be 
tween  the  seven  English  colonies  that  existed  when  the 
Protectorate  in  England  was  overthrown  and  monarchy 
was  restored. 

Virginia  had  been  colonized  first  by  a  company,  royally 
chartered,  most  of  whose  members  remained  in  England, 
keeping  the  whole  direction  of  the  colony  there  and  gov 
erning  it  wholly  through  officials  of  its  own.  In  1619  the 
colony  passed  under  the  control  of  men  who  were  wise 
and  generous  enough  to  give  instructions  that  the  Vir 
ginia  planters  "  might  have  a  hand  in  the  government  of 
themselves;"  whereupon  the  colonial  governor  caused 
two  representatives  to  be  elected  from  each  of  eleven  set 
tlements  or  plantations,  who  were  to  meet  with  a  council 
which  the  company  appointed,  forming  a  general  assembly, 
—  the  first  of  American  legislatures,  and  probably  the  first 
colonial  legislature  in  the  world  since  those  of  the  ancient 
Greeks.  Two  years  later  the  company,  led  by  Sir  Edwin 
sir  Edwin  Sandys,  a  man  of  great  influence  and  ability, 
Sandys.  established  this  system  of  partly  representative 
government  more  formally  and  firmly  by  embodying  it  in 
an  ordinance,  adopted  on  the  24th  of  July,  162 1.1  The 

1  This  was  more  nearly  a  written  constitution    of  government 
than  the  agreement  to  be  spoken  of  presently,  which  the  Pilgrim 


POLITICAL   AND    SOCIAL    DEVELOPMENT.       63 

broad-minded  men  who  brought  this  about  were  leaders 
in  the  party  which  resisted  the  tyrannical  attempts  of 
King  James  to  destroy  the  political  rights  of  the  Eng 
lish  people.  Hence  the  king  was  hostile  to  them,  and  he 
was  able,  with  the  help  of  a  subservient  bench  of  judges, 
to  annul  their  charter  and  take  the  colony  out  of  their 
hands.  He  then  began  to  plan  a  new  scheme  of  govern 
ment  for  Virginia,  and  would,  of  course,  have  swept  away 
its  representative  legislature ;  but  he  fell  sick  soon  after 
ward  and  died  (March,  1625).  His  son  and  successor, 
Charles  I.,  plunged  instantly  into  quarrels  with  his  sub 
jects  at  home,  which  kept  him  busy,  and  Virginia  was 
let  alone.  Except  that  its  governor  and  council  were  ap 
pointed  thenceforth  by  the  crown,  the  government  of  the 
colony  was  unchanged,  and  its  general  assembly  lived  on 
through  the  whole  of  the  colonial  time.  The 
popular  representatives  in  the  assembly,  called  of  Bur- 
burgesses,  were  elected  by  vote  of  all  the  free 
male  "  inhabitants  "  of  the  colony  until  1670,  when  the 
suffrage  was  restricted  to  "  freeholders  and  housekeep 
ers." 

Excepting  Virginia,  every  one  of  the  early  colonies 
had  its  origin  in  a  movement  of  escape  from  intolerant 
laws  concerning  religious  practices  and  beliefs.   Religious 
Two  of  them  (Connecticut  and  Rhode  Island)   Origins< 
represented  secessions  from  the  main  body  of  the  exiles  ; 

Fathers  of  the  Mayflower  adopted  eight  months  before.  This  Vir 
ginia  ordinance  created  the  apparatus  of  a  representative  govern 
ment,  which  the  Mayflower  Compact  did  not ;  but  the  latter  was 
the  agreement  of  the  people  themselves,  while  the  former  was  a 
grant  from  men  who  exercised  sovereignty  over  the  people  in  the 
king's  name.  Both  instruments  are  of  memorable  interest  in  Ameri 
can  history  ;  but  neither  of  them  can  be  called  "  the  first  of  written 
constitutions,"  as  the  "  Fundamental  Orders  "  of  Connecticut  (see 
sect.  26)  can  be,  in  the  strict  modern  sense. 


64  THE    COMING   OF   THE    ENGLISH. 

in  four  instances  the  migration  was  self-directed  by  those 
who  took  part  in  it ;  in  the  remaining  case  (that  of 
Maryland)  it  was  not. 

24.  Plymouth.  In  the  matter  of  government,  the 
Mayflower  Pilgrims,  on  arriving  at  Plymouth,  were  singu 
larly  placed.  They  came  to  America  with  no  govern 
ment  provided  for  them  by  the  authority  in  England 
which  claimed  sovereignty  over  their  new  home,  and  with 
no  authorization  to  govern  themselves.  Self-government 
was  forced  on  them,  in  a  primitive  way,  by  the  necessi 
ties  of  their  situation,  impelling  them  to  exercise  a  natu 
ral  right.  To  agree  on  some  organization  of  authority 
amongst  themselves  was  all  that  they  could  do.  They 
framed  such  an  agreement  and  signed  it,  on  the  i  ith  of 
November  (Old  Style,  being  the  2ist,  New  Style),  be- 
Mayiiower  f°re  landing  from  the  ship.1  If  we  can  call  this 
compact.  it  Mayflower  Compact,"  as  it  is  known,  a  con 
stitution  of  democratic  government,  it  was  the  simplest 
ever  written,  and  the  first  (see  footnote,  sect.  23).  It 
gave  sufficient  authority  to  the  governor,  chosen  yearly 
thereafter  (John  Carver  in  the  first  year,  and  William 
Bradford  in  most  of  the  thirty-six  following  years),  and 
sufficient  force  to  the  simple  ordinances  that  were  en 
acted  in  meetings  of  the  whole  small  body  of  the  Plym- 

1  "  We,"  it  said,  "having  undertaken,  for  the  glory  of  God  and 
advancement  of  the  Christian  faith  and  honor  of  our  king  and  coun 
try,  a  voyage  to  plant  the  first  colony  in  the  northern  parts  of  Vir 
ginia,  do,  by  these  presents,  solemnly  and  mutually,  in  the  presence 
of  God,  and  of  one  another,  covenant  and  combine  ourselves  to 
gether  into  a  civil  body  politic,  for  our  better  ordering  and  preser 
vation  and  furtherance  of  the  ends  aforesaid;  and,  by  virtue  hereof, 
to  enact,  constitute,  and  frame  such  just  and  equal  laws,  ordinances, 
acts,  constitutions  and  offices,  from  time  to  time,  as  shall  be  thought 
most  meet  for  the  general  good  of  the  colony.  Unto  which  we 
promise  all  due  submission  and  obedience." 


POLITICAL  AND    SOCIAL   DEVELOPMENT.       65 

outh  freemen,  until  1639.  After  that  time  deputies  were 
chosen  to  form  a  representative  legislature,  in  place  of 
the  original  meeting  of  all.  From  the  beginning  to  the 
end  of  its  separate  existence,  the  Plymouth  colony  was 
a  self-constituted  republic,  existing  as  such  by  sufferance 
of  the  government  that  claimed  dominion  over  it. 

25.  Massachusetts.  Very  different  in  political  struc 
ture  was  the  colony  next  planted  on  the  New  England 
coast.  That  came,  as  we  have  seen  (sect.  10),  to  an 
appointed  territory,  and  came  fully  constituted  and  organ 
ized  in  advance,  —  "  the  Governor  and  Company  of  Mas 
sachusetts  Bay,"  —  endowed  with  all  the  powers  of  self- 
government  that  the  sovereignty  assumed  by  the  king 
of  England  could  confer.  It  came  as  a  corporate  body, 
created  by  royal  charter,  empowered  to  add  to  its  mem 
bership  without  limit,  and,  apparently,  on  its  own  terms. 
It  exercised  that  power  of  admitting  new  members  by 
adopting  a  rule,  in  the  year  after  its  arrival  in  America, 
that  "  no  man  shall  be  admitted  to  the  freedom  of  this 
body  politic  but  such  as  are  members  of  some 

e    .         .  ,,    Restriction 

of  the  churches  within  the  limits  of  the  same,     of  the  fran- 

chise to 

This  shut  out  all  but  members  of  Puritan  church 
churches,  since  no  other  religious  bodies  were 
allowed,  for  some  time,  to  hold  services  in  the  colony. 
It  did  not  exclude  other  persons  from  residence  in  the 
colony,  for  many  who  were  not  Puritan  church  members 
came  in  ;  but  it  denied  them  political  rights.  They  were 
not  "freemen"  of  the  body  politic  ;  they  had  no  vote. 
This  peculiar  qualification  of  the  suffrage  became  a  cause 
of  deep  discontent ;  but,  with  a  slight  relaxation  (in  1662, 
by  what  was  called  the  "  Halfway  Covenant  "),  it  was 
stoutly  maintained  for  more  than  half  a  century,  until 
the  cherished  charter  of  the  "  Governor  and  Company  " 
had  been  annulled. 


66  THE    COMING   OF   THE   ENGLISH. 

At  the  outset,  the  general  body  of  the  "freemen  "  of 
the  colony  could  exercise  their  political  franchise  only  by 
being  present  at  the  meetings  called  the  "general  court." 
They  elected  the  twelve  "  assistants  provided  for  in  the 
charter  ;  "  the  assistants  elected  the  governor  ;  the  gov 
ernor  and  assistants  made  and  executed  laws.  But  in  the 
second  year  of  the  colony  the  yearly  election  of  the  gov 
ernor  was  taken  from  the  assistants  and  given 
Repr^sen-  to  the  general  body  of  freemen  ;  and  in  the  third 

tation.  .         .       .  ,  , 

year  a  representative  legislature  was  created, 
formed  of  deputies  from  each  town.  Its  sessions  were 
still  called  meetings  of  the  "general  court." 

26.  Connecticut  and  New  Haven.  Disapproval  of 
the  narrow  restriction  of  political  rights  in  Massachusetts 
was  among  the  causes  that  led  to  the  secession  and  mi 
gration  which  planted  a  separate  colony  in  the  Connecti 
cut  valley.  The  first  three  Connecticut  settlements  were 
made  by  emigrants  from  the  three  Massachusetts  towns 
of  Newtown  (afterwards  Cambridge),  Watertown,  and 
Dorchester,  and  each  brought  part  of  its  town  and  church 
organization  with  it,  setting  the  same  in  operation  on  the 
new  ground  at  once.  Their  local  government  suffered 
no  break,  therefore,  and  a  general  or  commonwealth  gov 
ernment  was  created  immediately,  by  an  assembly  of  the 
magistrates  of  the  three  towns,  to  form  a  "general  court." 
In  1639  the  whole  body  of  "the  inhabitants  and  resi- 
Fundamen-  dents  "  of  the  three  towns  adopted  what  they 
injoveerns  called  the  "  Fundamental  Orders  "  of  govern 
ment,  ment  for  their  commonwealth,  in  a  series  of  de 
crees  which  form,  in  the  most  complete  sense  of  the  term, 
a  written  political  constitution ;  and,  in  that  full  sense,  it 
is  the  first  that  is  known  to  have  been  framed  as  a  scheme 
of  self-government  by  any  community  of  people  in  the 


POLITICAL   AND    SOCIAL   DEVELOPMENT.       67 

world.1  "We  the  inhabitants  and  residents  of  Windsor, 
Hartford,  and  Wethersfield,"  said  they,  in  these  "  Orders," 
"  well-knowing  where  a  people  are  gathered  together 
.  .  .  there  should  be  an  orderly  and  decent  government 
established  according  to  God,  to  order  and  dispose  of 
the  affairs  of  the  people  at  all  seasons  as  occasion  shall 
require,  do  therefore  associate  and  conjoin  ourselves  to 
be  as  one  public  state  or  commonwealth."  Here,  then, 
we  have  again,  as  at  Plymouth,  the  creation  of  a  self-con 
stituted  commonwealth,  derived  from  no  exterior  sover 
eignty,  and  resting  on  none,  until,  after  a  quarter  of  a 
century,  its  constitution  was  uselessly  confirmed  by  a 
charter  from  the  king. 

The  same  self-making  of  government  was  performed 
at  New  Haven,  in  the  founding  of  a  colony  there  that 
was  joined  a  little  later  to  Connecticut.  Authority  at 
New  Haven  was  based  on  a  "  Fundamental  Agreement," 
in  six  resolutions  ;  but  the  community  had  nothing  of  the 
democratic  spirit  of  its  near  neighbors,  up  the  river,  since 
none  but  church  members  were  admitted  to  the  fran 
chises  of  the  little  state. 

27.  Rhode  Island.  In  like  manner,  Roger  Williams 
and  his  followers  accomplished  their  self -organization  of 
government  on  Narragansett  Bay,  by  a  compact  as  sim 
ple  as  that  of  the  Plymouth  Pilgrims.  It  united  them, 

1  Dr.  Fiske  calls  attention  to  the  fact  that  "  this  document  con 
tains  none  of  the  conventional  references  to  a  '  dread  sovereign  '  or 
a  'gracious  king,'  nor  the  slightest  allusion  to  the  British  or  any 
other  government  outside  of  Connecticut  itself,  nor  does  it  pre 
scribe  any  condition  of  church  membership  for  the  right  of  suf 
frage.  It  was  the  first  written  constitution  known  to  history  that 
created  a  government,  and  it  marked  the  beginnings  of  American 
democracy,  of  which  Thomas  Hooker  deserves  more  than  any  other 
man  to  be  called  the  father."  —  Beginnings  of  New  England,  p.  127. 
See,  also,  footnote  on  page  63. 


68  THE   COMING   OF   THE    ENGLISH. 

"with  such  others  as  they  shall  admit,"  in  a  "town  fel 
lowship;"  but  stipulated  that  the  fellowship  should  be 
"  only  in  civil  things,"  thus  declaring  a  separation  of  the 
affairs  of  the  "state  "  from  the  affairs  of  the  "church." 
Their  civil  government  was  the  first  in  history  to  be 
barred  from  interference  with  the  freedom  of  the  soul. 

28.  Maryland.     In  the  case  of  Maryland  the  political 
formation  was  wholly  different  from  that  of  any  of  the 
colonies  described  above.     The  king  of  England,  in.  that 
instance,  transferred  to  one  of  his  subjects,  Lord  Balti 
more,  almost  the  whole  sovereignty  that  he  claimed  over 
a  portion  of  American  territory,  parting  with  the  exercise 
of  that  sovereignty  so  completely  that  his  relation  to 
Maryland  became  only  that  of  a  feudal  suzerain  or  over 
lord.    This  created  what  was  known  in  the  Middle  Ages 
and  afterward  as  a  palatine  province  or  palatinate,  for  the 
sovereignty  reason  that  the  powers   conferred  on  its  lord 
onLorded      were  those  exercised  in  the  palace  of  the  king. 
Baltimore.     He  could  grant  titles  of  nobility,  coin  money, 

create  courts,  appoint  judges,  hear  appeals  from  them, 
approve  or  annul  all  colonial  proceedings,  and  be  prac 
tically,  in  fact,  a  sovereign  within  his  domain.  But  he 
was  not  to  be  an  absolute  sovereign,  any  more  than  the 
king  of  England  was  constitutionally  such.  By  the  terms 
of  his  patent  he  was  required  to  give  the  freemen  of  his 
province  a  voice  in  the  making  of  their  laws.  At  first 
they  were  all  called  together  for  that  purpose,  in  an 
assembly  like  the  "folk-moots  "  of  the  early  English  ;  but 
in  1638  they  began  to  choose  delegates  to  the  assem 
bly,  to  sit  with  the  governor,  and  representative  govern 
ment  existed  in  Maryland  from  that  time. 

29.  The    Constitutional    Differences   and  the  Fun 
damental    Likeness.     To    review,  now,  the   variety  of 
political  constructions  in  the  first  English-American  col- 


POLITICAL   AND    SOCIAL   DEVELOPMENT.       69 

onies  :  Virginia  had  been  planted  originally  by  a  com 
pany  resident  in  England,  to  which  the  king  had  granted 
a  large  piece  of  territory,  with  a  somewhat  limited  power 
to  govern  the  settlements  made  in  it ;  but  the  grant  to 
that  company  had  been  annulled  by  English  courts,  and 
the  colony  became  then  what  is  called  a  "crown  colony," 
governed  directly  by  the  king.  Massachusetts  had  been 
planted  by  a  company  which  held  a  similar  grant  from 
the  king,  by  a  charter  that  was  also  a  constitution  of 
government ;  but  the  company,  instead  of  remaining  in 
England  to  send  out  colonists  and  rule  them,  transferred 
itself  to  America,  and  was  itself  the  colony  which  it  had 
royal  authority  to  found  and  rule.  Maryland  was  a  "  pro 
prietary  province,"  so  called,  —  the  property  or  princi 
pality  of  a  lord,  who  owned  its  soil  and  was  the 

.  ,   .  ~,,  .    .  ,  Differences 

sovereign  of  its  people.     The  remaining  three  in  early 
colonies  —  Plymouth,  Connecticut,  and  Rhode  govem- 
Island  —  had   been   planted  without  authority, 
and    self-government   had   been  organized  in  them   by 
their  inhabitants.     Rhode  Island  had  already  received  a 
charter  from  the  English  government,  and  Connecticut 
was  to  be  chartered  later ;  but  all  three  were  not  only 
self-planted,  like  Massachusetts,  but  were  self-constituted 
republican  states. 

Under  the  wide  differences  in  their  political  construc 
tion  there  was  a  fundamental  likeness  between  these  col 
onies,  in  the  fact  that  the  people  in  all  of  them  had  what 
the  Virginia  company  described  as  "  a  hand  in  the  govern 
ment  of  themselves."  There  was  a  representative  legis 
lature  in  every  one  ;  having  more  independence  in  some 
than  in  others,  but  exercising  everywhere  a  large  measure 
of  democratic  power,  and  striving  incessantly  against  all 
outside  restraints.  This  was  because  they  were  Eng 
lish  colonies,  of  English  creation,  peopled  mainly  by  Eng- 


70  THE    COMING    OF   THE   ENGLISH. 

lishmen,  who  brought  from  home  the  expectation  of 
Resem-  being  listened  to  by  their  government,  and  of 
being  represented  in  the  making  of  their  laws 
and  the  levying  of  the  taxes  they  paid.  There 
was  no  such  thing  in  French  or  Spanish  colonies, 
nor  even  in  those  planted  by  the  Dutch.  The  nearest 
approach  to  it  in  the  Dutch-American  colony  of  New 
Netherland  was  a  self-perpetuating  board  of  "Nine 
Men,"  whom  the  arbitrary  governor  consulted  when  it 
pleased  him  to  do  so ;  and  even  that  unrepresentative 
board  was  not  created  until  the  colony  had  existed  for 
nearly  forty  years. 

Popular  representation  in  government  had  an  ancient 
origin  among  the  Germanic  peoples  ;  but  feudalism  de 
stroyed  it  almost  everywhere  on  the  European  continent. 
In  England  it  survived,  through  many  vicissitudes,  some 
times  in  vigorous  exercise,  sometimes  preserved  feebly, 
more  in  form  than  in  spirit,  but  never  given  up.  At  the 
time  when  the  six  colonies  we  now  speak  of  were  planted, 
the  English  people  were  engaged  in  a  decisive  struggle 
Popuiarre-  wi^  their  kings,  to  recover  for  their  represen 
tation1^  tatives  in  Parliament  the  full  measure  of  their 
England.  ancient  constitutional  powers,  which  had  been 
slipping  away.  They  had  accomplished  that,  and  more ; 
and  the  spirit  of  their  struggle,  as  well  as  the  fruits  of  it, 
had  reached  their  colonial  plantations  in  the  New  World. 
30.  Local  governments.  —  Town,  Parish,  County, 
and  Hundred.  Quite  as  important  as  the  general  legis 
latures  in  which  the  people  were  represented  —  in  some 
views  more  important  —  were  the  local  organizations  in 
which  they  managed  their  neighborhood  affairs.  These, 
too,  with  the  training  to  use  them,  were  brought  by  the 
colonists  from  their  mother-land.  The  early  English 
people  had  been  organized  in  democratic  townships  (tun- 


POLITICAL   AND    SOCIAL  DEVELOPMENT.       ?I 

stipes),  all  the  freemen  of  which  assembled  in  meetings 
(called  gemots  or  moots),  at  which  the  affairs  of  the  tun 
or  town  were  regulated,  and  from  which  four  "  best  men  " 
were  chosen  to  represent  the  tun  in  moots  of  Tunsand 
larger  districts,  called  hundreds  and  shires,  the  Tun-moots- 
latter  corresponding  to  the  counties  of  later  times.  Feu 
dalism  and  the  Norman  conquest  brought  about  a  great 
change  in  the  old  English  townships,  converting  or  ab 
sorbing  them  into  small  lordships,  called  manors,  in  which, 
however,  some  semblance  of  the  ancient  tun-moot  or  town- 
meeting  was  still  retained.  Meantime  the  Christian 
church  had  been  forming  parishes  that  were  bounded 
generally  by  the  old  township  lines,  and  the  priests  called 
parish  meetings,  which  gradually  took  up  a  Parlsh 
good  deal  of  the  same  kind  of  local  business  meetln*s- 
that  the  town  meetings  had  transacted,  thus  keeping 
alive  amongst  the  people  the  practice  of  local  self-gov 
ernment,  which  might  otherwise  have  been  suppressed. 

This  most  important  practice  was  brought  by  the  Eng 
lish  to  America,  and  introduced  in  the  several  colonies 
in  somewhat  different  forms.  The  Puritan  New  Eng- 
landers  put  the  old  township  system  and  the  later  parish 
system  together,  by  grouping  themselves  in  church  so 
cieties  and  congregations  when  their  first  settlements 
were  made,  each  church  becoming  the  nucleus  of  a  town. 
This  naturally  organized  the  inhabitants  of  the  towns, 
brought  them  into  intimate  and  democratic  relations 
with  one  another,  and  trained  them  in  the  habit  of  meet 
ing  to  discuss  and  act  on  all  matters  of  common  concern. 
Church  meetings  became  town  meetings,  and 
the  latter  grew,  probably,  to  more  importance  in 
New  England  than  they  possessed  in  the  days  of  Eneland- 
the  old  English  tun-moot.  The  whole  structure  of  govern 
ment  in  New  England  was  built  up  from  the  ground- 


72  THE    COMING   OF   THE    ENGLISH. 

work  of  these  democratic  towns.  Their  representatives 
composed  the  "  general  courts  ;  "  they  were  the  units  of 
all  political  organization  —  the  primaries  of  all  action  in 
public  affairs. 

In  Virginia  and  Maryland,  with  their  separated  planta 
tion  settlements,  local  government  was  organized  neces 
sarily  in  looser  modes.  Virginia  colonists  brought  with 
them  the  established  English  church,  and  with  it  the 
parish,  in  its  English  form.  To  some  extent,  in  some 
places,  the  parish  vestry  meetings  acquired  political  func 
tions,  but  their  influence  in  that  direction  was  slight. 
The  county  was  the  smallest  territorial  division  in  which 
vestry  and  tne  People  of  Virginia  were  able  really  to  organ- 
meSingsin  IZQ  their  political  action,  or  to  associate  them- 
virginia.  selves  politically  in  informal  ways.  It  became 
the  unit  of  representation  in  the  House  of  Burgesses  at 
an  early  day  ;  the  magistrates  of  the  county  courts,  ap 
pointed  by  the  governor,  had  most  of  the  functions  of 
local  government  put  into  their  hands  ;  the  elections  of 
burgesses  were  held  in  the  county  court-house,  and 
it  was  there,  on  court  days,  that  the  planters  came  to 
gether  and  listened  to  speeches  on  public  matters,  or  dis 
cussed  them  in  private  talk.  A  lively  political  spirit  was 
cultivated  by  these  gatherings,  but  it  was  much  less 
democratic  in  character  than  that  of  the  New  England 
towns.  In  Maryland,  where  the  English  manorial  system 
was  instituted  by  Lord  Baltimore,  the  most  important 
organization  of  local  government  was  in  districts  called 
by  the  old  English  name  of  the  hundred.  There  were 
settlements  in  Virginia  called  hundreds,  but 

Hundreds         .          .      .  .   .  ~. 

in  Mary-       they  had  no  essential  purpose  to  serve.     The 
Maryland  Jiundred  was  the  district  of  elections, 
of  militia  trainings,  and  of  nearly  all  popular  meetings 
of  every  kind. 


POLITICAL   AND    SOCIAL    DEVELOPMENT.       73 

31.  Social  Structure  and  Character  of  Virginia  and 
Maryland.  In  social  structure  and  character  Virginia 
differed  widely  from  the  colonies  at  the  north.  Every 
element  of  English  population  was  represented  in  the 
early  emigration  to  James  River,  including  a  con 
siderable  number  of  Puritan  settlers ;  but  the  tiSs  in  vir- 
majority  of  those  going  to  that  part  of  America 
were  people  who  abhorred  opposition  to  the  throne  and 
the  established  church.  As  the  English  Puritans  were 
driven  to  range  themselves  more  and  more  against  king 
and  church,  Virginia  grew  hostile  to  them,  and  most  of 
those  who  had  come  into  the  colony  were  finally  (1648-49) 
driven  away  into  Maryland,  about  a  thousand  in  num 
ber.  Their  places  in  Virginia  were  more  than  filled  by 
an  extensive  immigration  from  England  of  the  defeated 
royalists,  which  began  in  1649.  In  that  year  the  popu 
lation  of  Virginia  was  about  15,000;  it  seems  to  have 
been  doubled  in  the  next  eleven  years,  while  England 
had  no  king,  and  the  newcomers  were  generally  from 
the  royalist  side.  Many  of  them  came  from  the  RoyaiiSt 
stock  of  the  English  gentry,  and  many  more  Jmml*rants- 
from  the  class  of  land-owning  farmers  called  "yeomen," 
generally  bringing  enough,  of  means  for  the  buying 'of 
estates  in  land,  and  for  becoming  tobacco-planters  on  a 
considerable  scale.  They  gave  a  stamp  of  character  to 
one  side  —  an  aristocratic  side  —  of  Virginia  society,  that 
was  never  lost. 

Agriculture,  the  most  democratic  of  occupations  in 
most  times  and  places,  was  made  aristocratic  in  Virginia 
by  the  tobacco  plant,  which  gave  better  profits  to  a 
lordly  system  of  cultivation  on  big  plantations,  by  the 
cheap  labor  of  purchased  servants  (see  page  75)  or  con 
victs  or  slaves,  than  to  the  tillage  of  the  humbler  farm. 
Virginia  society  was  moulded,  politically  and  economi- 


74  THE    COMING   OF   THE   ENGLISH. 

cally,  by  that  fact.  It  tended  toward  the  creation  of  large 
estates  in  land,  and  toward  the  rise  of  an  all-controlling 
class  of  wealthy,  strong-willed  men,  surrounded  by  help 
less  or  humble  dependents,  and  living  a  much  separated 
country  life.  The  abundance  of  large  rivers  in  Virginia 
made  it  possible,  in  the  early  colonial  time,  to  place  every 
considerable  plantation  on  a  navigable  stream. 

Influence  of    , 

tobacco        Each  wealthy  planter   had   his   own  wharves, 

culture. 

from  which  he  shipped  his  tobacco  crop,  and  to 
which  the  ships  came  that  brought  back  most  of  the  pro 
ceeds  in  English  goods.  This  mode  of  business  left  little 
for  local  merchants  to  do  ;  little  chance,  too,  for  manufac 
turing  to  arise ;  almost  nothing  that  could  build  up  towns. 
In  Maryland  the  conditions  were  much  the  same. 

32.  Social  Structure  and  Character  of  New  Eng 
land.     Very  different  were  the  circumstances  in  colonial 
New  England,  and  very  different  the  social  tone.     There 
the  dominant  part  of  the  population  had  been  picked 
from  England  by  a  sifting  out  of  extremely  earnest  re- 
Religious      ligious  minds.     They  were  people  to  whom  the 
JJrtjf0*        matters  of  religion  were  the  most  important  in 
colonists.      Yiie}  and  whose  views  of  religion  were  grave  and 
stern.     Many  of  them  were  from  English  families  of  the 
gentry  class,  and  quite  commonly  they  were  people  of 
education  and  of  comfortable  means.     The  Puritan  min 
isters  who  came  with  them,  and  who  exercised  a  com 
manding  influence,  were  mostly  men  of  a  remarkably 
high  order  in  character  and  mind.     If  there  existed  any 
class  that  could  be  called  aristocratic  in  New  England, 
these  strong,  dictatorial  divines  were  its  chiefs ;  but  all 
the  conditions  of  life,  on  the  small  country  farms  and  in 
the  many  towns,  were  such  as  tend  toward  the  demo 
cratic  plane. 

33.  New    Netherland. — The    "Patroon"    System. 


POLITICAL   AND    SOCIAL   DEVELOPMENT.       75 

In  the  Dutch  colony  of  New  Netherland,  under  the 
Dutch  West  India  Company,  an  unfortunate  attempt 
had  been  made  to  establish  a  kind  of  feudal  system,  by 
offering  lands,  not  directly  to  settlers,  but  to  a  class  of 
landlords,  called  patrons  or  "patroons,"  each  of  whom, 
when  he  had  bought  from  the  Indian  owners  a  tract  of 
land,  might  settle  it  with  colonists  who  became,  not  only 
his  tenants,  paying  him  rent,  but  his  subjects,  to  a  con 
siderable  extent.  Locally  he  was  their  governor,  their 
judge,  their  military  captain,  and  he  controlled  their 
church.  Under  this  Americanized  feudal  system  sev 
eral  enormous  tracts  of  land  were  secured.  One  of  them, 
obtained  by  Killian  van  Rensselaer,  extended  along  the 
Hudson  for  forty-eight  miles,  and  was  twenty-four  miles 
in  breadth.  Naturally,  the  plan  failed  to  bring  many  im 
migrants  into  the  colony,  and  it  was  abandoned  in  1638  ; 
but  not  until  it  had  done  great  mischief,  leaving  trouble 
some  monopolies  in  the  ownership  of  land  and  lasting 
social  marks. 

34.  Slavery  and  Indentured  Servitude  in  all  the 
Colonies.  Both  negro  slavery  and  another  system  of 
bondage,  which  white  people  were  subjected  to,  crept  into 
Virginia  in  1619,  when  that  was  the  sole  settlement  of 
the  English  in  America,  and  both  of  the  evil  systems 
made  their  way  into  the  other  colonies  at  a  later  time. 
Twenty  negroes  from  Africa  were  brought  to  Negro 
Jamestown  that  year  and  sold ;  and  one  hun-  8laver?- 
dred  poor  boys  and  girls  were  brought  from  London  at 
about  the  same  time  to  be  "  bound  "  or  indentured  to  the 
colonists  for  a  term  of  years.  This  latter  was  the  begin 
ning  of  a  system  of  "  indentured  servitude  "  which  spread 
from  Virginia  through  all  the  colonies,  and  which,  for  a 
long  period,  exceeded  negro  slavery  in  extent.  Multitudes 
of  men  and  women,  as  well  as  boys  and  girls,  were  sent  into 


76  THE    COMING    OF   THE    ENGLISH. 

this  kind  of  bondage  from  the  Old  World  to  the  New. 
indentured  Many,  who  were  called  "  redemptioners,"  baund 
servants.  themselves  to  it  for  a  given  period,  as  a 
means  of  obtaining  free  passage  across  the  sea.  Some 
were  vagrants,  paupers,  and  criminals,  of  whom  England 
wished  to  be  rid ;  still  others  were  Irish  and  Scotch  pris 
oners,  taken  in  the  wars  that  occurred  soon  after  the 
practice  began.  Finally,  as  the  demand  for  labor  in 
creased,  and  high  prices  were  paid  for  indentured  ser 
vants,  even  kidnapping  was  winked  at,  in  order  to  secure 
them,  and  hundreds  of  young  people  were  villainously 
trapped  in  various  ways  to  be  brought  to  America  and 
sold. 

TOPICS    AND    SUGGESTED    READING    AND    RESEARCH. 

23.    Virginia. 

TOPICS  AND  REFERENCES. 

i.   Government  of  Virginia  from  1 607  to  1619.     2.   Establishment 

of  representative  government  in  1619.      3.  The  ordinance  of  1621 

(text  in  MacDonald,  i.  34-36 ;  Preston,  32-35).     A.  Brown,  Eng. 

Politics,   21-41;    Fiske,  Old  Va.,  i.    177-188,   191-194;    Doyle,  i. 

208-216;  Hart,  Contempts,  i.  218-225. 

4.   Nullification  of  the  charter  by  James  I.     5.    Government  of 

the  colony  under  Charles  I.     Brown,  Eng.  Politics,  42-86;  Doyle, 

i.  219-245  ;  Fiske,  Old  Va.,  i.  194-222,  241-254. 

6.   Virginia  the  one  early  English  colony  of  non-religious  origin. 

RESEARCH.  —  How  does  the  English  constitution  differ  from  the 
"  written  constitutions  "  now  common  in  the  world  ?  See  Amer 
ican  preface  to  Bagehot's  "  English  Constitution." 

24.    Plymouth. 

TOPICS  AND  REFERENCES. 

i.  Self-government  forced  on  the  "Mayflower"  Pilgrims.  2. 
The  "  Mayflower  Compact "  (text  in  Preston,  29-31  ;  MacDonald, 
1.33,34;  Larned,  Ready  Ref.;  Hart,  Contempts,  i.  344).  3.  The 
colony  a  self-constituted  republic,  existing  by  sufferance.  Fiske, 
Civil  Gov't,  192. 


TOPICS,   REFERENCES,  AND   RESEARCH.         7/ 

25.    Massachusetts. 
TOPICS  AND  REFERENCES. 

i.  Early  political  structure  of  the  Massachusetts  colony.  2.  Its 
endowment  with  self-government  by  royal  charter.  3.  Its  power 
to  control  its  own  membership  as  a  body  politic.  Winsor,  Boston, 
i-  329-333;  Doyle,  ii.  120,  121  129-131;  Fiske,  Beginnings,^, 
105-108. 

4.  Admittance  of  none  but  church  members  to  political  rights. 
Winsor,  Boston,  i.  148-155;  Fiske,  Beginnings,  248-251  ;  Doyle, 
ii.  146-148. 

5.  Creation  of  a  representative  legislature.     Doyle,  ii.  138-145; 
Fiske,  Civil  Gov't,  147-149 ;  Hart,  Contempts,  i.  373-377. 
RESEARCH.  —  Some  of  the  qualifications  for  voting  now  required 

in  different  American  States.    Lalor,  iii.  826-833  ;  Larned,  Ready 
Ref.,  vi.  675-677. 

26.   Connecticut. 
TOPICS  AND  REFERENCES. 

i.  Peculiar  transfer  of  town  and  church  organizations  from 
Massachusetts.  2.  Spontaneous  creation  of  a  commonwealth 
government.  3.  The  "  Fundamental  Orders  "  (text  in  Hart,  Con- 
temp's,  i.  415-419;  MacDonald,  i.  60-65  ;  Preston,  78-84;  O.  S. 
Leaf.,  8).  Johnston,  Conn.,  56-64;  Fiske,  Civil  Gotft,  192,  193; 
Fiske,  Beginnings,  127,  128. 

4.   The  "  Fundamental  Agreement  "  of  New  Haven.     Fiske,  Be 
ginnings,  135,  136;  Livermore,  23. 
RESEARCH.  —  Written  constitutions.     Fiske,  Civil  Gov't,  ch.  vii. 

27.  Rhode  Island. 

TOPICS  AND  REFERENCES. 

i.    Self-organization  of  government  by  Roger  Williams  and  his 

followers.     2.   Their  separation  of  church  and  state.    J.  R.  Green, 

13,  14  ;  Lauer,  46-48. 

RESEARCH.  —  Reasons  for  and  against  an  exercise  of  political  au 
thority  in  matters  of  religion. 

28.    Maryland. 
TOPICS  AND  REFERENCES. 

i.  Feudal  character  of  the  sovereignty  transferred  to  Lord 
Baltimore.  2.  Nature  of  the  "palatinate"  created  by  his  patent 


78       POLITICAL   AND    SOCIAL   DEVELOPMENT. 

(text  in  Preston,  62-77  ;  MacDonald,  i.  53-59).  3.  His  powers 
and  their  limitation.  Fiske,  Old  Va.,  i.  256-266,  269-272,  275-281  ; 
Fiske,  Civil  Gov't,  150-151;  Browne,  18-20;  Eggleston,  Be 
ginners,  234-236. 

4.    Rise  of  the  representative  assembly  in  Maryland.    Fiske,  Old 
Va.,  i.  283-285  ;  Browne,  35-36. 
RESEARCH.  —  Palatinates  in  Europe.     Larned,  Ready  Ref. 

29.    Constitutional  Differences  and  Fundamental 
Likeness. 

TOPICS  AND  REFERENCES. 

i.  Variety  of  political  constitutions  in  the  early  colonies.  2.  The 
colonies  alike  in  having  representative  legislatures.  3.  Distinction 
of  English  colonies  in  this  respect.  Hinsdale,  Am.  Gotft,  33-35  ; 
Fiske,  Civil  Gov't,  154-156;  Schouler,  Const.  Studies,  9-17  ;  Johns 
ton,  The  U.  S.,  9. 

4.  Peculiar  survival  of  representative  government  among  the 
English   people.      5.   Their  recent   struggle   for  its  preservation. 
Fiske,  Civil  Gotft,  39,  40 ;  Larned,  England,  23,  373-420 ;  Green, 
ch.  viii.  sects.  3-9. 

RESEARCH.  —  The  Germanic  origin  of  representative  government. 
Fiske,  Am.  Pol.  Ideas ;  69-72. 

30.    Local  Governments.  —  Town,  Parish,  County, 
Hundred. 

TOPICS  AND  REFERENCES. 

i.  Early  English  origin  of  town  meetings.  2.  Later  English 
origin  of  parish  or  vestry  meetings.  3.  Township  and  parish  sys 
tems  combined  by  the  New  Englanders.  4.  Government  in  New 
England  built  up  from  the  democratic  towns.  Fiske,  Civil  Gov't, 
35-41,  16-21  ;  Fiske,  Am.  Pol.  Ideas,  31-53;  Doyle,  iii.  19-17. 

5.  Parish  and  county  systems  in  Virginia  and  the  "  hundred  "  in 
Maryland.     Hosmer,  A.  S.  Freedom,  118-121 ;  Fiske,  Civil  Gov't, 
57-66,  75-77. 

RESEARCH.  —  The  system  of  local  government  organization  in  the 
student's  own  State. 


TOPICS,   REFERENCES,  AND    RESEARCH.        79 

31.  Social  Structure  and  Character  of  Virginia  and 

Maryland. 

TOPICS  AND  REFERENCES. 

i.   Early  Virginia  colonists   mainly  royalists   and   churchmen. 

2.  Expulsion  of  Puritans  and  immigration  of  defeated  Cavaliers. 

3.  Aristocratic  influence  of  tobacco  culture.     4.    Conditions    ad 
verse  to  the  rise  of  towns.     Fiske,  Old  Va.,  ii.  9-18,  23-30,  34- 
35,  174-181,203-218;  Hosmer,  A.  S.  Freedom,  122-125;  Thwaites, 
96-98,  100-104,  106-109. 

32.  Social  Structure  and  Character  of  New  England. 

TOPICS  AND  REFERENCES. 

i.  Religious  selection  of  the  New  England  colonists.  2.  The 
English  classes  represented  in  them.  3.  Conditions  of  life  tending 
toward  democracy.  Winsor,  Boston,  i.  148-149  ;  Fiske,  Am.  Pol. 
Ideas,  17-31 ;  Fiske,  Beginnings,  140-151  ;  Doyle,  iii.  57-64;  Wee- 
den,  i.  281-282;  Hosmer,  Adams,  89. 

33.    New  Netherland.  —  Patroon  System. 

TOPICS  AND  REFERENCES. 

i.  The  system  of  landholding  undertaken  in  the  Dutch  colony. 
2.  Its  failure  and  the  evil  results.  O'Callaghan,  i.  112-128; 
Schuyler,  i.  11-26;  Fiske,  D.  and  Q.  Col's,'}..  133-140;  MacDonald, 
i.  43-50. 

34.    Slavery  and  Indentured  Servitude. 

TOPICS  AND  REFERENCES. 

i.  Beginnings  of  slavery  in  the  colonies.  2.  The  system  of  in 
dentured  servitude.  Bruce,  i.  ch.  ix  ;  Fiske,  Old  Va.,  ii.  181-203  > 
Cooke,  110-123  ;  Thwaites,  98-100  ;  Doyle,  i.  66-68;  Ballagh. 


CHAPTER    III. 

THE    COLONIES    UNDER   CHARLES    II.    AND   JAMES    II. 
1660-1688. 

35.  Virginia  under  Charles  II.  With  the  new  king, 
Charles  II.,  the  Royalist  or  Cavalier  party,  crushed  a 
dozen  years  before  in  England,  came  back  into  power 
(1660)  and  had  its  revenge.  Then  the  English  Puritans 
were  oppressed,  and  the  Puritan  colonies  in  America  had 
nothing  but  hostility  to  expect.  Nevertheless,  the  latter 
suffered  less  than  the  planters  of  the  south.  A  hard 
blow  to  the  prosperity  of  Virginia  and  Maryland  was 
struck  by  one  of  the  first  enactments  of  the  new  govern- 
Navigation  ment>  called  the  Navigation  Act  of  1660,  which 
Act,  i860.  wju  be  described  on  a  later  page.  It  shut  the 
tobacco  planters  from  every  market  for  their  product 
except  England,  which  could  not  take  up  the  whole  sup 
ply.  This  brought  down  the  price  to  a  ruinous  point, 
and  left  unsalable  crops  on  the  planters'  hands.  For  the 
consolation  of  the  aggrieved  Virginians,  their  old  gov 
ernor,  Sir  William  Berkeley,  whom  they  had  reinstated 
without  waiting  for  authority,  and  who  went  to  England 
to  make  his  bow  to  the  restored  king  in  1661,  came  back 
with  instructions  that  were  full  of  piety  and  exceedingly 
wise.  He  was  "to  take  especial  care  that  Almighty 
God  be  devoutly  and  duly  served,"  "the  Book  of  Com 
mon  Prayer  as  now  established  read,"  and  laws  "for  the 
suppression  of  vice,  debauchery,  and  idleness  "  passed. 
He  was  to  encourage  the  planters  "  to  build  towns  upon 


UNDER    CHARLES    II.   AND   JAMES    II.  8l 

every  river,"  -  — "  one  town    at  least  to   be   built    upon 
every  river."  1 

It  is  to  be  feared  that  Sir  William  did  not  keep  these 
instructions  in  mind ;  for  his  government  in  Virginia 
thereafter  was  not  one  that  would  cultivate  piety  or  en 
courage  the  building  of  towns.  He  had  always  been  a 
despot  by  nature,  and  he  now  became  more  despotic  than 
before.  His  royal  master  was  beginning  already  to  set 
as  vile  an  example  of  bad  government  as  England  ever 
knew,  and  Berkeley  seems  to  have  copied  the  pattern  in 
several  respects.  He  surrounded  himself,  it  was  charged, 
with  scandalous  favorites,  who  allowed  broken 

Berkeley's 

private  fortunes  to  be  repaired  at  public  expense,  despotism, 
Just  as  England,  in  the  first  excitement  of  the 
country  over  its  restored  king,  had  elected  a  Parliament 
of  Cavaliers  who  did  everything  that  his  majesty  wished, 
so  Berkeley,  in  1661,  secured  a  House  of  Burgesses  that 
gave  him  a  free  rein.  For  fifteen  years  he  kept  the  sub 
servient  House  in  existence,  not  allowing  it  to  be  dis 
solved.  Practically,  the  political  rights  of  the  colonists 
were  suppressed,  while  their  economic  condition  grew 
steadily  worse,  and  the  result  was  an  increasing  state  of 
discontent. 

36.  New  England  and  the  King.  1660-1661.  The 
Puritan  colonies  of  New  England  fared  better  than  Cav 
alier  Virginia,  for  some  years.  There  was  no  lack  of  hos 
tile  feeling  toward  them,  in  and  around  the  English  court, 
and  it  was  fomented  by  the  sufferers  from  persecution 
in  Massachusetts,  who  bore  complaints  to  the  king  ;  but 
the  solid  strength  which  that  colony  had  now  attained, 
buttressed  by  the  three  lesser  colonies  in  the  New 
England  confederation,  was  not  encouraging  to  a  hasty 

1  Sainsbury,  Calendar  of  State  Papers :  Colonial,  1 661-68, 
p.  no. 


82  THE    COMING   OF   THE   ENGLISH. 

attack.  The  colonists  took  care  to  provoke  no  attack,  and 
sent  loyal  addresses,  to  give  assurance  of  the  affection 
with  which  they  welcomed  the  king  to  his  reerected 
throne.  Massachusetts  was  the  first  of  the  four  united 
colonies  (December,  1660)  to  make  that  dutiful  offering; 
but,  as  if  to  prevent  any  possible  misunder- 

Massachu- 

settsasserts  standing  of  what  it  conceived  to  be  its  relations 
erties,"  to  the  English  crown,  this  was  followed  a  few 
months  later  by  an  important  statement  "  Con 
cerning  our  Liberties,"  which  set  forth  the  powers  that 
"  the  Governor  and  Company  "  believed  to  be  conferred 
on  them  by  the  patent  or  charter  received  from  King 
Charles  the  First.  That  patent,  they  declared,  made 
them  "  a  body  politic,  in  fact  and  in  name,"  "vested  with 
the  power  to  make  freemen,"  which  "  freemen  have  power 
to  choose  annually  a  governor,"  etc.,  and  "to  set  up  all 
sorts  of  officers,"  having  "full  power  and  authority  .  .  . 
for  the  government  of  all  people  here  .  .  .  without  ap 
peal,  excepting  law  or  laws  repugnant  to  the  laws  of 
England ; "  and  such  "  government  is  privileged  ...  if 
need  be  by  force  of  arms,  to  defend  themselves,  both  by 
land  and  sea."  Finally,  they  declared,  "we  conceive  any 
imposition  .  .  .  contrary  to  any  just  law  of  ours  not  re 
pugnant  to  the  laws  of  England,  to  be  an  infringement 
of  our  right." 

37.  Connecticut  and  Rhode  Island  Chartered.  — 
New  Haven  Absorbed.  166O-1663.  Connecticut, 
Plymouth,  and  New  Haven  followed  the  example  of 
Massachusetts  in  sending  loyal  addresses  to  the  king. 
Rhode  Island  had  acknowledged  and  proclaimed  King 
Charles  in  advance  of  them  all.  The  memorial  of  Con- 
necticut  was  followed  by  her  governor,  the  younger  John 
Winthrop,  who  went  to  England  in  the  summer  of  1661 
to  solicit  a  charter  from  the  king.  He  was  a  gentleman 


UNDER    CHARLES    II.   AND   JAMES    II.  83 

of  such  tact  and  address  that  he  secured  a  charter  which 
annexed  the  settlement  at  New  Haven  to  the 

-,  .  .  Connecti- 

colony  of  Connecticut,  granting  to  the  latter  a  cut's 
zone  of  territory  as  long  as  the  continent  is  wide, 
bounded  on  the  north  by  the  line  of  Massachusetts,  on 
the  south  by  the  Atlantic,  and  running  from  Narragan- 
sett  Bay  on  the  east  "  to  the  South  Sea  on  the  west." 
New  Haven  resisted  this  arbitrary  annexation  without 
avail.    Its  people  had  given  particular  offence  to  the  king 
by  sheltering  and  shielding  two  of  the  judges  (Colonel 
Whalley  and  Colonel  Goffe)  of  the  court  which 
tried  the  late  king  and  sentenced  him  to  death. 
Those  "  regicides,"  as  they  were  called,  being  1660-ie'6i. 
pursued  by  royal  officers,  were  hidden  in  New  Haven  and 
its  neighborhood  and  helped  to  escape.     Hence  the  readi 
ness  with  which  Connecticut  was  permitted  to  annex  the 
smaller  colony.     It  was  a  proceeding  so  intolerable  to 
some  in  New  Haven  that  they  migrated  a  few 
years  later  (1666-67)  to  what  had  then  become  to  the 
New  Jersey,  and  founded  Newark,  on  the  Pas- 
saic  ;  while  Mr.  Davenport,  the  father  of  the  colony,  with 
drew  to  Boston  and  ended  his  days  in  that  town. 

The  Rhode  Island  and  Providence  Plantations,  as  well 
as  Connecticut,  had  success  at  this  time  in  applying  for  a 
royal  charter  (issued  in  1663),  and  the  usual  carelessness 
of  the  day  in  such  matters  described  conflicting  bound 
aries.      The  Rhode  Island  charter  was  made 
notable  by  a  clause  declaring  :  "  Our  royal  will  island's 
and  pleasure  is  that  no  person  within  the  said 
colony,  at  any  time  hereafter,  shall  be  in  any  wise  mo 
lested,  punished,  disquieted,  or  called  in  question,  for  any 
differences  in  opinion  in  matters  of  religion."     This  re 
spectful  concession  to  the  principle  of  religious  liberty 
is  made  extraordinary  by  the  fact  that,  when  the  charter 


84 


THE    COMING    OF    THE    ENGLISH. 


containing  it  was  issued,  the  king  and  his  party  were 
suppressing  in  England  every  form  of  religious  worship 
except  that  of  the  established  church. 

38.  The  Founding  of  the  Carolinas.  1663-1693. 
Three  months  before  the  issuing  of  the  charter  to  Rhode 
Island  (March,  1663),  another  was  granted  to  a  company 
of  high  personages,  resulting  in  the  founding  of  a  new 
proprietary  colony,  out  of  which  came  our  two  Carolinas, 
North  and  South.  This  charter  created  a  "  pa- 
oMheCaro-  latinate,"  like  that  of  Lord  Baltimore  (see 
sects.  6  and  28).  Furthermore,  in  the  spirit 
of  the  Rhode  Island  charter,  it  added  to  those  extensive 
sovereign  powers  a  special  permission  to  be  indulgent  to 
people  who  "cannot,  in  their  private  opinions,  conform 
to  the  public  exercise  of  religion  according  to  the  liturgy, 
form,  and  ceremonies  of  the  Church  of  England." 

The  territory  of  the  newly  chartered  colony,  called 
the  Province  of  Carolina, 

had    been    em- 
Early  settle-  , 
ments  from    braced  in   va- 

Virginia.  .  , 

nous    former 

grants,  but  never  occu 
pied  in  any  effectual  way. 
Two  small  settlements 
from  Virginia,  on  Albe- 
marle  Sound,  east  of  the 
Chowan,  had  been  made 
in  1653  and  1662.  These 
became  the  nucleus  of 
the  colony  in  its  northern 
part.  Between  1665  and 

Slavery  and    l6/O,        immi- 

servitude.      grants  from  Barbados  and  from  England  planted 
settlements  farther  south,  on  the  Cape  Fear  River  and  at 


EARLY  SETTLEMENTS  IN  THE 
CAROLINA  GRANT. 


UNDER    CHARLES    II.    AND   JAMES    II.  85 

the  point  where  the  city  of  Charleston  now  stands.  In 
1672  the  colony  received  a  governor  from  Barbados,  Sir 
John  Yeamans,  who  brought  with  him  a  number  of  negro 
slaves. 

A  constitution  for  Carolina  had  been  drafted  by  a  hand 
no  less  distinguished  than  that  of  the  great  English  phi 
losopher,  John  Locke.  He  prepared  it  as  the  secretary 
of  the  Earl  of  Shaftesbury,  one  of  the  proprietors,  and 
the  instrument  is  supposed  to  have  represented  the  views 
of  that  nobleman  much  more  than  his  own.  Its  main 
purpose,  as  stated  in  the  preamble,  was  "that  the  gov 
ernment  of  this  province  may  be  made  most  agreeable  to 
the  monarchy  under  which  we  live,"  "and  that  we  may 
avoid  erecting  a  numerous  democracy."  It  provided  for 
the  creation,  on  one  hand,  of  an  hereditary  no 
bility,  of  "landgraves"  and  "casiques,"  with  a  "grand 
feudalized  land  system  and  system  of  courts ;  on 
the  other  hand,  of  a  body  of  serfs,  called  "leet-men"  and 
"leet-women,"  whose  serfdom  should  be  perpetual ;  for, 
said  the  constitution,  "  all  the  children  of  leet-men  shall 
be  leet-men,  and  so  to  all  generations."  In  addition  to 
the  serf  system,  it  established  negro  slavery,  and  every 
"freeman"  was  given  "absolute  power  and  authority 
over  his  negro  slaves."  It  is  gratifying  to  know  that  this 
"grand  model"  of  government,  as  it  was  called,  could 
not  be  made  to  work,  and  was  abrogated  in  1693.  Even 
after  that  time  the  settlements  in  Carolina  (already 
treated  as  in  two  sections  and  described  as  "  our  colony 
north-east  of  Cape  Fear"  and  "our  colony  south-west  of 
Cape  Fear"  )  languished  for  some  years  in  a  disordered 
and  unprosperous  state. 

39.  Conquest  of  New  Netherland,  which  becomes 
New  York.  1664.  The  list  of  English  colonies  in 
America  was  now  increasing  fast.  Two  more  were  added 


86  THE    COMING   OF    THE    ENGLISH. 

in  1664,  as  a  consequence  of  the  capture  of  New  Nether- 
land  from  the  Dutch.  England  had  never  given  up  her 
claim  to  that  important  territory  between  the  two  groups 
of  her  American  colonies,  and  the  time  for  enforcing 
it  was  thought  to  be  reached  in  1664.  Several  reasons 
for  that  conclusion  were  found,  and  the  king  and  his 
ministers  resolved  to  make  a  sudden  seizure  of  the  Dutch 
settlements  without  any  previous  declaration  of  war. 
Before  doing  so,  in  March,  1664, the  king  issued  a  patent 

to  his   brother  James,  Duke    of    York,  grant- 
Grant  to  the  .  J 

Duke  of  ing  to  that  prince  all  the  territory  that  lies  be 
tween  the  Connecticut  and  Delaware  rivers,  to 
gether  with  Long  Island  and  several  other  islands,  and  a 
certain  district  in  Maine.  This  nullified  the  grant  lately 
made  to  Connecticut  and  the  older  grant  to  Massachu 
setts,  so  far  as  concerned  everything  west  of  the  Con 
necticut  River ;  but  tricks  of  that  sort  were  nothing  to  a 
Stuart  king.  In  April  the  Duke  of  York  commissioned 
Colonel  Richard  Nicolls  to  be  his  deputy-governor  in 
the  great  province  thus  given  him,  over  which  his  powers 
of  government  were  not  to  be  those  of  a  palatine  prince, 
but  had  no  other  limit  save  that  of  conformity  to  English 
law.  Within  a  few  days  the  same  Colonel  Nicolls  was 
appointed  by  the  king  to  head  a  commission,  instructed 
commis-  " to  v*s^  the  severa-l  colonies  of  New  England, 
vSwifew  an<^  to  examme  and  determine  all  complaints 
England.  ancj  appeals  in  all  causes,  as  well  military  as 
criminal  and  civil,  and  to  proceed  in  all  things  for  settling 
the  peace  and  security  of  that  country."  The  projected 
seizure  of  New  Netherland  appeared,  therefore,  to  be  con 
nected  in  the  plans  of  the  king  with  a  design  against 
the  independence  of  New  England. 

In  May  Colonel  Nicolls  and  his  associates  sailed  from 
England  with  a  small  fleet  and  several  hundred  troops. 


UNDER    CHARLES    II.    AND    JAMES    II.  87 

After  a  short  stay  at  Boston  they  went  on  to  New  Am 
sterdam  and  made  an  easy  conquest  of  the  place.     The 
stout-hearted  Dutch  governor,  Stuyvesant,  would  have 
defended  his  little  town  if  he  could  ;  but  his  force  was 
small,  his  fortifications  were  slight,  and  the  inhabitants, 
many  of   them  disaffected,  would  not   take  arms.     He 
surrendered  on  the  6th  of   September,  obtaining  quite 
favorable  terms.     Colonel  Nicolls  assumed  the  New  Am- 
governorship,  and  his  first  act  was  to  change  JJJ.'SJJJ 
the  name  of  New  Amsterdam  to  New  York.    NewYork- 
Soon  afterward,  the  province  in  general  was  given  the 
same  name.     Fort  Orange  was  called  Albany,  and  other 
names  were  changed. 

40.  Origin  of  New  Jersey.     1664.     Two  months  in 
advance  of  the  capture  of  his  province,  the  Duke  of  York 
had  sold  to  Lord  Berkeley  and  Sir  George  Carteret  that 
portion  of  it  which  lies  between  the  Hudson  and  Dela 
ware  rivers,  from  Cape  May  to  a  line  drawn  from  41  °  40' 
of  north  latitude  on  the  Delaware  to  41°  on  the  Hudson. 
This  tract  was  to  be  called  New  Jersey,  in  commemora 
tion  of  a  gallant  defence  of  the  isle  of  Jersey  made  by 
Sir  George  Carteret,  against  the  Parliamentarians,  in  the 
English  civil  war.      It  was  conveyed  to  the  new  proprie 
tors  with  all  the  powers  of  government  given  in  the  royal 
grant  to  the  duke.       In  the  following  February  (1665) 
the  proprietors  issued  a  very  liberal  frame  of  government, 
called  "The  Concession  and   Agreement  of  the  Lords 
Proprietors,"  pledging  freedom  of  conscience  and  provid 
ing  for  the  representation  of  the  "freemen  of  the  pro 
vince  "  in  a  legislative  body. 

41.  Resistance    to    the    King's    Commissioners   in 
Massachusetts.     1664-1666.     Meantime,  Colonel  Nic 
olls  was  settling  the  government  of  New  York,  and  his 
colleagues  of  the  New  England  Commission  were  striv- 


THE    COMING    OF    THE    ENGLISH. 

ing  in  vain  to  carry  out  their  instructions  and  exercise 
authority  within  the  jurisdiction  of  the  chartered  Governor 
and  Company  of  Massachusetts  Bay.  "  In  Connecticut, 
Plymouth,  and  Rhode  Island,  the  Commissioners  were 
allowed  to  hear  certain  appeals  to  them,  as  their  commis 
sion  directed  ;  but  Massachusetts  would  permit  nothing 
of  the  kind.  "  The  Commissioners,"  wrote  one  of  them 
(Sir  Robert  Carr),  in  a  subsequent  report,  "visited  all 
the  other  colonies  before  this,  hoping  that  their  submis 
sion  would  have  abated  the  refractoriness  of  this,  which 
the  Commissioners  much  feared  ;  "  "  but  neither  examples 
nor  reason  could  prevail  with  them  to  let  the 

Commls-  . 

sioners'  Commissioners  hear  so  much  as  those  particular 
causes  .  .  .  which  the  king  had  commanded 
them  to  take  care  of."  "They  of  this  colony,"  continued 
Sir  Robert,  "say  that  Charles  I.  gave  them  power  to  make 
laws  and  execute  them,  and  granted  them  a  charter  as  a 
warrant  against  himself  and  his  successors,  and  so  long 
as  they  pay  the  fifth  of  all  gold  and  silver  ore  [which,  if 
any  should  be  found,  the  Massachusetts  charter  reserved 
to  the  crown],  they  are  not  obliged  to  the  king  but  by 
civility.  They  hope  by  writing  to  tire  the  king,  the  lord 
chancellor  and  the  secretaries,  and  say  they  can  easily 
spin  out  seven  years  by  writing,  and  before  that  time  a 
change  may  come."  l 

They   did,  in   fact,   "  spin   out "   the    controversy   for 

twenty  years,  defending  what  they  had  declared  to  be  their 

"liberties"  (see  sect.  36)  with  a  determination  that  seems 

amazing  when  we  remember  that,  much  as  the  colony 

had  prospered,  its  total  population  was  probably 

Spinning 

out  the  con-  less  than   30,000,  that  opposition  to  the  ruling 
troversy.  . 

church  members  and  ministers  was  strong  and 

growing,    and    that    many    substantial    inhabitants    con- 
1  New  York  State,  Documents,  iii.  10. 


UNDER   CHARLES    II.    AND    JAMES    II.  89 

demned  the  attitude  taken  toward  the  king.  The  minor 
ity  controlling  the  government  went  forward  with  no 
wavering  or  yielding  in  their  independent  course. 

Territorial  rights  were  defended  as  resolutely  as  po 
litical  rights.  One  construction  of  the  language  of  the 
Massachusetts  charter  would  give  the  colony  a  boundary 
three  miles  to  the  north  of  the  headwaters  of  the  Merri- 
mac,  and  take  in  a  large  part  of  what  is  now 

New  Hampshire  and  Maine  ;  another  construe-  northern 

boundary, 
tion  would  place  it  three  miles  beyond  the  month 

of  that  stream.  The  king's  commissioners  adopted  the 
latter  interpretation,  and  removed  the  Massachusetts  offi 
cials  in  Maine.  On  the  first  opportunity  they  were  rein 
stated  by  the  General  Court  at  Boston ;  and  this  was 
done  in  the  face  of  a  royal  command  "that  the  gov 
ernment  of  the  Province  of  Maine  continue  as  the  Conv 
missioners  have  left  it."  The  king's  missive  which  bore 
this  plain  mandate  (April,  1666)  commanded  further  that 
the  governor  of  the  colony,  Richard  Bellingham,  and  oth 
ers,  should  be  sent  to  England  "to  attend  his  Majesty," 
"  when  all  allegations  or  pretences  on  behalf  of  said  col 
ony  shall  be  heard."  l  Neither  command  was  obeyed. 

It  is  evident  that  the  king  and  his  counsellors  knew 
not  what  to  do  with  this  audacious  colony.  If  they  had 
had  no  troubles  at  home,  they  might  have  brought  force 
to  bear  ;  but  England  was  sickening  already  of  its  restored 
king  and  his  scandalous  court.  So  the  rulers  of  Massa 
chusetts  could  take  advantage  of  royal  embarrassments, 
as  their  predecessors  had  done  thirty  years  before. 

42.    Berkeley's  ill-government  in  Virginia.     1660- 

1676.    While  Puritan  Massachusetts  was  thus  hardened 

in   the  temper  of   independence,    Cavalier  Virginia  was 

going  through  an  experience  which  tended,  at  least,  to 

1  Sainsbury,  Calendar  of  State  Papers:  Colonial,  1 661-68,  p.  372. 


90  THE    COMING    OF    THE    ENGLISH. 

produce  the  same  state  of  mind.  As  stated  before  (sect. 
35),  Governor  Berkeley,  once  popular,  was  making  him 
self  odious  by  a  manner  of  government  like  that  of  the 
English  king  and  court.  He  and  the  king  between 
them  were  said  to  have  let  loose  on  the  colony  a  devour 
ing  swarm  of  official  parasites ;  and,  even  in 

Loss  of 

political  local  matters,  the  people  had  been  deprived  of 
political  rights.  Formerly  they  had  elected  the 
parish  vestries,  which  managed  certain  local  affairs  ;  but 
the  boards  of  vestrymen  had  acquired  power  to  fill 
vacancies  in  their  own  number ;  and  so  the  people  were 
shut  out  from  all  action  on  matters  of  public  concern. 

A  most  flagrant  illustration  of  the  king's  shameless 
contempt  of  public  and  private  rights  was  given  to  the 
Virginians  in  1673,  when  he  signed  a  grant  which  turned 
them  and  their  country,  like  an  estate  with  serfs,  over  to 
two  favorites,  the  Earl  of  Arlington  and  Lord  Culpeper, 
whom  he  wished  to  reward.  That  atrocious  grant  was 
Grant  to  AT-  m  tne  nature  of  a  lease  of  the  colony  for  thirty- 
cSfpJJer?11  one  years.  During  that  time  Arlington  and 
1673.  Culpeper  were  to  be  its  lords,  controlling  its 

government,  taking  its  revenues,  and  wringing  from  it  as 
much  profit  as  they  could.  The  outraged  colonists  sent 
a  delegation  to  London  which  succeeded  in  buying  the 
consent  of  the  holders  of  the  grant  to  a  cancellation  of 
its  worst  features,  and  in  winning  the  promise  of  a  char 
ter  that  would  give  the  colony  some  rights  of  its  own. 
The  charter  was  actually  drawn  up ;  but  sinister  influ 
ences,  always  working  in  the  courts  of  the  Stuart  kings, 
kept  it  from  the  king's  hand,  and  it  was  never  signed. 

43.  Bacon's  Rebellion  in  Virginia.  1676.  The 
increasing  disaffection  in  Virginia,  caused  by  all  these 
wrongs,  was  brought  at  last  to  an  outbreak  in  1676,  by 
the  failure  of  Governor  Berkeley  to  defend  settlers  in 


UNDER    CHARLES    II.    AND    JAMES    II.  QI 

the  northern  parts  of  the  colony  against  a  savage  In 
dian  attack.  A  crowd  of  maddened  planters  came  to 
gether  in  May,  placed  themselves  under  the  command  of 
a  resolute  young  man,  Nathaniel  Bacon,  and  prepared 
to  take  the  field.  Bacon  applied  to  the  governor  for  a 
commission,  and  received  what  he  took  to  be  a  promise, 
whereupon  he  and  his  followers  began  their  march. 
They  were  soon  overtaken  by  a  proclamation  command 
ing  them  to  disperse.  Some  obeyed,  but  the  larger  part 
went  on  and  drove  the  savages  from  their  bloody  work. 
Berkeley,  in  great  wrath,  gathered  a  mounted  troop  and 
set  out  to  put  Bacon  under  arrest  ;  but  he  was  stopped 
in  his  course  by  a  rising  at  Jamestown,  so  threatening 
that  he  had  to  hasten  back  and  make  terms  with  the 
insurgents,  by  conceding  the  election  of  a  new 
House  of  Burgesses,  to  be  assembled  at  once. 


Bacon  was  one  of  the  burgesses  elected.  He 
acknowledged  the  illegality  of  his  action,  the  governor 
pardoned  all  concerned,  and  peace  seemed  to  be  restored. 
The  Assembly  then  proceeded  to  pass  acts  which  re 
formed  many  of  the  abuses  of  recent  years.  No  doubt 
Bacon  was  active  in  these  measures,  and  no  doubt  the 
old  governor  entertained  ugly  feelings  toward  all  who 
had  a  hand  in  the  work. 

What  he  planned,  or  what  he  did,  has  never  been 
learned  ;  but  Bacon  is  said  to  have  had  warning  of 
treacheries  that  endangered  his  life.  He  disappeared 
from  Jamestown  one  night,  and  soon  returned  with  a  fol 
lowing  of  600  armed  men,  demanding  to  be  commis 
sioned  for  another  campaign  against  the  Indians.  The 
commission  was  issued  and  used  with  prompt  effect  ; 
but  in  the  midst  of  his  operations  on  the  frontier  Bacon 
was  denounced  by  the  governor  as  a  rebel,  and  a  procla 
mation  was  issued  against  him.  Then  followed  a  brief 


92  THE    COMING   OF   THE    ENGLISH. 

period  of  actual  civil  war,  in  which  Governor  Berkeley 
seemed  to  be  vanquished  completely ;  but  Bacon,  at  the 
moment  of  his  triumph,  was  prostrated  by  a  sudden  ill 
ness  and  died  (October,  1676).  What  he  would  have  done 
had  he  lived,  it  is  impossible  to  judge.  He  had 

death  and     shown  commanding  qualities,  and  the  movement 
character.  .   . 

he  led  seems  more  democratic  in  spirit  than  the 
Massachusetts  resistance  to  King  Charles's  commission 
ers,  a  few  years  before.  Virginia  and  Massachusetts,  the 
two  chief  colonies,  were  anticipating  strangely,  by  a 
hundred  years,  the  lead  they  would  take  in  establishing 
the  independent  political  rights  of  the  transplanted  Eng 
lishmen  in  America. 

Bacon's  party  fell  to  pieces  when  he  died,  and  the 
Berkeley's  governor  recovered  full  power,  which  he  used 
revenge.  £or  a  vengeance  more  savage  than  has  been 
known  in  America  since.  Twenty-two  of  the  leading  in 
surgents  were  executed,  and  many  more  were  punished 
heavily,  in  less  brutal  ways.  In  the  following  spring  the 
old  governor  was  recalled,  and  soon  after  reaching  Eng 
land  he  died.  Colonel  Chicheley  and  Lord  Culpeper  were 
successive  governors  during  the  next  few  years.  The 
colony  had  made  some  recovery  of  popular  rights,  as  the 
consequence  of  the  late  rising ;  but  there  seems  to  have 
been  little  of  political  life,  and  the  general  poverty,  caused 
Tobacco  by  l°w  prices  of  tobacco,  was  great.  After  re- 
riot,  1682.  peated  attempts  to  reduce  the  supply  of  to 
bacco  by  a  general  stoppage  of  production  for  one  year, 
there  was  finally  a  mob-rising,  in  1682,  to  destroy  the 
plants,  and  this  was  not  suppressed  until  some  of  the 
ringleaders  had  been  hanged. 

44.  King  Philip's  "War  in  New  England.  1675- 
1678.  The  Indian  outbreak  in  Virginia,  which  Bacon 
crushed,  was  nearly  simultaneous  with  one  that  gave  to 


UNDER    CHARLES    II.    AND   JAMES    II.  93 

all  New  England  its  most  terrible  experience  of  savage 
war.  This  war  in  New  England  was  begun  by  that  tribe 
of  the  Wampanoags,  or  Pokanokets,  whose  friendship 
had  been  won  by  the  Pilgrims  at  their  first  coming, 
and  preserved  in  appearance  for  more  than  fifty  years. 
There  seem  to  have  been  no  flagrant  wrongs  of  Cause  Ol 
which  the  Indians  could  complain  ;  but  they  were  the  war< 
made  to  feel  more  and  more  that  the  white  men  were 
their  masters ;  they  were  called  to  account  for  what  they 
did  by  the  white  men's  magistrates  ;  they  had  sold  lands 
which  they  were  sorry  they  had  given  up ;  they  had  lost 
independence,  and  their  pride  was  sore.  An  outbreak 
was  brought  about  in  1675  by  the  trial  and  execution  of 
three  Wampanoags  for  the  murder  of  one  of  their  own 
race.  It  was  led  by  the  son  and  successor  of  Massa- 
soit,  named  Metacom  by  his  own  people,  but  called  Philip 
by  the  whites.  Philip  began  war  in  June,  1675,  by  de 
stroying  two  villages,  killing  men,  women,  and  children 
with  tortures  too  horrible  to  be  described.  Massachu 
setts  sent  speedy  help  to  Plymouth,  and  the  Wampa 
noags  were  driven  from  their  own  territory  to 
that  of  the  Nipmucks,  who  joined  them  in  furi-  settie- 
ous  attacks  on  settlements  in  the  Connecticut 
valley,  and  on  those  farther  east,  almost  to  Boston  itself. 
In  October  the  Narragansetts  were  found  to  be  mak 
ing  ready  to  take  the  field,  and  were  surprised  in  their 
camp  by  an  attack  so  destructive  that  their  strength  was 
broken  by  the  single  blow.  Wherever  the  savages  could 
be  reached  and  struck,  they  stood  no  chance  against  the 
white  man's  wrath  ;  but  most  of  the  country  was  still 
covered  with  forest,  in  which  they  could  watch  for  op 
portunities  to  surprise  some  settlement  or  ambush  some 
troop  on  the  march.  Warfare  of  that  horrible  kind  went 
on  for  nearly  two  years,  spreading  to  the  Indians  of  New 


94  THE    COMING   OF   THE    ENGLISH. 

Hampshire  and  Maine.      It  was  ended  in  the  summer  of 

1678,  when  Philip  —  called  King  Philip  —  was 
Death  of  ,  ,  ,  ,  ,  .  A  i  •>  ,  • 

King  hunted  down  and  slain.     A  thousand  white  men 

and  a  great  number  of  women  and  children 
perished  in  the  war;  many  women  and  children  were 
carried  into  barbarous  captivity ;  over  forty  towns  had 
suffered,  and  twelve  were  destroyed.  The  white  popula 
tion  of  New  England  at  about  the  time  of  the  outbreak 
of  King  Philip  has  been  estimated  at  60,000,  fully  half 
of  it  in  Massachusetts  ;  the  Indians  are  supposed  to  have 
numbered  about  36,000.  Many  of  these,  including  the 
Mohegans  as  a  whole,  took  no  part  in  the  war.  Of  the 
tribes  that  took  part,  few  male  members  were  left ;  most 
of  those  not  slain  were  sent  to  the  West  Indies  to  be 
sold  as  slaves. 

45.  English  Loss  and  Recovery  of  New  York.  - 
Governor  Andros.  1673-1674.  These  years  of  trouble 
in  America  had  been  years  of  war  and  of  grave  threat 
ening  to  domestic  peace  in  England,  whose  people  suf 
fered  more  and  more  from  the  total  want  of  principle 
and  of  self-respect  in  their  king.  His  shameful  war  with 
Holland  after  the  seizure  of  New  York  was  followed  by 

a  still  more  shameful  war  with  the  same  country 
war  with  in  1672.  In  the  course  of  this  latter  war  the 

Dutch  recaptured  New  York  and  held  posses 
sion  of  it  for  six  months  (1673-74).  Then,  when  public 
feeling  in  England  compelled  the  king  to  make  peace, 
Holland  yielded  the  colony  a  second  time,  and  it  was 
granted  once  more  to  the  Duke  of  York. 

On  recovering  the  province,  in  1674,  the  Duke  of  York 
sent  out  a  new  governor,  Major  Edmund  Andros  (after 
ward  Sir  Edmund),  who  played  an  important  part  in 
American  history  during  the  next  fifteen  years,  and  left 
a  bad  name  in  it,  because  of  the  hardness  and  harsh- 


UNDER    CHARLES    II.    AND   JAMES    II.  95 

ness  with  which  he  used  his  arbitrary  powers.     His  vigor 
was  useful  in  some  important  matters,  especially  Alllance 
in  measures  which  established  an  alliance  of  the  JJJJ the 
English  with  the  Five  Nations  of  the  Iroquois,   Natlons- 
and  organized  the  management  of  Indian  affairs.     He 
was  not  so  careful,  however,  to  cultivate  the  good-will  of 
his  subjects  and  neighbors.     The  duke's  province,  by  the 
terms  of  his  grant,  extended  eastward  to  the  Connecticut 
River ;  but  Colonel  Nicolls,  the  first  English  governor, 
saw  that  it  was  unwise  to  try  to  steal  so  much  territory 
from  the  colony  of  Connecticut,  and  made  a  compromise, 
which  placed  his  boundary  only  twenty  miles  beyond  the 
Hudson.     Andros,  on  the  contrary,  attempted  to  enforce 
the  full  claim  ;  but  the  men  of  Hartford  faced  him  so 
resolutely,  even  in  the  midst  of  their  dreadful 
Indian  war,  that  he  drew  back.     He  did,  how-  added  to 

i        i  •   i      New  York. 

ever,  secure  the  whole  of  Long  Island,  which 

had  been  in  dispute  between  Connecticut  Englishmen  at 

one  end  and  Manhattan  Dutchmen  at  the  other. 

A  more  irritating  conflict  arose  between  Andros  and 
Philip  Carteret,  governor  of  New  Jersey.     The  grantees 
of  the  New  Jersey  province,  Carteret  and  Berkeley,  had 
divided  it  between  them,  and  Berkeley  had  sold  Sale  0, 
his  part  —  West  Jersey  —  to  two  Quakers.    By  JJrSey  to 
the  Dutch  reconquest,  in   1673,  the  grant  was   Quakers- 
supposed  to  be  extinguished,  and  the  Duke  of  York,  on 
recovering  his  proprietorship,  made  a  new  grant  of  East 
Jersey  to  Carteret,  which  seemed  to  convey  no  political 
sovereignty,  as  the  original  grant  had  done,  but  mere 
ownership  of  the  soil.     Andros,  accordingly,  claimed  to 
be  governor  of  New  Jersey,  as  well  as  New  York,  and 
seized  the  person  of  the  Jersey  governor ;  but  his  con 
duct  was  disapproved  by  the  Duke  of  York,  who  then 
conveyed  to  Carteret  full  governing  powers.     The  same 


96  THE    COMING   OF   THE    ENGLISH. 

was  done  to  the  Quaker  purchasers  of  West  Jersey,  where 
the  contentious  Andros  had  been  ruling  with  an  equally 
high  hand. 

Andros  was  now  called  to  England,  and  a  better  man, 
Colonel  Thomas  Dongan,  was  sent  out  in  his  place. 
Meantime,  the  deputy-governor  of  New  York  had  trouble 
with  the  people,  who  would  not  endure  any  longer  to  be 
governed  in  a  purely  arbitrary  way.  Amongst  all  the 
New  York's  English  colonies,  theirs  only  had  no  represen- 
?embiy "  tative  legislature,  and  their  demand  for  an  As 
sembly  became  now  so  resolute  that  it  moved 
the  duke.  The  new  governor  brought  instructions  for 
an  election,  which  was  held  soon  after  he  arrived,  and 
the  first  representative  Assembly  in  New  York  was  con 
vened  in  October,  1683. 

46.  William  Penn.  In  New  Jersey,  the  two  Quaker 
buyers  of  Lord  Berkeley's  grant  had  quarrelled  soon  after 
their  purchase  was  made,  and  William  Penn,  the  fore 
most  member  of  their  sect  in  England,  was  called  in  to 
arbitrate  between  them.  This  resulted  in  Penn's  becom 
ing  engaged,  as  a  trustee,  in  the  management  of  West 
Quaker  pur-  Jersev  affairs.  A  little  later,  East  Jersey  was 
EastJer-  purchased  from  Sir  George  Carteret  by  Penn 
sey,  1682.  ancj  others,  and  so  the  whole  New  Jersey  pro 
vince  passed  under  Quaker  control.  In  its  Quaker  char 
acter  it  was  soon  overshadowed  by  another,  which  arose 
beside  it,  as  Penn's  personal  domain. 

This  excellent  man,  William  Penn,  the  son  of  a  dis 
tinguished  English  admiral,  Sir  William  Penn,  had  been 
reared  in  habits  of  wealth,  in  the  midst  of  the  influences 
of  a  corrupt  and  frivolous  court,  but  had  broken  away 
from  them  all.  At  the  age  of  eighteen  or  nineteen,  while 
a  student  at  Oxford,  he  joined  the  most  despised  and 
abused  of  religious  sects,  because  the  simple  purity  and 


UNDER   CHARLES    II.   AND   JAMES    II.          97 

Christian  democracy  of  its  teaching  took  hold  of  his  rea 
son  and  his  heart.  He  bore  persecution  with  his  fellow 
believers ;  bore  the  anger  of  his  father  and  the  ridicule 
of  his  courtly  friends,  and  won  respect  by  the  calm 
dignity  with  which  he  carried  himself  through  it  all. 
Admiral  Penn  enjoyed  the  friendship  of  the  king  and  the 
Duke  of  York,  and  their  favor  was  extended  to  his  son. 
In  1670  the  admiral  died,  leaving  an  ample  fortune,  be 
sides  a  claim  on  the  crown  for  ;£  16,000.  When  the  heir 
to  the  claim,  William  Penn,  became  interested  in  projects 
of  Quaker  colonization,  he  offered  to  take  a 
grant  of  the  territory  between  Maryland,  New 
York,  and  New  Jersey,  in  payment  of  the  royal  1681< 
debt.  His  proposal  was  accepted,  and  in  March,  1681, 
he  received  the  patent  which  conveyed  to  him  that  mag 
nificent  domain.  He  wished  to  name  it  either  Sylvania 
or  New  Wales;  but  the  king  prefixed  "  Penn  "  to  the 
"  Sylvania,"  in  memory  of  the  admiral,  and  so  the  name 
has  stood. 

47.  The  Founding  of  Pennsylvania.  In  this  case 
the  royal  charter  created  "a  province  and  seigniory,"  but 
not  of  the  palatine  order,  the  immediate  sovereignty  of  the 
king  being  reserved.  In  emergencies,  the  proprietor  and 
his  representatives  might  make  laws ;  but  legislation  in 
general  for  the  province  was  to  be  with  "the 
advice,  assent,  and  approbation  of  the  freemen  "  Penn's 

r  r      i         '     -,    i  i  »    charter. 

hereof,  "or  of  their  delegates  or  deputies. 
The  king  pledged  himself  and  his  successors  not  to  im 
pose  any  custom  or  taxation  on  the  province  unless  "  with 
the  consent  of  the  proprietary,  or  chief  governor  and 
assembly,  or  by  act  of  Parliament  in  England."  This 
royal  affirmation  of  a  jurisdiction  in  Parliament  over  colo 
nial  affairs  was  something  new,  and  indicates  the  growing 
strength  of  that  body  under  the  restored  English  crown. 


98       THE  COMING  OF  THE  ENGLISH. 

Penn's  territory,  as  conveyed  by  the  royal  grant,  did 
not  touch  the  sea.  That  was  an  imperfection  which  he 
sought  to  correct  by  obtaining  a  grant  from  the  Duke 
of  York  of  a  strip  of  territory  claimed  by  the  latter  on 
the  western  shore  of  Delaware  Bay,  and  down  to  Cape 
Henlopen.  It  was  territory  covered  by  the  older  grant 
to  Lord  Baltimore ;  but  the  Swedes  had  settled  it  first ; 
the  Dutch  had  taken  it  from  the  Swedes  ;  the  King  of 
England  had  got  it  back  from  the  Dutch  and  had  given 
it  to  the  Duke  of  York ;  so  that  Baltimore's  title  to  that 
part  of  his  Maryland  principality  seemed  to  be  extinct. 
This  grant,  and  the  uncertain  definition  of  Penn's  south 
ern  boundary  in  the  king's  grant,  opened  double  disputes 
between  him  and  the  heirs  of  Lord  Baltimore,  which 
went  on  for  many  years.  They  were  not  settled  until 
"Mason  17&7>  when  the  southern  boundary  of  Pennsyl- 
<m'ds  Line,"  vania  was  fixed  finally  by  two  surveyors,  named 
1767.  Charles  Mason  and  Jeremiah  Dixon,  and  became 
famous  in  later  history  as  "  Mason  and  Dixon's  Line." 

In  the  summer  of  1682  Penn  sailed  from  England 
with  about  100  colonists,  mostly  Quakers,  and  was  pre 
ceded  and  followed  by  so  many  that  not  less  than  3000 
are  believed  to  have  been  brought  to  the  Delaware 
within  the  first  year.  Some  settlements  had  been 
planted  already  on  the  western  bank  of  the  river,  and 
one  of  them,  changed  in  name  from  Upland  to  Chester, 
became  the  seat  of  government  for  a  time.  An  assem 
bly  of  freemen,  held  there  in  December,  adopted 
"Frame  oi  a  "  Frame  of  Government,"  submitted  by  Penn, 
ment,"  and  a  body  of  laws.  The  people  of  the  district 
on  Delaware  Bay,  called  "the  lower  counties," 
which  Penn  held  only  by  deed  from  the  Duke  of  York, 
with  no  political  power,  were  represented  in  this  assem 
bly,  and  were  annexed  to  Pennsylvania  by  an  Act  of 


UNDER   CHARLES    II.   AND   JAMES    II.          99 

Union,  passed  with  their  own  consent.  Freedom  of  wor 
ship  for  all  who  acknowledged  one  God  was  established 
by  the  laws ;  but  only  those  believing  in  the  divinity  of 
Jesus  Christ  could  hold  office  or  vote.  If  qualified  by  that 
belief,  all  inhabitants  who  bought  or  rented  certain  quan 
tities  of  land,  or  paid  certain  taxes,  were  recognized  "free 
men,"  entitled  to  vote. 

Before  Penn's  arrival  in  the  province,  his  cousin,  Wil 
liam  Markham,  sent  out  as  his  deputy  in  1681,  had  taken 
steps  toward  buying  lands  from  the  Indians ;  and  there 
seems  to  be  little  doubt  that  Penn  himself  had  Penn  ^ 
a  meeting  with  the  Delaware  or  Lenape  tribe,  tlielnfllans- 
at  Shackamaxon,  and  negotiated  a  treaty  of  purchase 
with  them  there.  Though  such  a  meeting  has  been 
often  described  and  pictured,  there  is  no  positive  proof 
that  it  occurred.  It  is  an  altogether  probable  incident, 
however,  in  William  Penn's  dealings  with  the  red  men, 
whose  confidence  and  affection  he  won.1 

48.  Philadelphia.  1 682-1 685.  A  few  days  after  his 
landing  at  Chester,  the  proprietor  was  rowed  in  a  barge 
from  that  town  to  the  site  on  which  he  began  immedi 
ately  to  plan  and  build  the  city  of  Philadelphia.  Within 
three  years  the  town  was  reputed  to  have  2500  inhabit 
ants,  and  the  province  8000.  Pennsylvania  had  risen  at 
a  bound  to  the  rank  which  she  never  lost,  among  the  most 
flourishing  of  the  colonies  in  the  New  World.  A  just 
and  large-minded  man  had  been  made  the  architect  of  the 
young  commonwealth,  and  when,  in  1684,  .other  affairs 
called  him  to  England,  he  had  reason  to  feel  satisfied 
with  the  foundations  he  had  laid. 

1  Copies  of  many  of  the  Indian  deeds  of  land  to  Penn,  stating 
the  things  given  in  payment,  are  in  the  first  volume  of  Pennsylvania 
Archives  (1664-1747),  with  facsimiles  of  the  curious  pictorial  marks 
with  which  they  were  signed. 


100  THE    COMING   OF    THE    ENGLISH. 

If  he  could  have  stayed  with  the  people  as  their  gov 
ernor,  it  is  probable  that  their  rights  and  his  authority 
would  have  found  an  easy  adjustment ;  but  as  it  was, 
the  Frame  of  Government  worked  badly,  and  underwent 
many  unsuccessful  changes  in  the  fifteen  years  of  his 
absence  abroad. 

In  that  period,  the  so-called  "  lower  counties," 
oiethea  '       over  which  Penn  had  no  political  control,  broke 

Delaware  e  .     .          .  .  .    ^.  .         .     ,    ..      . 

counties,      away  from  their  union  with  Pennsylvania  (1691), 
and  assumed  practically  the  independence  which 
gave  being,  at  last,  to  the  little  State  of  Delaware. 

49.  Annulment  of  the  Massachusetts  Charter. 
1684.  Since  the  close  of  the  last  war  with  Holland 
(1674)  the  political  situation  in  England  had  been  under 
going  a  remarkable  change.  Circumstances  had  broken 
down  the  party  in  opposition  to  the  court,  and  left  the 
king  more  absolute  in  power  than  he  had  been  since  the 
early  years  of  his  reign.1  The  kingdom  suffered  heavily 
from  this  Tory  reaction,  and  its  colonies  suffered  quite  as 
much.  The  old  design  against  Massachusetts,  to  break 
the  stubborn  independence  of  her  Puritan  rulers,  was  re 
newed,  with  advantages  not  held  before.  The  king  was 
stronger,  not  only  at  home,  but  in  the  colony  itself.  A 
party  quite  of  the  Tory  character  was  rising, 
Randolph,  in  the  large  class  of  people  not  qualified  to 
vote.  The  disaffection  had  been  cultivated  art 
fully  by  an  agent,  Edmund  Randolph,  sent  to  Boston  in 
1676. 
The  measures  that  were  taken  cannot  be  traced  in  de- 

1  It  was  at  this  time  that  the  king's  party  began  to  be  called 
"  Tories  "  and  their  opponents  "  Whigs."  "  Tory  "  was  an  epithet 
from  Ireland,  where  it  signified  an  outlaw  of  the  bogs;  "Whig" 
was  a  Scotch  word  of  obscure  origin ;  both  were  meaningless  in 
their  political  use. 


UNDER   CHARLES    II.   AND 'JAMES    Jlv*       l&l' 

tail  here.  It  is  enough  to  say  that  the  cherished  charter 
of  Charles  I.  to  "  the  Governor  and  Company  of  Massa 
chusetts  Bay"  was  finally  "cancelled,  vacated,  annihi 
lated,"  by  a  decree  of  the  English  Court  of  Chancery, 
on  the  2  ist  of  June,  1684.  The  ruin  to  the  Massachu 
setts  colonists  which  this  decree  involved  was  limited  by 
nothing  but  the  mercy  of  the  king.  It  left 
them  with  no  rights.  Their  charter  was  their  mercy  of 
title-deed  for  everything  they  owned  ;  it  was 
their  warrant  for  everything  they  had  done ;  it  was  the 
ground  of  everything  in  their  colonial  life.  To  declare 
it  void  was  to  declare  that  the  king  had  never  surrendered 
ownership  of  the  soil  on  which  they  stood ;  that  they 
were  trespassers  on  his  property  and  might  be  dealt  with 
as  he  pleased ;  that  they  had  never  been  empowered  to 
organize  a  colonial  government ;  that  all  the  acts  of  their 
colonial  government  were  invalid  and  all  their  laws  an 
nulled.  They  had  no  reason  to  hope  that  the  king  would 
give  the  decree  any  less  than  this  sweeping  effect,  and 
he  showed  very  soon  that  no  generous  intention  j^^  Oj  • 
was  in  his  mind.  But  before  his  plans  for  deal-  GllarleaIL 
ing  with  the  colony  had  been  perfected,  he  was  stricken 
with  apoplexy  and  died,  in  February,  1685. 

50.  The  Rule  of  "  Captain-General "  Andros.  1686- 
1689.  James,  Duke  of  York,  who  then  came  to  the 
throne,  as  James  II.,  differed  from  his  late  brother,  in 
some  respects,  for  the  worse.  Finding  his  colony  of 
Massachusetts  delivered  up  to  him,  by  an  English  court, 
for  whatever  treatment  he  chose  to  bestow,  he  planned 
to  crush  the  other  colonies,  or  most  of  them,  to  the  same 
state,  and  then  tie  them  together  under  one  royal  gov 
ernor,  who  should  have  the  largest  possible  powers.  He 
chose  for  that  office  his  old  hard-handed  servant,  Sir 
Edmund  Andros,  who  always  did  what  he  was  told, 


Ipi2  THE    CODING    OF   THE    ENGLISH. 

in  the  most  offensive  way.  Andros,  commissioned  as 
"  Captain-General  and  Governor  of  his  Majesty's 
Massachu-  Territory  and  Dominion  in  New  England,"  was 
sent  to  Massachusetts  in  1686  to  begin  his  work, 
and  the  high-spirited  colonists  of  the  Bay  writhed  under 
his  absolute  authority  for  the  next  three  years.  Their 
General  Court  was  abolished ;  their  town  meetings  were 
stripped  of  the  control  of  local  taxes ;  their  press  was 
gagged  ;  the  writ  of  habeas  corpus  was  suspended  ;  all  pub 
lic  records  were  seized  and  brought  to  Boston ;  arbitrary 
taxes  were  levied,  and  property  owners  paid  extortions 
called  "quit-rent "  to  save  the  titles  to  their  lands. 

Going  to  New  Haven  in  October,  Andros  demanded 
a  surrender  of  the  Connecticut  charter;  but  the  cher- 
Oharter        ished  parchment  was  spirited  away  and  hidden, 
as  tradition  tells,  in  the  hollow  trunk  of  a  tree, 
known  afterwards  as  the  "  Charter  Oak."     He  assumed 
the  government  of  Connecticut,  however,  as  well  as  that 
of  Plymouth,  Rhode  Island,  New  Hampshire,  and  Maine. 
New  York  and  New  Jersey  were  subjected  to  his  juris 
diction  in  the  spring  of  1688,  and  he  then  ruled 
Andros's      from  the  Delaware  to  the  St.  Croix,  with  little 
limit  to  his  power.     No  change  in  the  govern 
ment  of  the  other  colonies  was  made  ;  but  a  suit  to  break 
the  charter  of  Lord  Baltimore,  in  Maryland,  was  begun. 

51.  The  "  Glorious  Revolution"  in  England.  1688. 
Happily  the  rule  of  Captain-General  Andros,  as  well  as 
that  of  his  royal  master,  was  brief.  Before  the  end  of 
the  year  1688  a  "glorious  revolution"  (so  considered 
and  described  at  the  time)  drove  James  II.  from  Eng 
land,  and  called  his  daughter  Mary,  with  her  husband, 
William,  Prince  of  Orange,  to  the  throne. 


TOPICS,    REFERENCES,    AND    RESEARCH.      103 
TOPICS    AND    SUGGESTED    READING    AND    RESEARCH. 

35.    Virginia  under  Charles  II. 

TOPICS  AND  REFERENCES. 

1.  Navigation  Act  of  1660  and  its  effect  on  Virginia.     Bruce, 
i-  355-365  5  Doyle,  i.  306-310. 

2.  The  restored  government  of  Sir  William  Berkeley.     Cooke, 
216-236;  Hart,  Contempts,  i.  237-241. 

RESEARCH.  —  What  is  to  be  thought  of  the  instruction  from  Eng 
land  that  Virginia  planters  should  be  encouraged  "  to  build 
towns  upon  every  river  "  ?  How  are  towns  brought  into  exist 
ence  ? 

36.    New  England  and  the  King. 

TOPICS  AND  REFERENCES. 

i.   Attitude  of  New  Englanders  toward  the  restored  monarchy. 
2.    The    Massachusetts    statement    il  Concerning  our   Liberties." 
Winsor,  Boston,  i.  349-356;  Doyle,  iii.  146-150,  173-175;  Hart, 
Contempts,  i.  454-457. 
RESEARCH.  —  The  meaning  of  the  term  u  a  body  politic." 

37.    Connecticut  and  Rhode  Island  Chartered.  — 
New  Haven  Absorbed. 

TOPICS  AND  REFERENCES. 

i.  Charter  for  Connecticut  secured  by  the  younger  John  Win- 
throp  (text  in  MacDonald,  i.  116-119  ;  Preston,  96-109).  2.  Terri 
tory  granted  in  the  charter.  3.  Reasons  for  hostility  to  New 
Haven  at  the  English  court.  Doyle,  ii.  150-162  ;  Hart,  Contempts, 
420-422. 

4.  Migration  from  New  Haven  to  the  Passaic.     Fiske,  D.  and 
Q.  Col's,  ii.  13,  14. 

5.  The  Rhode  Island  charter  (text  in  MacDonald,  i.  125-133  ; 
Preston,   110-129).      Its  provision  for  religious  liberty.     Arnold, 
i.  ch.  ix. 

RESEARCH.  —  Vengeance  of  the  restored  English  monarchy  on 
the  "  regicides."  Green,  603-604.  Persecution  of  Noncon 
formists  in  England.  Green,  606-610  ;  Gardiner,  585-588,  590  ; 
Lamed,  England,  449,  451. 


104          UNDER   CHARLES    II.   AND   JAMES    II. 

38.    The  Founding  of  the  Carolinas. 

TOPICS  AND  REFERENCES. 

x.  The  palatine  proprietary  province  founded  in  the  Carolinas. 
2.  Previous  settlements  in  the  territory  of  the  new  colony.  3.  Early 
introduction  of  slavery  and  servitude.  4.  John  Locke's  constitu 
tion  (text  in  MacDonald,  i.  120-125,  149-168).  McCrady,  i.  ch. 
i.-v.  ;  Doyle,  i.  438-458 ;  Fiske,  Old  Va.,  ii.  270-278 ;  Hart, 
Contemp's,  i.  275-280. 
RESEARCH.  —  John  Locke  :  for  what  was  he  distinguished  ? 

Larned,  England,  469. 

39.    Conquest  of  New  Netherland,  which  becomes 
New  York. 

TOPICS  AND  REFERENCES. 

i.  English  seizure  of  the  Dutch  colonies  without  a  declaration 
of  war.  2.  The  king's  grant  to  his  brother,  the  Duke  of  York 
(text  in  MacDonald,  i.  133-139).  3-  The  double  commission  to 
Colonel  Nicolls.  4.  The  Dutch  surrender.  5.  Changes  of  names. 
O'Callaghan,  ii.  b'k  6,  ch.  vii ;  Fiske,  D.  and  Q.  Col's,  i.  283-292  ; 
Hart,  Contempts,  i.  537-541. 

40.    Origin  of  New  Jersey. 

TOPICS  AND  REFERENCES. 

i.  Sale  of  territory  by  the  Duke  of  York.  2.  Provision  for  the 
government  of  the  province  (text  in  MacDonald,  i.'  139,  141). 
Fiske,  D.  and  Q.  CoFs,  ii.  10-15  ;  Hart,  Contempts,  i.  563-566. 

41.    Resistance  to  the  King's  Commissioners  in 
Massachusetts. 

TOPICS  AND  REFERENCES. 

i.  Submission  to  the  commissioners  in  Connecticut,  Plymouth, 
and  Rhode  Island.  2.  Refusal  in  Massachusetts  to  let  them  hear 
appeals.  3.  Grounds  of  the  refusal.  Hutchinson,  i.  229-257 ; 
Winsor,  Boston,  i.  357-363  ;  Palfrey,  ii.  582-590,  597-618;  Froth- 
ingham,  Rise  of  the  Rep.,  53-63;  Doyle,  iii.  182-192. 

4.  Success  of  Massachusetts  in  prolonging  the  controversy. 
5.  Defence  of  territorial  claims  of  the  colony.  6.  Disobedience  to 


TOPICS,   REFERENCES,   AND    RESEARCH.       105 

royal  commands.     Palfrey,  ii.  618-634  ;  Doyle,  iii.  192-197  ;  Hutch- 

inson,  i.  260-269. 

7.    Growing  opposition  to  the  king  of  England.    Green,  618-621  ; 

Lamed,  England,  452-456. 

RESEARCH.  —  The  claims  that  conflicted  with  those  of  Massachu 
setts  in  New  Hampshire  and  Maine.  Palfrey,  i.  204-206,  524- 
525,  ii.  618-621  ;  Hutchinson,  i.  313-319. 

42.    Berkeley's  Ill-government  in  Virginia. 

TOPICS  AND  REFERENCES. 

i.  The  people  deprived  of  political  rights.  2.  The  king's  grant 
to  Arlington  and  Culpeper.  3.  Unfulfilled  promise  of  a  charter. 
Burke,  ii.  appendix;  Doyle,  i.  313-319. 

43.    Bacon's  Rebellion. 

TOPICS  AND  REFERENCES. 

i.  Immediate  occasion  for  the  outbreak.  2.  Election  of  a  new 
House  of  Burgesses  and  its  action.  3.  Renewal  of  hostilities  be 
tween  the  insurgents  and  the  governor.  4.  Bacon's  death  and  its 
consequences.  —  His  character.  5.  Berkeley's  savage  revenge. 
6.  Berkeley's  successors.  —  The  Tobacco  Riot.  Burke,  ii.  194; 
Cooke,  237-297;  Doyle,  i.  319-352;  Fiske,  Old  Va.y  ii.  ch.  xi. ; 
Hart,  Contempts,  i.  242-246. 

44.    King  Philip's  War  in  New  England. 

TOPICS  AND  REFERENCES. 

i.  Causes  of  the  Indian  outbreak.  2.  Spread  of  hostilities.  3. 
Consequences  of  the  war  to  whites  and  Indians.  Fiske,  Begin 
nings,  211-241  ;  Doyle,  iii.  ch.  iii.;  Contempts,  i.  458-461  ;  Hub- 
bard,  a  S.  Leaf.,  88. 

45.    English  Loss  and  Recovery  of  New  York.  — 
Governor    Andros. 

TOPICS  AND  REFERENCES. 

i.  Affairs  in  England. —  Renewed  war  with  Holland.  —  Loss 
and  recovery  of  New  York.  2.  Governor  Andros  and  his  aggres 
sions  in  Connecticut  and  New  Jersey.  3.  Quaker  purchase  of 


106          UNDER    CHARLES    II.   AND   JAMES    II. 

West  Jersey.     Fiske,  D.  and  Q.  CoFs,  ii.  25-61  ;  Roberts,  i.  103- 
114,  178-186. 

4.  New  York  under  Governor  Dongan.  —  Its  first  Assembly. 
Roosevelt,  New  York,  51-57;  Fiske,  D.  and  Q.  CoVs,  ii.  168-171. 

46.    William  Penn. 

TOPICS  AND  REFERENCES. 

i.    Penn's  engagement  in  New  Jersey  affairs.    2.    His  life  and 
character.     3.    Circumstances  of  the  royal  grant  to  him  of  a  vast 
American  province  (text  in  MacDonald,  i.  183).     Fiske,  D.  and 
Q.  CoVs,  ii.  114-118,  140-150;  Sharpless,  30-39. 
RESEARCH.  —  The  early  life  of  Penn.     Hodges,  ch.  i.-iv. 

47.    The  Founding  of  Pennsylvania. 

TOPICS  AND  REFERENCES. 

i.  Character  of  the  proprietary  province  created  by  Penn's 
charter.  2.  Jurisdiction  of  Parliament  over  colonial  affairs  af 
firmed.  Fiske,  D.  and  Q.  CoVs,  ii.  151-153. 

3.  Additional  grant  to  Penn  by  the  Duke  of  York.  4.  Disputes 
with  Lord  Baltimore  and  their  settlement.  —  "  Mason  and  Dixon's 
Line."  Hinsdale,  Old  N.  W.,  98-103;  Fiske,  Civil  Gov't,  152. 

5.  Penn's  first  settlements.     6.    The  first  Pennsylvania  Assem 
bly  and  the  "  Frame  of  Government "  (text  in  MacDonald,  i.  192- 
199).     7.    Annexation  of  the  "  lower  counties."     Hart,  Contempts, 

1.  557-558. 

8.  Penn's  dealing  with  the  Indians.     Fiske,  D.  and  Q.  CoFs,  ii. 

158-166. 

RESEARCH.  —  Were  the  Indians  rightful  owners  of  the  soil  of  this 
continent  when  the  whites  came  to  settle  upon  it?  If  so,  had 
their  chiefs  the  right  to  sell  tracts  of  it  ?  When  making  such 
sales,  were  they  likely  to  understand  the  nature  of  the  transac 
tion  ?  Where  one  tribe  had  driven  out  another,  which  was  the 
rightful  owner  ? 

48.    Philadelphia. 

TOPICS  AND  REFERENCES. 

i.   The  founding  of  Philadelphia  and  the  progress  of  the  colony. 

2.  Penn's  return   to   England.  —  The  colony  in   his  absence.     3. 


TOPICS,    REFERENCES,    AND    RESEARCH.       IO/ 

Political  separation  of  the  "  lower  counties,"  which  became  Dela 
ware.  Hodges,  ch.  v.-vi.  ;  Fiske,  D.  and  Q.  CoVs,  ii.  153-158; 
Hart,  Contempts,  i.  554-557. 

49.    Annulment  of  the  Massachusetts  Charter. 
TOPICS  AND  REFERENCES. 

1.  Changed  political  situation  in  England.     Green,  639-642. 

2.  A  growing  Tory  party  in  Massachusetts.     3.    Annulment  of 
the  Massachusetts  charter.  —  The  colony  at  the  mercy  of  the  king. 
Ellis,  ch.  xiii.  ;  Winsor,  Boston,  i.  364-375  ;  Frothingham,  Rise  of 
the  Rep.,  77-79;  Fiske,  Beginnings,  255-267;  Doyle,  iii.  284-292, 
298-299  ;  Hart,  Contempts,  i.  462-463. 

4.    The  king's  death.     Green,  643. 

50.    Rule  of  "  Captain-General "  Andros. 

TOPICS  AND  REFERENCES. 

i.  Accession  of  King  James  II.  2.  Rule  of  Andros  as  Captain- 
General  and  Governor  of  New  England.  3.  Extension  of  his 
authority  to  New  York  and  New  Jersey.  Hutchinson,  i.  353-372 ; 
Winsor,  Boston,  ii.  1-13  ;  Fiske,  Beginnings,  267-271  ;  Doyle,  iii. 
303-323  ;  Hart,  Contempts,  i.  423-425. 

51.    The  "Glorious  Revolution"  in  England. 

TOPICS  AND  REFERENCES. 

i.  Expulsion  of  James  II.  from  the  throne.  —  Accession  of  Wil 
liam  and  Mary.  Macaulay,  ch.  ix. ;  Green,  644-651,  657-660  ;  Gar 
diner,  643-648  ;  Larned,  Eng.,  466-467. 


STATE  OF  THE  COLONIES  IN  THE  LAST  YEARS 
OF  THE  SEVENTEENTH  CENTURY. 

The  English  Revolution  of  1688.  The  English  Revolution 
of  1688,  which  swept  the  intolerable  Stuart  dynasty  from  the 
throne,  which  riveted  upon  the  monarchy  a  parliamentary 
constitution  that  could  not  any  longer  be  misunderstood,  and 
which  drew  England  into  a  long  conflict  with  France,  was  an 
event  of  great  importance  to  the  Englishmen  of  the  colonies, 
as  well  as  to  those  at  home.  It  opened  what  was 
really  a  new  era  in  history,  on  both  sides  of  the  sea. 
Before  we  try  to  sketch  the  working  of  changes  produced  by 
it  on  the  American  side,  it  will  be  well  to  survey  briefly  the 
state  of  the  colonies  when  the  seventeenth  century  was  draw 
ing  to  its  close. 

Population  of  the  Colonies.  Of  the  thirteen  colonies  after 
ward  federated  in  the  Republic  of  the  United  States,  all  save 
Georgia  had  then  been  planted,  but  the  Carolinas  were  not  yet 
formally  divided,  and  the  separateness  of  Delaware  was  not 
New  Eng-  quite  a  nxed  fact.  Among  them,  the  New  England 
land.  group  was  the  most  populous ;  its  people  had 
gripped  the  resources  of  their  country  with  the  greatest 
energy,  making  the  most  of  what  it  gave  them,  and  their 
communities  had  acquired  the  firmest  footing  in  the  land. 
Of  these  Massachusetts  was  so  much  in  the  lead  that  its 
people  far  outnumbered  all  the  rest.  As  estimated  by  Mr. 
Bancroft,  the  Bay  Colony,  together  with  Plymouth  and  Maine 
(both  small),  contained  about  44,000  people  in  1688;  while 
Connecticut  held  17,000  to  20,000,  Rhode  Island  (with 
Providence)  6000,  and  New  Hampshire  6000,  making  a  total 
for  New  England  of  73,000  to  76,000.  The  same  estimate 
gives  Virginia  a  population  of  50,000,  Maryland  25,000,  New 


END   OF   THE    SEVENTEENTH    CENTURY.       109 

York  20,000,  Pennsylvania  and  Delaware  12,000,  New  Jer 
sey  10,000,  and  the  Carolinas  8000,  together.  This  reckons 
the  total  population  of  the  English  colonies  in  America  at 
200,000.* 

Economic  Condition.  In  all  the  colonies,  the  products  of 
industry  were  limited  in  variety,  but  more  so  in  the  south 
than  in  New  England,  where  every  natural  resource  was 
turned  to  account  as  fast  as  it  could  be  done.  Except  in 
forest  trees,  the  New  England  soil  gave  little  that  the  colo 
nists  could  use  for  outside  trade.  They  cultivated  it  for  their 
own  foods,  and  made  early  use  of  its  pastures  for  cattle  and 
sheep ;  but  it  yielded  them  only  a  small  surplus  of  breadstuffs 
and  meats  for  sale.  Their  one  staple  commodity  in  the  early 
years,  and  their  chief  one  for  a  long  period,  was 
fish.  Says  Mr.  Weeden,  the  economic  historian  of  England 
New  England,  writing  of  the  period  between  1662 
and  1685:  "The  business  of  the  fisheries  enters  into  all 
the  doings  of  the  time.  Whenever  we  turn  over  the  stray 
papers  of  a  seventeenth  century  merchant,  we  find  evidences 
great  and  small  of  his  constant  intercourse  with  fish  and 
fishermen."  The  fisheries  led  to  ship-building,  for  which  the 
neighboring  forests  furnished  the  best  of  timber,  and  both 
together  stimulated  enterprise  in  navigation  and  the  carrying 
trade.  "  Sawing  lumber,"  says  Mr.  Weeden,  "  building  and 
freighting  vessels,  constituted  commerce;"  "but  the  immedi 
ate  motive  to  cut  timber,  or  to  lay  a  keel,  was  in  the  immediate 
return  always  ready  and  waiting  for  a  projected  cargo  of 
fish."2  The  New  Englanders  built  ships  to  sell,  but  they 

kept  more  and  more  of  them  in  their  own  hands, 

Shipping 
and  used  them  busily,  in  an  increasing  commerce   andcom- 

with  the  neighboring   colonies,  with  the  West  In 
dies,  with  England,  and  with  Spain.     From  their  own  ports 
they  carried  mostly  fish,  timber,  lumber,  masts  and  spars, 

1  Bancroft,  Hist,  of  the  U.  S.  (author's  last  revision),  ii.  608. 

2  Weeden,  Economic  and  Social  Hist,  of  New  England,  i.  247, 
371. 


1 10  STATE   OF   THE    COLONIES. 

staves,  and  sometimes  "  houses  ready  framed."  From  south 
ern  ports  and  the  West  Indies  they  took  tobacco,  sugar,  tar, 
pitch,  and  other  commodities,  going  chiefly  abroad.  With 
numerous  excellent  harbors  on  their  coast,  the  New  England- 
ers  were  impelled  by  every  circumstance  to  be  a  maritime  and 
commercial  people,  and  the  impulse  was  obeyed. 

Virginia  and  Maryland  were  as  well  supplied  as  New 
England  with  good  timber,  and  had  no  lack  of  fine  harbors, 
on  Chesapeake  Bay  and  on  their  noble  rivers ;  but  they  did 
almost  nothing  in  ship-building,  took  almost  no  part  in  the 
carrying  trade,  and  put  their  forests  to  little  com- 
and  Mary-  mercial  use.  They  lacked  the  stimulus  and  train 
ing  of  a  great  fishing  industry ;  and  the  tobacco 
culture  in  those  colonies  was  stifling  to  everything  else  (see 
sect.  31).  "  The  Virginia  planter  did  not,  like  the  New  Eng 
land  farmer,  have  to  seek  the  foreign  purchaser ;  the  buyer  of 
the  only  staple  of  Virginia  sought  its  plantations."  l 

In  the  Carolinas,  all  industries  were  still  in  their  small 
beginnings.  The  northern  district  was  beginning  to  com 
pete  with  New  Hampshire  and  Massachusetts  in  the  expor 
tation  of  tar,  pitch,  timber,  and  other  products  of  the  kind 
TheCaro-  called  "naval  stores; "  the  southern  district  was  be- 
Unas-  ginning  experiments  with  rice,  cotton,  and  indigo; 
but  only  rice  gave  promise,  so  far,  of  success.  Furs  to  Eng 
land,  and  pork,  beef,  hides,  and  tallow  to  the  northern  colo 
nies  and  the  West  Indies,  were  the  main  exports  from  the 
Carolinas  at  this  time. 

Pennsylvania  was  very  young  as  an  English  colony,  and 
Pennsyi-  *ts  ear^y  products  were  altogether  from  the  forests 
Newajer-d  anc*  t^ie  so^  '  *ts  Sreat  mineral  riches  were  scarcely 
sey.  known.  In  New  Jersey  the  conditions  were  much 

the  same. 

New  York  was  somewhat  laggard  in  growth.  Except  on 
Manhattan  and  Long  Islands,  its  settlements  were  a  fringe 
along  the  banks  of  the  Hudson,  up  to  Albany,  with  Sche- 

1  Bruce,  Economic  Hist,  of  Virginia,  ii.  435. 


END  OF  THE  SEVENTEENTH  CENTURY.   Ill 

nectady  for   a  solitary  outpost  toward  the  west.      The  fur 
trade,  its  chief  interest,  was  greatly  cut  down  by  the  fierce 
wars  of  the  Five  Nations  with  the  French  and  with  the  tribes 
of  the  whole  region  of  the  Great  Lakes,  even   to   Illinois. 
The  farms  and  forests  of  the  province  were  furnishing  some 
thing  to  colonial  commerce,   in  timber   and  food 
stuffs,  but  to  no   large  extent.      The  city  of  New 
York,  however,  was  the  convenient  centre  of  a  good  deal  of 
trade. 

The  English  Navigation  Acts?-  All  development  of  the 
resources  of  the  colonies,  all  attempts  to  multiply  their  in 
dustries  and  extend  their  trade,  were  grievously  hampered  by 
English  laws  which  aimed  to  gather  every  kind  of  profit  from 
them  into  English  hands.  The  short-sighted  selfishness  of 
such  laws  was  not  peculiar  to  England,  but  governed  the 
colonial  policy  of  every  nation  in  that  age.  It  expressed  it 
self  first  in  what  is  known  as  the  Navigation  Act  of  Act  Ol 
1651,  passed  by  the  Parliament  of  the  Common-  1661- 
wealth  of  England,  after  the  execution  of  King  Charles. 
That  act  forbade  the  importation  of  goods  into  England  in 
any  other  than  English  ships  or  ships  of  the  country  produc 
ing  the  goods.  Its  main  purpose  was  to  stop  the  employment 
of  Dutch  ships  in  English  trade ;  but  the  commerce  of  the 
colonies  was  badly  injured  by  the  effects  of  the  act.  English 
traders  and  shippers  were  not  satisfied,  however,  with  this 
law,  and  in  1660,  1663,  ano^  I^72»  after  the  monarchy  had 
been  restored,  fresh  enactments  were  devised  for  Actsoi 
the  purpose  of  monopolizing  every  gain  to  be  got  JJJJ»  and 
from  colonial  trade.  The  first  of  the  new  Naviga-  1672'. 
tion  Acts  required  the  colonies  to  import  and  export  every 
thing  in  English  ships.  The  next  one  allowed  nothing  from 
Europe  to  enter  any  colony  unless  it  had  been  passed  through 
(/.  <?.,  been  laden  at  and  shipped  from)  an  English  port,  and 
had  been  carried  "directly  thence."  The  declared  object 

1  Bruce,   Economic  Hist,   of  Virginia,   i.  345-365  ;    Weeden, 
Economic  and  Social  Hist,  of  New  England,  i.  232-241. 


112  STATE    OF   THE    COLONIES. 

of  this  measure  was  to  keep  the  colonies  in  "  a  firmer  de 
pendence  "  on  the  mother  country.  Finally,  the  legislation 
of  1672  forbade  the  shipping  of  certain  enumerated  com 
modities,  .including  tobacco,  sugar,  cotton,  ginger,  and  indigo, 
from  any  colony  without  a  bond  being  given  for  their  deliv 
ery  in  England,  or  else  payment  of  a  heavy  duty  in  advance ; 
the  purpose  being  to  stop  evasions  of  the  law.  These  op 
pressive  enactments  were  accompanied  and  followed  by  many 
others  that  were  much  complained  of,  under  the  general 
name  of  the  "  acts  of  trade." 

That  the  navigation  laws  and  other  "acts  of  trade  "  did 
not  strangle  the  colonies  in  their  infancy  was  because  they 
could  not  be  fully  enforced.  The  New  Englanders,  with 
their  chartered  "home  rule,"  and  with  their  own  shipping  in 
hand,  could  not  be  controlled  by  the  acts  ;  and  that 
band  was  a  principal  reason  for  the  steady  hardening  of  a 

determination  in  the  English  government  to  break 
the  charters,  regardless  of  the  bad  faith  involved.  Virginia, 
as  a  royal  colony,  and  dependent  on  other  ships  and  shippers 
for  the  handling  of  her  trade,  was  more  at  the  mercy  of  the 
English  laws.  While  the  Dutch  were  at  Manhattan,  they  man 
aged  much  contraband  trading  with  Virginia ;  after  they  lost 
their  footing  in  America,  the  navigation  acts  were  more 
strictly  enforced  in  Chesapeake  Bay. 

In  the  earlier  years  of  the  colonies,  there  were  none  but 
English  merchants  and  ship-owners  who  watched  America  to 
make  sure,  as  far  as  possible,  that  nothing  was  bought  and 
sold  there,  nor  shipped  thence,  to  the  profit  of  anybody  but 
themselves.  But  as  the  colonists  became  able,  more  and 

more,  to  make  things  for  themselves,  another  class. 
Oppressive 
"acts^oi      composed  of  manufacturers  and  mechanics,  began  to 

demand  laws  for  the  suppression  of  all  colonial 
industries  that  could  come  into  competition  with  their  own. 
This  demand  was  just  becoming  energetic  at  the  time  now 
described.  It  was  inspiring  strenuous  efforts  to  induce  the 
colonists  to  devote  themselves  to  the  production  of  "  naval 


END    OF    THE    SEVENTEENTH    CENTURY.     113 

stores,"  —  spars,  timber,  pitch,  tar,  hemp,  etc.,  —  and  to  let 
lighter  manufactures  alone.  We  shall  find  it  working  much 
more  vigorously  in  the  period  that  follows. 

Slavery  and  Indentured  Servitude.  There  were  slaves  in  all 
the  colonies,  and  there  were  indentured  or  bound  white  ser 
vants  (see  sect.  34)  in  them  all.  Everywhere  except  in  the 
Carolinas  the  indentured  servants,  up  to  this  time,  outnum 
bered  the  slaves.  It  was  not  until  after  the  eighteenth  cen 
tury  was  begun  that  negro  slavery  became  dominant  in  the 
labor  system  of  both  Virginia x  and  Maryland.  In  all  the  colo 
nies  there  were  Indian  slaves,  —  captives  taken  in  the  Indian 
wars,  —  and  their  number  in  the  Carolinas  was  consider 
able  ;  elsewhere  it  was  small.  In  the  northern  colonies  there 
were  no  industries  in  which  large  gangs  of  slaves  could  be 
employed  with  profit,  and  that  kind  of  unintelligent,  driven 
labor  never  came  into  extensive  use.  On  moral  grounds 
there  was  no  objection  to  it  felt  very  widely,  except  Little 
in  Rhode  Island  and  amongst  the  Quakers.  Rhode  J^wsion 
Island  passed  an  act  in  1652  declaring  that  "no  toslavery- 
black  mankind  or  white"  shall  be  "held  to  service  longer 
than  ten  years." 2  Subject  to  this  limitation,  both  slavery 
and  bond  service  were  tolerated.  In  the  Massachusetts 
"Body  of  Liberties,"  adopted  in  1641,  it  was  declared: 
"There  shall  never  be  any  bond  slavery,  villeinage,  or  cap 
tivity  amongst  us,  unless  it  be  lawful  captives  taken  in  just 

1  "  In  1671  there  were  6000  servants  to  2000  slaves  in  Virginia. 
By   1683  the  number  of  servants  had  doubled,  while  that  of  the 
slaves   had  increased  by  only  one  third.     From  this   time   forth 
servitude  gave  way  before  slavery,  which  was  forced  on  the  colony 
in  the  large  importation  of  negroes  by  the  royal  African  Company 
under  its  exclusive  charter.     It  was  the  policy  of  the  king,  and  of 
the  Duke  of  York,  who  stdbd  at  the  head  of  the  company,  to  hasten 
the  adoption  of  slavery  by  enactments  cutting  off  the  supply  of  in 
dented  servants."     Ballagh,  Hist,  of  Slavery  in  Virginia  (Johns 
Hopkins  Studies),  p.  10. 

2  Records  of  the  Colony  of  R.  /.,  i.  243. 


H4  STATE    OF    THE    COLONIES. 

wars,  and  such  strangers  as  willingly  sell  themselves  or  are 
sold  to  us."  1  In  what  manner  the  few  negro  slaves  finally 
found  in  Massachusetts  were  obtained  does  not  appear. 
There  seem  to  have  been  less  than  400  in  the  colony  at  the 
close  of  the  seventeenth  century. 

The  Quakers  of  Pennsylvania  began  to  take  ground 
against  the  importation  and  purchase  of  African  slaves  as 
early  as  1696;  but  slavery  existed  in  the  province,  to  a  lim 
ited  extent,  for  more  than  a  century  after  that  time.  The 
indentured  number  of  indentured  servants  in  Pennsylvania  was 
in?enn3  larger  than  elsewhere.  This  resulted  from  Penn's 
sylvania.  wide  advertising  of  the  attractions  of  his  province, 
in  Germany  and  other  parts  of  the  continent,  as  well  as 
in  England,  which  drew  a  multitude  of  poor  people,  who 
paid  for  their  passage  to  America  by  selling  their  labor 
in  advance  for  a  term  of  years.  A  student  of  the  subject  has 
estimated  that  "at  least  one  third  of  the  early  immigrants 
were  servants."  2  In  New  Jersey  they  were  numerous;  they 
were  fewer  in  New  York,  where  more  negro  slaves  were 
owned ;  but  slavery  got  no  more  of  an  economic  footing  in 
New  York  than  in  other  parts  of  the  north. 

Education  and  Literature.  It  is  a  fact  undoubted,  that  the 
early  colonists  of  New  England  were  generally  of  a  class  bet 
ter  educated  and  more  intellectual  than  those  who  came  to 
other  settlements  in  the  New  World.  It  was  necessarily  so, 
because,  as  a  rule,  they  were  people  who  had  been  moved  by 
a  belief  —  by  a  deep  conviction  of  mind  —  to  seek  the  new 
home.  We  cannot  help  seeing  that  the  beliefs  which  moved 

them  were  thoughtfully  formed,  even  when  there 
Early  New 
England-     seems  to  be  narrowness  in  some  ot  the  grounds  on 

which  they  rest.     They  represent  a  .mental  quality 
quite  above  that  which  appears  in  the  common  motives  of 

1  Mass.  Hist.  Soc.  Collections,  3d  series,  vii.  231. 

2  Geiser,  Redemptioners  and  Indentured  Servants  in  Pennsyl 
vania,  p.  27  ;  Hart,  ed.,  Am.  Hist,  told  by  Contemporaries,  ii.  ch. 
xvi. 


END  OF  THE  SEVENTEENTH  CENTURY.   115 

life.  There  are  proofs  of  that  quality  in  two  facts  which 
especially  distinguish  the  New  England  colonies,  when  com 
pared  with  their  neighbors  of  the  middle  and  southern  zone. 
The  first  appears  in  the  prompt  and  broad  provision  for 
public  education  that  was  started  by  the  pioneers  of  Massa 
chusetts  Bay  as  soon  as  they  had  fairly  housed  themselves 
(see  sect.  11),  and  followed  in  all  the  settlements  as  they 
spread.  The  second  is  found  in  the  great  body  of  valuable 
writings  that  has  come  down  to  us  from  those  New  England 
colonists  of  the  first  and  second  generations ;  the  histories, 
narratives,  and  chronicles,  the  descriptions,  the  disquisitions, 
and  controversies,  which  make  us  acquainted  with  them,  and 
with  what  they  thought  and  did,  so  much  more  than  with  the 
fathers  of  our  country  in  other  parts.  The  proportion  among 
them  of  men  and  women  who  wielded  a  vigorous  and  some 
times  eloquent  pen  was  certainly  large  for  that  day.  The 
names  of  William  Bradford,  Edward  Winslow,  John 
Winthrop,  Nathaniel  Morton,  Edward  Johnson,  John  land  writ- 
Mason,  Francis  Higginson,  William  Wood,  John 
Josselyn,  Roger  Williams,  Nathaniel  Ward,  Daniel  Gookin, 
Thomas  Hooker,  John  Cotton,  Anne  Bradstreet,  Increase 
Mather,  to  say  nothing  of  less  noted  writers,  make  up  a  re 
markable  list,  for  communities  so  young  and  so  small.1 

In  Virginia  the  widely  separated  plantation  life,  and  the 
absence  of  towns,  made  any  such  school  system  as  that  of 
New  England  impossible  ;  but  the  interest  in  education  was 
not  the  same.  The  influence  of  the  government  was  against 
it,  after  the  overthrow  of  the  London  Company  (see  sect.  5), 
which  had  planned  the  founding  of  a  colonial  university  and 
voted  to  endow  it  with  10,000  acres  of  land.  That  excel 
lent  project  was  killed  by  the  killing  of  the  com- 

TJ       , ,  ,    &  ,       .         ,.         Education 

pany.     In  1660  a  new  movement  for  the  founding   inVir- 

of  "a  college  and  free  school"  was  started  by  the   f 
Virginia  Assembly,  but   it  languished  until  1691,  when  the 
college  of  William  and  Mary  was  established,  with  the  help  of 
1  Tyler,  History  of  American  Literature,  1607-1765. 


Il6  STATE    OF   THE    COLONIES. 

the  king  and  queen,  who  gave  it  their  name.  This  seems  to 
have  been  the  first  educational  institution  in  Virginia,  though 
there  were,  of  course,  teachers,  privately  employed. 

Of  five  Virginia  colonists  in  the  first  century  who  wrote 
some  account  of  the  country  and  their  experiences  in  it,  only 
two,  William  Strachey  and  Alexander  Whittaker,  were  per 
manent  settlers ;  the  remaining  three  —  namely,  Captain  John 
Smith,  George  Percy,  and  John  Pory  —  were  transient  in 
their  stay.  So,  too,  was  George  Sandys,  who,  while  holding 
office  in  Virginia,  completed  a  translation  of  Ovid  that  was 
famous  in  its  day. 

Both  in  schools  and  in  literary  production,  the  other  colo 
nies,  in  this  period,  had  not  much  to  show.  Penn  had 
large  ideas  of  education,  and  was  influential,  no  doubt,  in 
bringing  about  the  opening  of  the  Public  Grammar 
vania  and  School  of  Philadelphia,  in  1689;  but  many  political 
troubles  in  the  early  years  of  the  colony  frustrated 
his  intention  to  make  that  the  centre  of  a  system  of  schools. 
In  New  York  there  was  a  sad  neglect  of  education,  and 
more,  apparently,  after  the  English  took  the  province  than 
before.  In  the  middle  of  the  next  century  it  was  said  by  the 
colonial  historian,  William  Smith,  "  Our  schools  are  of  the 
lowest  grade." 

Massachusetts  was  the  first  of  the  colonies  to  obtain  a 
printing-press.  It  was  brought  from  London,  with  an  equip 
ment  of  type,  and  with  several  printers,  by  a  min 
ister  named  Joseph  Glover,  and  was  set  up  at  Cam 
bridge  in  1638.  A  second  press  was  added  to  the  Cambridge 
printing  establishment  in  1660,  long  before  any  were  working 
in  other  parts  of  the  country.  The  next  to  arrive  was  set  up 
near  Philadelphia,  by  William  Bradford,  in  1686.  Seven 
years  later  Bradford  removed  his  business  to  New  York.1 

The  French  and  their  Claims  in  America.  Throughout  the 
seventeenth  century  colonization  had  been  pushed  by  the 

1  Eggleston,  The  Transit  of  Civilization  from  England  to 
America  in  the  Seventeenth  Century,  ch.  v.  ;  Fisher,  ch.  xxi. 


END  OF  THE  SEVENTEENTH  CENTURY.  1 1/ 

French  in  the  valley  of  the  St.  Lawrence,  and  in  the  regions 
surrounding  the  gulf  of  that  name,  quite  as  vigorously  as  by 
the  English  on  the  coasts  farther  south,  but  with  very  dif 
ferent  results.  The  English  colonies  were  described  with 
truth  as  "plantations;"  they  were  really  planted  communi 
ties,  well-rooted,  and  growing  with  a  life  and  nourishment 
of  their  own.  To  a  greater  or  less  extent,  their  people  were 
self-governed,  self-sustained,  self-dependent,  —  trained  for 
the  care  of  themselves,  and  for  feelings  that  identified  them 
more  with  the  country  to  which  they  had  come  than  with  the 
country  they  had  left.  The  settlements  in  New  France  had 
no  such  planting ;  they  were  formations,  not  growths.  All 
the  energy  they  possessed  was  put  into  them  by  the 
paternal  government  of  France,  or  by  the  trading  governed 
companies  that  had  monopolies  in  them,  or  by  mis 
sionary  priests.  Everything  was  done  for  them  ;  they  were 
not  allowed  to  do  anything  for  themselves.  Except  traders 
and  some  adventurers,  few  colonists  went  to  the  country 
under  any  impulse  of  their  own.  They  were  gathered  up  by 
the  king's  agents  and  sent  out  in  ship-loads,  mostly  young 
men  and  women,  many  of  whom  married  with  no  knowledge 
of  each  other  and  were  settled  on  small  farms.  It  is  not 
surprising  to  find  the  government  of  New  France  complain 
ing  that  idleness,  drunkenness,  and  disorder  prevailed. 

With  all  the  efforts  made  to  send  out  colonists  to  New 
France,  the  white  population,  about  1683,  did  not  exceed 
10,000,  it  is  said,  scattered  along  both  banks  of  the  St.  Law 
rence,  as  far  up  as  Montreal,  where  settlement  was  begun  in 
1640.  But  French  missionaries,  coureurs  de  bois,  and  ambitious 
explorers  had  been  penetrating  the  far  interior  of 
the  continent,  learning  its  geography,  obtaining  in- 
fluence  among  its  Indian  tribes,  and  establishing  vast  terri 
torial  claims  for  France,  with  an  energy  that  the  English  did 
not  imitate  in  the  least.  At  some  time  not  later  than  1640, 
Jean  Nicollet  had  gone  beyond  Lake  Huron  to  Lake  Michi 
gan.  In  1669  Jesuit  missions  were  established  at  Sault  Ste. 


Il8  STATE    OF   THE    COLONIES. 

Marie  and  Green  Bay.  In  1673  Father  Marquette  and  Louis 
Joliet  made  their  way  from  Green  Bay  to  the  Mississippi 
River,  and  down  that  great  stream  to  the  Illinois,  on  which 
a  new  mission  was  planted  by.  Marquette.  In  1679  tne 
famous  explorer,  La  Salle,  built  a  vessel  on  the  Niagara  River 
and  navigated  the  Great  Lakes  to  the  foot  of  Lake  Michigan, 
whence  he  went  on  to  the  Illinois  and  built  a  fort.  Three 
years  later,  traversing  the  same  route  for  the  third  time,  he 
descended  the  Illinois  to  the  Mississippi  and  the  Mississippi 
to  the  Gulf,  completing  the  exploration  of  the  great  river,  and 
formally  declaring  that  he  took  possession  of  the  whole  wide 
country  drained  by  its  tributaries  for  the  king  of  France. 

Thus,  before  the  closing  of  the  seventeenth  century,  the 
French  had  laid  hands  on  the  whole  country  west  of  the 
Appalachian  mountain  ranges,  with  none  practically  disput- 
The  inS  tne^r  clai™  to  it  except  the  "  Five  Nations  " 

aSuhe  °^  ^e  confederacy  of  the  Iroquois.  Between  those 
Iroquols.  and  the  French  there  was  continual  war,  and  the 
latter  had  been  driven,  in  1688,  to  abandon  the  northern 
shore  of  Lake  Ontario  and  the  whole  river  St.  Lawrence 
above  Montreal  to  their  savage  foes.  This  was  the  situation 
at  the  opening  of  a  long  series  of  wars  which  was  then  at  the 
point  of  outbreak  between  the  English  and  the  French.1 

1  Parkman,  La  Salk,  and  the  Discovery  of  the  Great  West ; 
Sloane,  The  French  War  and  the  Revolution,  ch.  iii.  ;  Hinsdale, 
The  Old  Northwest,  ch.  iii.-iv. 


COLONIAL    DEVELOPMENT. 
1688-1774. 


CHAPTER   IV. 

THE    PERIOD    OF    STRIFE    WITH    FRANCE.      1690-1760. 

52.    Overthrow    of  Andros.  —  A   New   Charter  for 

Massachusetts.  1689-1691.  When  news  of  the  flight 
of  James  II.  from  England,  and  of  the  elevation  of  King 
William  and  Queen  Mary  to  the  throne,  reached  Boston, 
in  the  spring  of  1689,  Massachusetts  rose  against  Andros, 
as  England  had  risen  against  James,  imprisoned  him  for 
a  time,  and  then  sent  him  to  London,  to  be  dealt  with  by 
the  new  king  and  queen.  Strenuous  efforts  to  secure 
a  restoration  of  the  old  charter  were  begun  at 

.    .  ,  Efforts  to 

once,  and  persevered  in  tor  tnree  years  ;  but  recover  the 

r  T--       T   i          v  -i    j  •     *i_  i     old  charter. 

reasons  ot  English  policy  prevailed  in  the  end, 
against  the  hope  that  the  colonists  entertained.     The 
best  they  could  obtain  was  a  new    charter,   issued   in 
October,  1691,  which  took  away  much  of  the  self-govern 
ment  they  had  enjoyed  so  long.     Their  governor  and 
other  chief  officials  were  to  be  appointed  there-  provisions 
after   by  the   king ;   their   general   court    was  charter, 
restored,  but  its  acts  were  subject  to  veto  by  1691- 
the  governor  or  by  the  crown ;  their  right  of  suffrage 
was  made  to  depend  on  a  property  qualification,  and  no 
longer  on  membership  in  a  church. 


120  COLONIAL    DEVELOPMENT. 

Massachusetts  was  thus  reduced  to  the  status  of  a 
royal  province,  but  not  quite  to  that  of  Virginia  and 
New  York,  where  the  people  had  no  charter  to  define 
their  rights.  Territorially  the  colony  was  enlarged,  by 
Annexation  ^ie  annexation  to  it  of  Plymouth  Colony  and 
SLdSSSi?1  Maine.  In  1697  it  was  united  once  more,  for 
a  time,  with  New  York,  under  the  same  gov 
ernor,  Lord  Bellomont.  Connecticut  and  Rhode  Island, 
whose  charters  had  never  been  judicially  annulled,  were 
untouched,  and  their  governments  were  unchanged. 

53.  New  York  and  Jacob  Leisler.  1689-1691.  In 
New  York,  after  learning  of  the  revolution  in  England 
and  the  downfall  of  Andros  at  Boston,  the  deputy-gov 
ernor,  Nicholson,  undertook  to  maintain  his  authority, 
Nicholson  anc^  ^id  so  ^  ^e  following  June,  when  he  was 
deposed.  deposed,  practically,  by  the  militia  trainbands 
of  the  town,  and  sailed  for  England  to  complain.  One 
of  the  captains  of  the  militia,  Jacob  Leisler,  a  wealthy 
German  citizen,  then  took  direction  of  affairs,  expecting 
to  be  justified  in  what  he  did.  Unfortunately,  misled 
Jacob  by  ignorance  and  by  bitter  democratic  feel- 
Leisier.  jngs  against  an  aristocratic  class  of  citizens, 
he  pursued  a  course  which  placed  him  fatally  in  the 
wrong.  When,  after  long  delay,  King  William  ap 
pointed  a  governor  and  a  deputy-governor,  and  the  latter 
arrived  in  advance  of  the  former,  Leisler  was  mad 
enough  not  only  to  refuse  surrender  of  the  fort  he  held, 
but  to  fire  on  the  king's  troops,  of  whom  the  deputy  had 
brought  a  small  force.  Even  after  the  governor,  Colonel 
Sloughter,  came  (March,  1691),  Leisler  held  out,  insist 
ing  on  a  written  order  from  the  king  ;  but  his  men  sur 
rendered,  and  he  was  seized.  A  fortnight  later,  he  and 
his  son-in-law,  Milborne,  were  tried  and  condemned  for 
firing  on  the  troops.  In  May  they  were  hanged.  The 


THE    PERIOD    OF    STRIFE    WITH    FRANCE.     121 

fair  opinion  seems  to  be  that  Leisler  meant  to  be  a  pa 
triot,  but  lacked  knowledge  and  judgment  for  the  part 
he  undertook,  and  that  his  execution  was  a  shameful 
crime. 

Governor  Sloughter  brought  instructions  for  the  elec 
tion  of  an  Assembly,  and  the  people  were  represented 
regularly  in   the  government  of  the  province 
from  that  time.     For  a  long  period  they  were  and  Aristo- 
divided  between  two  factions,  "  Leislerians " 
and  "Aristocrats,"  whose  bitter  quarrels  and  struggles 
had  little  to  do  with  the  interests  of  the  community  at 
large. 

54.  New  Jersey.    1689-1702.     In  New  Jersey,  the 
overthrow  of  Andros  left  both  provinces  with  no  settled 
government,  and  with  an  open  question  as  to  whether 
the  authority  of  the  proprietors  had  been  restored  or 
not.     This  unsettled  state  continued  until  1702,  when 
the  proprietors  resigned  their  pretensions  to  a  right  of 
government,  and  the  two  Jerseys  were  united  in  a  single 
royal  province,  with  a  legislature  of  its  own,  but  under 
the  same  governor  as  New  York. 

55.  Pennsylvania.    1 689-1 7O1.     To  the  proprietor 
of  Pennsylvania  the  change  of  king  in  England  brought 
trouble  for  some  years.     The  Stuarts  had  been  friendly 
to  him,  and  he  owed  them  for  much  favor.     Naturally, 
he  was  regarded  with  distrust  by  the  new  court.     There 
was  no  interference,  however,  with  the  gov-  Pennaild 
ernment  he  had   established   in  Pennsylvania  wnuam, 
until  1693,  when  Penn's  enemies  prevailed  with  1693-1694- 
King  William,   and    the  great   Quaker  proprietor  was 
stripped  of  political  authority  in  his  province,  though  his 
property  rights  in  it,  as  a  mere  estate,  were  undisturbed. 
For  a  single  year  it  was  made  a  royal  province,  under 
the  jurisdiction  of  the  governor  of  New  York ;  then,  in 


122  COLONIAL   DEVELOPMENT. 

August,  1694,  the  king's  opinion  of  Penn  seems  to  have 
changed,  and  all  the  powers  conferred  by  his  patent  were 
restored. 

In  1699  Pennsylvania  was  visited  by  its  proprietor  for 
the  last  time.  He  found  Philadelphia  grown  to  a  city  of 
four  thousand  people,  and  the  whole  colony  increasing 
and  thriving  materially,  but  distracted  by  dissensions, 
even  among  the  sober-minded  Friends,  and  dissatis 
fied  with  the  working  of  the  Frame  of  Government. 
Throughout  the  two  years  of  his  stay  he  labored  for 
an  agreement  upon  amendments,  and  it  was  not  until 
the  eve  of  his  departure,  in  1701,  that  he  signed  with 
Penn'siast  reluctance  a  "  Charter  of  Privileges,"  as  it  was 
^chartOToi  named,  in  which  he  conceded  more  than  he 
Privileges."  wished  to  do,  for  the  sake  of  peace.  This 
charter  remained  the  constitution  of  the  colony  until  the 
colony  became  a  State. 

56.  Maryland.  1689-1715.  Maryland  had  its  own 
revolution,  imitating  the  movement  in  England,  as  Mas 
sachusetts  and  New  York  had  done.  The  Protestant 
inhabitants,  who  formed  a  majority  of  the  population, 
rose  in  insurrection,  in  July,  1689,  deposed  the  governor, 
and  brought  about  the  election  of  a  convention,  which 
arranged  the  government  provisionally,  while  waiting 
for  a  response  to  appeals  that  went  to  England,  both  for 
and  against  the  abrogation  of  proprietary  rule.  Anti- 
Catholic  feeling  in  England  bore  too  strongly  against 
Lord  Baltimore  to  be  resisted,  and  the 'government  of 
Maryland  was  taken  out  of  his  hands  by  the  king  in 
1691.  Then,  once  more,  as  in  1654  (see  sect.  22),  the 

tolerance  which  the  Lords  Baltimore  had  up- 
Intolerance     ,     ,  ,  ^   L.     ,.      f  r 

revived,       held  was  swept  away.     Catholic  forms  of  wor 
ship  were  forbidden,  and  no  further  admittance 
of  Catholics  to  the  province  was  allowed.     The  Church 


THE   PERIOD    OF    STRIFE    WITH    FRANCE.     123 

of  England  was  established  by  law,  and  taxes  were  levied 
for  its  support.  Until  the  death,  in  1715,  of  the  Lord 
Baltimore  of  that  period  (Charles  Calvert),  Maryland 
was  governed  as  a  royal  province  ;  but  the  proprietary 
government  was  restored  to  his  son,  Benedict,  who  had 
withdrawn  from  the  Catholic  church. 

57.  Virginia  and  the  Carolinas.    1689.    Virginia  had 
shared  very  fully  the  feeling  in  England  against  King 
James,  and  the  revolution,  being  accepted  with  satisfac 
tion,  caused  no  change  in  the  course  of  affairs.    Nothing 
occurred  in   the  Carolinas   to  mark  the  revolutionary 
event.     The  two  sections  of  the  province,  beginning  to 
be  distinguished  commonly  as  North  Carolina  and  South 
Carolina,  were  increasing  in  population  very  slowly,  and 
still  struggling  through  the  long  disorderly  period  of 
inefficient  proprietary  government. 

58.  Beginnings  of  the  Conflict  with  France.     1690- 
1713.    The  revolution  in  England  led  to  long  wars  with 
France.     The  Prince  of  Orange,  who  then  became  king 
of  England,  was  the  leading  spirit  in  a  great  movement 
of  combination  among  European  powers  to  resist  the 
aggressions  of  the  French  king,  Louis  XIV.     England, 
drawn  into  that  movement,  was  involved  in  a  succession 
of  tremendous  conflicts,  which  became  most  important 
in  the  end  as  a  struggle  between  the  English  and  the 
French  for  supremacy  in  the  New  World. 

The  first  of  these  wars,  known  in  Europe  as  the  War 
of  the  League  of  Augsburg,  but  called  "King  KlngW11. 
William's  War  "  by  the  colonists,  and  described  ^!War' 
sometimes  in  American  history  as  the  First  1697< 
Intercolonial  War,  was  opened  on  this  side  of  the  ocean 
by  raids  from  Canada  on  the  northern  settlements  of 
the  English,  in  the  winter  and  spring  of  1690.     Count 
Frontenac,  then  governor  of  New  France,  did  not  scru- 


124  COLONIAL   DEVELOPMENT. 

pie  to  employ  his  savage  Indian  allies  in  such  ruthless 
attacks.  One  expedition  of  French  and  Indians  from 
Montreal  surprised  the  outlying  settlement  at  Schenec- 
tady  and  barbarously  massacred  some  sixty  men,  women, 
and  children,  carrying  into  captivity  about  thirty  more. 
Other  expeditions  brought  the  horrors  of  the  tomahawk 
and  the  scalping  knife  into  New  Hampshire  and  Maine. 

Massachusetts  retaliated  promptly  by  a  small  naval 
expedition,  under  Sir  William  Phips,  which  captured 
Port  Royal,  in  Acadia.  While  this  was  in  progress,  a 
congress  of  representatives  from  Massachusetts,  Plym- 
congressat  outh,  Connecticut,  and  New  York  met  at  New 
New  York.  yOrk  (May,  1690)  and  planned  a  combined 
campaign.  Two  expeditions,  against  Montreal  by  land 
and  against  Quebec  by  sea,  were  undertaken  accord 
ingly,  and  failed  lamentably,  with  great  discouragement 
to  the  colonies,  and  with  consequences  of  public  debt 
and  paper-money  mischiefs  that  weighed  on  them  for 
years.  In  America,  the  war,  throughout,  was  one  of 
savage  raids  from  Canada,  retaliated  by  expeditions  that 
had  little  effect.  It  was  ended  by  the  treaty  of  Rys- 
wick,  in  1697. 

Peace  lasted  but  five  years  ;  then  a  fresh  alliance 
against  Louis  XIV.  was  formed.  England  was  joined 
with  Holland,  Austria,  and  most  of  the  German  states, 
in  what  is  known  as  the  War  of  the  Spanish  Succes 
sion,  which  raged  for  twelve  years  (1702-1714),  in  the 
Netherlands,  France,  Spain,  Germany,  Italy,  America, 
and  on  the  sea.  In  American  history  it  is  called  the 
Queen  Second  Intercolonial  War,  or  "  Queen  Anne's 
wSfi702-  War,"  —  King  William  having  died  at  the 
1714t  beginning  of  it  and  being  succeeded  by  the 
Princess  Anne,  sister  to  Queen  Mary,  who  had  died  in 
1694. 


THE    PERIOD    OF    STRIFE   WITH    FRANCE.     125 


Again  the  French  of  Canada  led  their  savage  allies 
into  Maine  and  New  Hampshire,  and  down  the  valley 
of  the  Connecticut,  to  do  horrible  work  at  Wells,  Saco, 
Casco,  Deerfield,  Lancaster,  and  other  frontier  settle 
ments,  in  1703  and  1704.  Again  there  were  retaliating 
expeditions  which  ravaged  French  settlements  on  the 
Acadian  coast,  and  which  finally,  after  a  failure  in  1706, 
captured  Port  Royal  in  1709,  and  renamed  it  Annapolis, 
in  honor  of  the  queen.  Again,  too,  there  were  under 
takings,  in  1709  and  1711,  for  the  conquest  of  Canada, 
by  expeditions  in  which  colonial  forces  were  to  cooperate 


SCALI  OF  MILES  -,    .     r*  JT    £ 

;,, —-,:'•::;-.•    m_    £&? 


Gulf  of 


•^^S          ^r.  Lawrence 
•^°  /» 


PRINCIPAL    FIELD    OF    KING    WILLIAM'S   AND    QUEEN    ANNE'S   WAR. 

with  English  fleets  and  troops  ;  but  they  were  misman 
aged  and  failed.  The  French  had  made  peace  with  the 
Five  Nations,  binding  the  latter  to  neutrality,  and  they 
could  not  strike  the  English  in  the  valley  of  the  Hud 
son  without  intruding  on  the  Iroquois  domain.  Hence 
New  England  had  to  bear  most  of  the  suffering  of  the 
war. 

In  America   the  conflict  was    not    favorable  to  the 
English  ;    but  on  the  European   field  the   English  and 


126  COLONIAL   DEVELOPMENT. 

Dutch  armies,  commanded  by  the  Duke  of  Marlborough, 
won  a  series  of  astonishing  victories,  which  broke  the 
military  prestige  of  France  and  humbled  its  arrogant 
king.  He  was  forced  to  cede  Acadia  (named  Nova 
Scotia  by  the  English),  Newfoundland,  and  Hudson 

Bay  to  England,  by  the  treaty  of  Utrecht,  in 
utrecht,  I/I3;  agreeing  further  that  "France  should 

never  molest  the  Five  Nations  subject  to  the 
dominion  of  Great  Britain."  But,  while  they  gave  way 
to  this  extent  on  the  seaboard,  the  French  in  America 
were  steadily  widening  and  strengthening  their  hold  of 
the  two  great  interior  valleys ;  winning  the  friendship 
of  the  Indians  of  the  west,  fortifying  themselves  at  De 
troit,  planting  colonies  and  trading  stations  near  the 
mouth  of  the  Mississippi  and  in  the  lower  valley  of  the 
Ohio  and  on  the  Illinois.  In  appearance,  if  not  in  fact, 
France  was  binding  the  better  and  greater  parts  of 
North  America  to  the  dominion  of  her  king. 

59.  Growing  Antagonism  between  the  Colonies 
and  the  English  Government.  Experience  in  these 
conflicts  with  the  French  gave  painful  proof  of  the  disad 
vantages  to  England  that  resulted  from  the  political  sepa- 
rateness  of  the  American  colonies,  and  the  want  of  power 
to  concentrate  their  military  strength.  The  overcoming 
of  those  disadvantages  was  made  difficult  by  the  increas 
ing  disposition  of  the  colonists  to  resent  and  resist  inter 
ference  with  their  domestic  affairs.  It  was  no  longer 
Massachusetts  or  New  England  alone  that  showed  a 

jealous  sense  of  independent  rights.     The  revo- 

Localinde-  «      ,       • 

pendence      lution    in   the   mother   country  had   given   an 

demanded.  ,       .  * 

object-lesson  to  the  colonies  that  was  instantly 
learned.  By  establishing  the  supremacy  of  Parliament 
in  the  government  of  Englishmen  at  home,  it  carried  to 
English  minds  everywhere  the  conviction  that  no  author- 


THE    PERIOD    OF   STRIFE   WITH    FRANCE.     I2/ 

ity  in  government  which  did  not  represent  the  governed 
had  any  rightful  claim  to  obedience  or  respect. 

It  was  especially  becoming  a  fixed  idea  in  the  minds  of 
the  colonists  that  taxes  ought  not  to  be  levied  on  them 
by  any  authority  save  that  of  their  own  legislatures. 
By  holding  the  purse  strings  of  government  they  meant 
to  control  it,  as  the  whole  history  of  England  had  been 
teaching  them  how  to  do.  To  provide  moneys  Taxati0n 
only  from  year  to  year,  by  annual  acts  of  assem-  reslsted- 
bly,  even  for  governors'  salaries,  and  thus  to  keep  those 
officials  dependent ;  to  make  all  appropriations  specific, 
for  one  designated  use,  and  for  no  other ;  to  have  their 
own  colonial  treasurers,  responsible  to  their  own  repre 
sentatives,  —  these  were  now  common  aims  in  the  colo 
nies,  and  they  were  pursued  nowhere  more  stubbornly 
than  in  New  York. 

On  the  other  hand,  the  dominant  Whigs  in  England 
were  unwilling  to  apply  to  the  colonies  the  doctrines  of 
representative  government  which  they  had  established 
in  the  English  constitution.  Thus  the  English  on  the 
two  sides  of  the  Atlantic  were  becoming  op-  Opposlllg 
posed  in  this  period,  even  while  they  stood  JJioniSi 
together  in  fight  with  France.  Both  felt  the  unlon- 
need  of  some  unity  of  government  in  the  colonies,  for 
their  own  defence,  and  the  subject  was  discussed;  but 
colonists  and  English  officials  were  each  determined  that 
no  kind  of  union  should  be  formed  that  might  strengthen 
the  other.  The  former  would  place  the  bond  of  union 
in  a  representative  federal  assembly  ;  the  latter  would 
tighten  it  in  the  hands  of  a  vice-royal  governor  and  an 
appointed  council.  At  the  same  time  the  several  colo 
nies  were  held  apart  by  many  jealousies  and  differences, 
and  the  prospect  of  a  union  among  them  was  not  at  all 
bright. 


128  COLONIAL   DEVELOPMENT. 

60.  The  Board  of  Trade.  —  Oppressive  "Acts  of 
Trade."  1696-1706.  In  1696  a  special  commission  was 
established  for  the  joint  superintendency  of  commerce 
and  colonial  affairs.  This  Board  of  Commissioners  for 
Trade  and  Plantations  (commonly  referred  to  as  the 
Board  of  Trade  or  the  Lords  of  Trade)  was  looked  to 
thereafter  for  information  and  advice  on  questions  of 
colonial  and  commercial  policy,  the  two  subjects  being 
dealt  with  as  one.  The  Board  recommended  a  num 
ber  of  sharp  measures  which  the  government  did  not 
venture  to  carry  out.  In  1697  it  advised  the  appoint 
ment  of  "a  captain-general  of  all  the  forces  and  all  the 
militia  of  all  the  provinces;"  but  the  appointment  was 
not  made.  In  1701  it  proposed  an  act  of  Parliament  to 
extinguish  all  charters  and  reduce  the  colonies  to  equal 
"dependency,"  and  a  bill  to  that  effect  was  introduced 
in  the  House  of  Lords  ;  but  it  did  not  pass.  Nor  did  an 
other  bill  for  the  same  purpose  that  was  brought  into  the 
House  of  Commons  in  1706,  on  a  report  from  the  Board. 
•  In  matters  of  trade  there  was  less  hesitation  to  make 
the  hard  hand  of  parental  control  felt.  New  regula 
tions  for  the  enforcement  of  the  navigation  laws  were 
passed  in  1696,  and  in  1699  the  determination  of  Eng 
land  that  the  colonies  should  do  no  important  manufac 
turing  for  themselves  was  embodied  in  an  act  declaring 
••Protec-  that,  "  after  the  first  day  of  December,  1699,  no 
English  wool,  or  manufacture  made  or  mixed  with  wool, 
industries.  ^emg  the  produce  or  manufacture  of  any  of  the 
English  plantations  in  America,  shall  be  loaden  in  any 
ship  or  vessel,  upon  any  pretence  whatsoever  —  nor 
loaden  upon  any  horse,  cart,  or  other  carriage  —  to  be 
carried  out  of  the  English  plantations  to  any  other  of 
the  said  plantations,  or  to  any  other  place  whatsoever."1 
1  Bancroft,  Hist,  of  the  U.  S.  (author's  last  revision),  ii.  81. 


THE    PERIOD    OF    STRIFE    WITH    FRANCE.     129 

61.  The  Witchcraft  Madness  in  Salem.     1692.     In 
1692  an    affliction  worse   than  oppressive    government 
came  upon  Massachusetts,  in  an  epidemic  of  frenzy  on 
the  subject  of  witchcraft,  which  seized  the  people  of  an 
important  town.     The  superstitious  belief  that  men  and 
women  might  obtain  a  supernatural  power  to  do  harm 
to  others,  by  wickedly  selling  their  souls  to  Satan,  was 
common  everywhere  in  that  age  of  the  world.     In  all 
countries  there  were  cruel  laws  against    the  supposed 
crime   of  witchcraft,  and   many  supposed   witches  had 
been  put  to  death  ;  but  never  elsewhere  does  there  seem 
to  have  been  such  madness  on  the  subject  as  that  which 
made   Salem   the  scene  of   horrible  tragedies   in   1692. 
Between  July  and  September  in  that  year  nine  innocent 
men  and  women  were  hanged  ;  one  old  man  was  pressed 
to  death  ;  eight  more  who  were  condemned  to  die,  and 
about  a  hundred  and  fifty   who  waited  trial,   were  in 
prison  when  the  season  of  madness  passed. 

62.  Huguenot  and  German   Immigration.      Several 
colonies  were  now  receiving  an  increased  immigration, 
and  from  excellent  classes  of  people,  especially  out  of 
Germany  and  France.     The  German  immigrants,  mostly 
refugees  from  the  country  called  the  Palatinate,  on  the 
Rhine,  which  had  been  devastated  barbarously  by  armies 
of  Louis  XIV.,  were  settled  in  North  Carolina,  Virginia, 
Pennsylvania,  and  New  York.     Persecution  of  Protes 
tants   (Huguenots)  in   France  had  been  driving  great 
numbers  from  that  country,  and  many  found  homes  in 
America,  South  Carolina  and  New  York  receiving:  the 

O 

larger  share. 

63.  The    Carolinas.    169O-1713.      South    Carolina 
was  now  entering  on  a  more  prosperous  career,  founded 
mainly  on  the  cultivation  of  rice,  and  negro  slavery  was 
having  a  proportionate  growth.     Charleston  was  rising 


130  COLONIAL   DEVELOPMENT. 

to  importance  as  a  seat  of  trade,  and  a  centre  of  wealth 
and  culture. 

In  North  Carolina  much  disorder  still  prevailed.  The 
colony  was  afflicted  with  a  serious  Indian  war,  in  171 1-13, 
begun  by  a  horrible  massacre  of  frontier  settlers  in  Sep 
tember  of  the  former  year.  The  Iroquois  tribe  of  Tus- 
The  caroras,  which  led  in  this  attack,  was  driven 

Tuscaroras.  finajiy  frOm  the  country,  and  migrated  to  New 
York,  where  it  was  received  into  the  Iroquois  confed 
eracy,  making  that  a  league  of  "  Six  Nations,"  instead  of 
Five. 

64.  Incidents  of  Progress.    17O1-171O.     A  notable 

event  in   Connecticut,  within  this  period,  was 

Yfllfi 

college,        the  founding  at  New  Haven,  in  1701,  of  the  col 
lege  which  received  somewhat  later  the  name 
of  its  principal  early  patron,  Elihu  Yale.     No  less  notable 
was  the  appearance  at  Boston,  on  the  24th  of  April, 

Thefirst  I7°4>  °f  tne  "  News-Letter,"  the  first  news- 
newspaper.  paper  printed  in  the  New  World. 

In  1692  a  postmaster  for  the  northern  colonies  had 
been  appointed  by  the  king,  but  there  seems  to  have 
been  little  that  he  found  it  possible  to  do.  In  1710, 
Beginning  however,  an  act  of  Parliament  provided  regula- 
system,tal  tions  for  a  postal  system,  which  was  gradually 
692-1710.  developed  frOm  that  time  ;  though  some  colo 
nists  were  anxious  lest  a  precedent  for  parliamentary 
taxation  should  hide  itself  in  the  postage  rate. 

65.  The  Hanoverian  Kings.  —  Ministry  of  Sir  Rob 
ert  Walpole.    1714-1742.     Queen  Anne  died  in  1714, 
leaving  no  direct  heir.     A  son  of  James  II.,  styled  "the 
Pretender,"  because  he  claimed  to  be  the  rightful  king 
of  England,  was  exiled  in  France,  and  excluded  from  the 
succession  by  an  act  of  Parliament,  which  gave  the  crown 
to  a  German  prince,  George,  Elector  of  Hanover  and 


THE    PERIOD    OF    STRIFE    WITH    FRANCE.      131 

Duke  of  Brunswick-Luneburg,  whose  grandmother  was 
the  daughter  of  James  I.  This  brought  to  England  the 
family  of  sovereigns  sometimes  called  Hanoverian,  some 
times  referred  to  as  "  the  House  of  Brunswick,"  which 
still  holds  the  throne.  The  English  had  no  liking  for 
their  foreign  king,  who  could  not  even  speak  their  lan 
guage,  and  a  strong  Tory  party  favored  the  Pretender's 
claims.  Hence  King  George  I.  and  the  Whigs  who 
sustained  him  held  the  government  by  a  tenure  that  was 
insecure  for  many  years.  They  were  in  no  position  to 
have  trouble  with  the  colonies,  nor  war  with  foreign 
powers,  and  the  wise  minister,  Sir  Robert  Walpole,  who 
conducted  the  government,  avoided  both.  For  slrRobert 
a  quarter  of  a  century  he  kept  England  at  WalP°le- 
peace,  and  generally  in  a  state  of  prosperous  content. 

66.  British  Officials  in  the  Colonies.    In  his  political 
treatment  of  the  colonies,  Walpole  refused  to  be  guided 
by  the  Board  of  Trade.     The  Board  took  its  opinions  for 
the  most  part  from  the  royal  governors  in  America,  who 
were  not  often  men  of  character  or  ability,  and  who, 
having  many  quarrels  with  the  colonial  assemblies,  re 
presented  to  their  superiors  that  the  people  of  the  plan 
tations  had  no  aim  but  to  break  themselves  free  from 
all  British  ties.      It  is  abundantly  proved  that  this  was 
not  then,  nor  long  afterward,  the  fact.    With  increasing 
resoluteness,  the  English  in  America  were  claiming  all 
the  rights  which  the  English  in  Great  Britain  enjoyed ; 
especially  the  right  of  self-taxation,  the  right  to  control 
the  expenditure  of  their  own  public  moneys,  and  the 
right  to  a  free  press ;  but  they  claimed  those  rights  as 
members   of  the  British   Empire,  —  as  subjects  of  the 
British  crown,  —  and  there  is  no  sign  of  a  wish  on  their 
part,  in  those  days,  to  be  anything  else. 

67.  The  Question  of  Taxation.     In  one  particular,  at 


132  COLONIAL   DEVELOPMENT. 

least,  the  colonists  weakened  very  seriously  the  ground 
on  which  they  denied  the  right  of  the  British  Parliament 
to  lay  taxes  upon  them.  They  would  not  tax  themselves 
for  what  seems  to  have  been  a  reasonable  share  of  the 
burdens  of  the  war  with  France,  nor,  after  the  war,  for 
a  reasonable  share  of  the  cost  of  fortifying  and  garrison 
ing  their  own  frontiers.  It  was  this  which  gave  to  the 
royal  governors  and  the  Board  of  Trade  their  strong 
est  argument  when  they  appealed  to  Parliament  to  annul 
all  charters,  unite  the  colonies  under  a  common  gov 
ernment,  and  impose  upon  them  a  direct  imperial  tax. 
They  might  have  persuaded  Parliament  to  act 
taxing  the1  on  their  advice,  but  Sir  Robert  Walpole,  who 
controlled  it,  was  not  to  be  moved.  "  I  will 
leave  the  taxing  of  the  British  colonies,"  he  is  reported 
to  have  said,  "  to  some  of  my  successors,  who  may  have 
more  courage  than  I  have,  and  be  less  a  friend  to  com 
merce  than  I  am."  So  those  follies  of  arbitrary  gov 
ernment  were  put  off  by  Walpole's  good  sense  until  he 
lost  control  of  Parliament,  which  happened  in  1739; 
and  then  they  were  postponed  still  further  by  war  with 
Spain  and  new  wars  with  France,  into  which  England 
was  pushed. 

68.  Industrial  and  Commercial  Oppressions.  But, 
while  Walpole  refused  to  adopt  the  colonial  policy  urged 
by  the  Board  of  Trade  in  political  matters,  he  accepted 
its  commercial  ideas,  and  satisfied  the  increasing  demand 
of  English  merchants  and  manufacturers  for  measures 
to  suppress  colonial  industries  that  seemed  hurtful  to 
British  trade.1  These  intolerable  measures  were  evaded 
to  a  large  extent. 

1  "  Every  form  of  competition  by  colonial  industry  was  discour 
aged  or  forbidden.  It  was  found  that  hats  were  well  made  in  the 
land  of  furs ;  the  London  company  of  hatters  remonstrated,  and 


THE    PERIOD    OF   STRIFE    WITH    FRANCE.      133 

69.  The  Carolinas.    1719-1729.    The  wretched  gov 
ernment  in  South  Carolina  which  the  proprietors  main 
tained  was  overthrown  in  1719,  when  the  colonial  As 
sembly  refused  to  recognize  the  proprietary  officials  any 
longer,  and  seated  a  governor  of  its  own  choice.     The 
revolutionary  proceeding  was  winked  at   in  England, 
where  the  proprietors  were  thought  to  have  forfeited 
their  charter  by  neglect  and  misuse,  and  a  royal  gov 
ernor  was  sent  out.    Ten  years  later  (1729)  the  proprie 
tary  rights  were  purchased  by  the    crown,   and  both 
Carolinas  then  came  under  the  direct  rule  of  the  king. 

70.  The  Founding  of  Georgia.    1732-1752.     In  1732 
the  last  of  the  thirteen  colonies  which  originally  formed 
the  United  States  of  America  was  founded,  as  an  enter 
prise  of  noble  benevolence,   by  General  James   Ogle- 
thorpe.     General  Oglethorpe  was  moved  by  a  deep  feel 
ing  of  pity  for  those  unfortunate  people  who,   Oeneral 

in  that  age,  suffered  imprisonment  for  trifling  °elethorPe- 
debts.  As  a  means  of  opening  some  hopeful  future  to 
them,  and  to  others  in  need,  he  procured  a  charter  from 
the  king,  creating  a  province  named  Georgia,  to  em- 

their  craft  was  protected  by  an  act  forbidding  hats  to  be  trans 
ported  from  one  plantation  to  another.  .  .  .  English  iron-mongers 
asked  for  a  total  prohibition  of  forges,  and  the  English  landlords 
of  furnaces  for  preparing  the  rough  material,  because  the  fires  in 
America  diminished  the  value  of  British  woodlands.  In  the  con 
flict  the  subject  was  postponed.  .  .  .  In  the  seventh  year  of  George 
I.  the  importation  of  East  Indian  goods  into  the  colonies  was  pro 
hibited,  except  from  Great  Britain.  .  .  .  Furs  from  the  plantations 
were  enumerated  among  the  commodities  which  could  be  exported 
only  to  Great  Britain  ;  so,  too,  ore  from  the  abundant  copper  mines 
of  America.  The  reservation  of  the  pine-trees  of  the  north  for  the 
British  navy  was  continued.  .  .  .  For  colonists  to  manufacture  like 
Englishmen  was  esteemed  an  audacity,  to  be  rebuked  and  restrained 
by  every  device  of  law."  Bancroft,  Hist,  of  the  U.  S.  (author's 
last  revision),  ii.  239-243. 


134  COLONIAL    DEVELOPMENT. 

brace  the  country  that  adjoins  the  Carolinas,  between 
the  Savannah  and  the  Altamaha  rivers,  and  from  the 
sources  of  those  streams  due  west  to  the  Pacific.  For 
twenty-one  years  it  was  to  be  placed  under  the  guardian 
ship  of  a  corporation,  "in  trust  for  the  poor."  This 
was  in  territory  claimed  by  Spain  ;  but  the  English  were 
resolved  to  make  it  their  own.  The  first  company  of 
emigrants,  led  by  Oglethorpe  in  person,  sailed  from  Eng 
land  in  November,  1732,  and  planted  its  settlement  at 
Savannah  early  in  the  following  year. 

The  province  was  to  have  no  representative  govern 
ment  until  the  twenty-one  years  of  trusteeship  were 
ended  ;  meantime  it  was  to  have  no  slaves,  and  no  in 
toxicating  liquors  were  to  be  sold  within  its  bounds ; 
but  slavery  is  said  to  have  made  its  appearance  within 
seven  years,  and  rum,  probably,  was  not  behind.  The 
government  by  trustees  was  abandoned,  and  Georgia 
became  a  royal  or  crown  colony,  with  a  representative 
Assembly,  in  1752. 

71.  English  Neglect  of  the  Western  Country.  1609- 
1716.  The  long  neglect  of  the  English  in  America 
even  to  explore  the  great  expanse  of  continent  beyond 
their  narrow  fringe  of  colonies  on  the  coast  seems  very 
strange.  Some  traders  had  made  their  way  across  the 
mountains  into  parts  of  the  western  wilderness  ;  but  no 
exploration  like  that  of  the  French,  and  no  attempt  to 
lay  hold  of  the  country,  by  posts,  missions,  or  stations 
of  any  kind,  had  been  made.  The  great  valley  to  the 
west  of  them,  which  stretched  its  wide  arms  to  the  foot 
of  the  Appalachian  hills,  was  little  better  known  to  the 
English  who  claimed  it,  in  the  first  quarter  of  the  eigh 
teenth  century,  than  it  had  been  to  the  first  colonists, 
a  hundred  years  before.  It  was  not  until  1716  that  an 
enterprising  governor  of  Virginia,  Alexander  Spotswood, 


THE    PERIOD    OF    STRIFE    WITH    FRANCE.     135 

led  a  gay  party  of  cavaliers  across  the  Blue  Ridge  into 
the  beautiful  valley  of  the  Shenandoah,  and  Spots. 
learned  what  a  garden  of  paradise  was  there.   JiJJJtiS0£f~ 
Of  the  vast  region  beyond  the  further  Alle-  1716' 
ghanies  he  had  so  little  notion  that  he  supposed,  from 
something  the  Indians  told  him,  that  Lake  Erie  might 
be  seen  from  one  of  the  latter  peaks.    But  he  did  be 
come  impressed  with  a  sense  of  the  need  of  vigorous 
action  to  hold,  at  least,  the  mountain  passes,  against  the 
French,  and  urged  the  British  government  to  take  steps 
to  that  end. 

Others  of  the  royal  governors  had  begun  to  realize 
the  seriousness  of  the  situation  which  French  activity 
in  the  west  was  bringing  about ;  but  the  English  gov 
ernment  and  the  colonial  assemblies  were  strangely  in 
different  still.     A  single  measure,  considerably  at  his 
own  expense,  was  taken  by  Governor  Burnet,  of  New 
York,  in   1726,  when  he  bought  land  at  Oswego,  from 
the  Six  Nations,  and  established  there,  first  a 
trading-post,  and  then  a  small  stone-walled  fort,   oswego, 
But    that  English  foothold  on  Lake  Ontario 
was  a  trifling  thing  compared  with  the  forts  and  garri 
sons  at  Niagara  and  at  Crown  Point  which  the  French 
added  soon  afterward  to  their  chain  of  strong  posts. 

72.  The  Scotch-Irish  in  the  Appalachian  Valleys. 
1704-1750.  Something  vastly  more  important,  how 
ever,  for  the  strengthening  of  the  British  colonies,  than 
the  mere  building  of  forts,  was  being  done  at  this  time 
in  Pennsylvania,  with  little  consciousness  of  the  effect. 
The  large  immigration  to  Penn's  province  had  now 
pushed  its  settlements  to  the  mountains,  and  a  great 
stream  which  began  to  pour  into  the  country  from  the 
north  of  Ireland  flowed  naturally  into  the  valleys  that 
lie  between  the  parallel  ridges  of  the  Appalachian  sys- 


COLONIAL   DEVELOPMENT. 

tem,  stretching  away  to  the  southwest.      It  was  a  mi 
gration  of  people  whose  home  had   been  in  the  Irish 
province  of  Ulster  for  two  or  three  generations, 

Home  of 

the  scotch-    but  whose  ancestry  was    Scotch.     Oppressed 
on  all  sides,  by  the  state,  by  the  church,  and 
by  their  landlords,  these  Scotch-Irish,  as  they  are  known, 
were  drawn  toward  America  by  good  reports  of  the  free 
dom    and   prosperity  enjoyed  there,   especially  in  the 
famous  Quaker's  lands.     By  many  thousands  every  year, 
through  all  the  half-century  that  preceded  the 
tionto          American  Revolution,  they  were  coming  in  a 

America.  111  •,    ,     ,  r  -n-  r 

scarcely  broken  stream,  until  half  a  million  of 
this  strong,  intelligent  population  is  believed  to  have 
been  transferred  to  America,  and  settled  mostly  on  the 
colonial  frontier.  A  few  went  into  other  colonies,  but 
the  great  majority  sought  the  mountain  region  of  Penn 
sylvania,  filling  it  and  pressing  along  its  valleys  into 
western  Virginia  and  the  highlands  of  the  Carolinas, 
whence  it  overflowed,  a  little  later,  into  Kentucky  and 
Tennessee.  The  Scotch-Irish  were  not  alone  in  that 
southwestward  movement  through  the  Appalachian  val 
leys,  for  German  and  other  immigrants  were  taking  the 
same  course  ;  but  the  strength  and  character  then  given 
to  the  frontier  settlement  of  the  colonies  came  from  the 
first-mentioned  stock. 

73.  Death  of  William  Penn.  Pennsylvania  was  hav 
ing  a  remarkably  prosperous  growth  ;  yet  in  some  re 
spects  it  had  disappointed  Penn's  hopes.  It  had  caused 
him  many  troubles,  and  had  cost  him  more  than  it 
yielded-  in  return.  In  1712  he  proposed  to  relinquish 
his  powers  of  government  to  the  crown  for  ;£  12,000, 
but  was  stricken  with  paralysis  in  the  midst  of  the  ne 
gotiation,  and  never  recovered  from  the  stroke,  though 
he  lingered  in  life  for  six  years.  The  proprietorship  of 


THE    PERIOD    OF    STRIFE    WITH    FRANCE.     137 

the  province  passed  at  his  death  (1718)  to  three  of  his 
sons. 

74.  Benjamin  Franklin  in  Philadelphia.     It  was  soon 
after  that  time  (in   1723)  that  Benjamin  Franklin  ran 
away  from  an  irksome  apprenticeship  to  his  brother  in 
Boston,  and  came,  a  penniless  lad  of  seventeen,  to  begin 
his  great  career  in  Philadelphia,  and  to  plant  in  that  city 
many  fertile  ideas  that  have  borne  important  fruits.    He 
was  the  first  of  the  grand  characters  of  the  coming  Revo 
lution  to  appear  on  the  stage  of  action.     When  Franklin 
began  typesetting  in  Philadelphia,  neither  Washington 
nor  Jefferson  nor  John  Adams  was  born,  and  Samuel 
Adams  was  an  infant  in  arms. 

75.  Rise  of  the  Newspaper  Press.  —  The  Winning 
of  its  Freedom.     Before  Franklin  left  Boston  he  had 
experience  in  that  city  of  the  want  of  freedom  for  the 
press.      His  brother,  who  published  one  of  the  three 
newspapers  in  Boston,  had  lately  been  imprisoned  for  a 
month,  by  order  of  the  Assembly,  on  account  of  some 
article  that  gave  offence.     There  were  no  other  news 
papers  in  America  at  the  time,  except  one  in  Philadel 
phia,  which  a  son  of  the  early  printer,  Bradford,  had 
founded  in  1719.     In  1725  one  appeared  in  New  York, 
and  after  that  time  they  were  multiplied,  in  Maryland, 
South  Carolina,  Rhode  Island,  and  Virginia.     A  second 
newspaper  started  in  New  York  by  one  Zenger,  in  1733, 
gave  rise,  in  the  next  year,  to  a  famous  trial,  which 
resulted  in  a  decisive  vindication  of  the  right  of  pub 
lishers  to  print  true  statements  of  fact  concerning  public 
affairs. 

76.  Third  Intercolonial  War.     1739-1748.     In  1739 
Walpole  was  overcome  by  his  political  oppo 
nents  in  the  English  government,  and  the  na-  spaing11 
tion  was  carried,  against  his  will,  into  a  war 


138 


COLONIAL    DEVELOPMENT. 


with  Spain.  The  colonies  took  little  part  in  this  war, 
except  in  Georgia,  on  the  border  of  Spanish  territory, 
where  some  fighting  occurred. 

In  1743  the  hostilities  between  England  and  Spain 
became  part  of  a  great  general  war,  in  which  most  of 
the  European  powers  were  engaged,  with  England,  Hol 
land,  and  Austria  on  one  side,  against  France,  Spain, 
Prussia,  and  several  minor  states,  on  the  other.  To 
"King  England,  this  War  of  the  Austrian  Succession, 
&ea°rr5'e>s  as  it  is  known  (called  "King  George's  War," 
1743-1748.  or  the  Thjr(j  Intercolonial  War,  in  American 
history),  brought  neither  glory  nor  gain.  The  one  not 
able  exploit  in  it 
was  performed 
by  the  New  Eng- 
landers,  as  an 
undertaking  of 
their  own,  with 
no  help  but  that 
given  by  a  British 
fleet,  which  block 
aded  the  harbor 
of  Louisbourg, 
in  the  island  of 
Cape  Breton, 
while  they  re 
duced  the  power 
ful  defences  of 
the  place.  For  a  score  of  years,  at  enormous  cost,  the 
French  had  been  fortifying  that  harbor  for  a  naval  sta 
tion,  and  it  was  their  stronghold  on  the  coast. 
LouisSourg,  Massachusetts  was  the  leader  in  the  expedition 
against  it,  and  furnished  about  three  fourths 
of  the  troops  and  equipments  sent.  The  4000  men  of 


LOUISBOURG    THE    KEY   TO    THE    GULF    OF    ST. 
LAWRENCE. 


THE    PERIOD    OF    STRIFE    WITH    FRANCE.     139 

this  small  colonial  army  had  no  training,  their  officers 
had  no  military  experience,  their  commander,  William 
Pepperell,  a  wealthy  merchant,  was  entirely  new  to  the 
business  of  war,  but  they  took  Louisbourg  (June,  1745), 
after  a  siege  of  six  weeks. 

The  Assembly  of  New  York,  having  a  quarrel  with  its 
governor,  George  Clinton,  would  provide  no  means  for 
expelling  the  French  from  Crown  Point,  nor  for  fortify 
ing  against  them,  even  to  defend  a  settlement  at  Sara 
toga,  which  was  left  to  be  raided  and  destroyed,  with  a 
sacrifice  of  thirty  lives.  The  border  settlements  in  New 
England  were  protected  with  more  vigor  and  success, 
against  repeated  attacks. 

77.  French  and  English  in  the  Upper  Ohio  Valley. 
1748-1753.  The  war  settled  nothing  between  England 
and  France.  Peace  was  made  in  1748  (Treaty  of  Aix- 
la-Chapelle)  by  each  giving  back  what  it  had  taken  from 
the  other ;  and  every  discerning  person  could  see  that 
the  open  question  of  boundaries  between  French  and 
English  territory  in  America,  which  the  treaty  left  un 
touched,  was  sure  to  be  the  cause  of  another  war  in  no 
long  time.  Hitherto  that  question  had  been  a  pressing 
one  only  on  the  northeastern  border  of  the  English  settle 
ments  and  claims ;  but  now  the  two  peoples 

,  i  HTM       Beyond  the 

were  coming  to  close  quarters  on  the  west.  The  mountains, 
first  English  settlement  beyond  the  mountains 
in  western  Virginia  was  made  on  a  branch  of  the  Kanawha 
in  1748  ;  and  a  company  in  that  year  obtained  a  crown 
grant  of  half  a  million  acres,  to  be  located  somewhere  in 
the  Ohio  valley.     Two  years  later  this  Ohio  Company 
sent  one  Christopher  Gist,  with  a  party,  to  make  the  first 
known  English  exploration  of  the  country  bordering  on 
the  upper  waters  of  the  Ohio.     Many  traders  with  the 
Indians,  from  Pennsylvania  and  the  southern  colonies, 


14°  COLONIAL   DEVELOPMENT. 

were  now  in  that  country,   and   settlers  were   making 
ready  to  follow  in  their  track. 

At  the  same  time  the  French,  already  well  established 
along  the  line  of  the  Great  Lakes,  and  in  the  country 
between  the  western  end  of  Lake  Erie,  Lake  Michigan, 
and  the  lower  Ohio,  were  entering  the  upper  valley  of 
the  Ohio  from  points  near  the  eastern  end  of  Lake 
Erie,  and  were  formally  taking  possession  of  that  region 
in  the  name  of  their  king;.  This  was  done  bv 

French  In  ... 

Penns™  an  expl°rmg  expedition  under  Celoron  de  Bien- 
1749-1763  v^e  *n  J749-  Early  in  1753  more  decisive 
action  was  taken,  by  a  French  force  which 
came  across  Lake  Erie  to  Presque  Isle  (now  the  city  of 
Erie),  and  thence  to  French  Creek,  on  which  stream 
two  forts,  Le  Boeuf  and  Venango,  were  built  and  gar 
risoned,  for  the  purpose  of  holding  an  easy  line  of 
communication  between  the  Alleghany  River  and  the 
lake. 

78.  Opening  of  the  Final  Conflict  with  the  French. 
1753-1754.  It  was  then,  and  because  of  that  action 
of  the  French,  that  George  Washington  made  his  first 
appearance  in  history.  Virginians,  it  will  be  remem 
bered,  claimed  a  northern  boundary  line,  under  the  char 
ter  of  1609,  which  ran  northwestwardly,  instead  of  due 
west  (see  sect.  3),  taking  in  the  territory  on  which  the 
French  were  now  laying  hands.  That  claim  had  been 
strengthened  in  1744  by  a  treaty,  signed  at  Lancaster, 
which  Virginia  joined  Maryland  and  Pennsylvania  in 
making  with  the  Iroquois,  whereby  the  latter  conveyed 
all  rights  belonging  to  them  as  conquerors  of  the  tribes 
of  the  west.  On  these  grounds,  when  news  of  the  build 
ing  of  the  forts  on  French  Creek  was  received,  Governor 
Dinwiddie  of  Virginia  made  haste  to  send  a  warning  to 
the  officer  in  command  that  he  had  intruded  on  English 


THE    PERIOD    OF    STRIFE    WITH    FRANCE.     141 

soil.     The  message  was  conveyed  (1/53)  through   the 
wilderness  by  George  Washington,  then  lately  appointed 
major    and    adjutant-general    of    the    militia 
forces  of  Virginia,  though  but  twenty-one  years  ton's 
of  age.     Of  course,  the  French  officer  at  Fort  intoHis- 
Le  Bceuf  declined  to  vacate  his  post  ;  and  a 
working  party  was  then  sent  out  from  Virginia,  in  the 


FRENCH    POSTS    IN    THE    UPPER    MISSISSIPPI    VALLEY    AND   AROUND    THE 
GREAT    LAKES. 

spring  of  1754,  to  build  an  opposing  fort,  at  the  junction 
of  the  Alleghany  and  the  Monongahela,  where  Pittsburg 
now  stands,  while  Washington  followed,  soon  after,  with 
two  hundred  men.  Before  the  latter  could  reach  the 
ground  the  English  fort-builders  were  driven  off,  and  the 
French  were  continuing  the  work  they  had  begun. 


142  COLONIAL   DEVELOPMENT. 

Washington,  moving  forward,  came  by  surprise  on  a 
French  scouting  party  and  attacked  it,  killing  ten  and 
taking  twenty-one  prisoners.  This  opened  the  final  con 
flict  which  decided  that  Englishmen  and  not  Frenchmen 
should  be  masters  of  the  destiny  of  the  American  world. 
Falling  back  to  Great  Meadows,  and  being  slightly  re 
inforced,  Washington  built  a  small  fort,  which 
Meadows,  he  called  Fort  Necessity,  and  endeavored  to 
hold  his  ground  against  a  thousand  French  and 
Indians ;  but  his  small  force  was  too  poorly  provisioned 
and  equipped  to  stand  a  siege,  and  he  had  to  accept 
terms  which  allowed  him  to  lead  his  men  back  to  their 
homes. 

79.  Indifference  of  Many  Colonies  to  the  French 
Advance.  England  was  now  aroused,  and  began,  for 
the  first  time,  to  make  serious  preparations  for  fighting 
out  her  colonial  quarrels  with  France.  But  except  in 
New  England,  whose  border  settlements  had  been 
harassed  sorely  by  the  French,  the  colonists  still  looked 
with  much  indifference,  it  would  seem,  at  the  move 
ments  of  the  rival  people  who  were  hemming  them  in. 
In  New  York  the  Assembly  coolly  answered  the  gov 
ernor's  appeal  for  means  to  repel  the  French  invasion 
Attitude  of  by  saying  that  the  building  of  a  fort,  "  at  a  place 
NewYork.  canecj  French  Creek,  at  a  considerable  dis 
tance  from  the  river  Ohio,"  "does  not  by  any  evidence 
or  information  appear  to  us  to  be  an  invasion  of  any  of 
his  majesty's  colonies  ;  "  and  it  was  with  great  reluctance 
that  this  sceptical  body  finally  voted  ,£10,000.  In  Penn 
sylvania,  where  the  large  Quaker  element  of  population 
had  always  refused  to  vote  money  for  military  use,  and 
where  the  people  in  general  were  refusing  to  levy  any  tax 
which  did  not  apply  to  the  wild  lands  of  the  proprietors, 
the  answer  of  the  Assembly  was  much  the  same.  They 


THE    PERIOD    OF    STRIFE    WITH    FRANCE.     143 

said  plainly  to  the  governor  that  "  they  had  rather  the 
French  should  conquer  than  give  up  their  privileges." 
New  Jersey  did  nothing.  Maryland  made  a  tardy  appro 
priation  of  ,£6000.  Even  in  Virginia,  which  claimed 
the  invaded  territory,  the  Assembly  appeared  more 
anxious  to  defeat  the  governor  in  an  old  matter  of  quar 
rel  than  to  drive  out  the  French. 

Looking  back  from  our  own  time  at  the  situation  as 
it  existed  then,  one  can  see  that  England  could  have 
afforded  much  better  than  the  colonies  could  to  let  the 
French  win  the  lakes  and  the  great  rivers  and 

11  £  ^  ¥r  *t      S      i-  t  In  the  light 

valleys  of  the  west.  If  the  English  govern-  of  after 
ment  could  have  foreseen  that  the  overthrow 
of  its  own  authority  in  the  colonies  would  follow  the 
expulsion  of  France  from  America,  it  might  reasonably 
have  stood  back,  to  let  events  take  their  course.  There 
were  sagacious  men,  both  in  England  and  in  the  colo 
nies,  who  suspected  that  nothing  save  the  presence  of 
the  French  on  their  borders  could  keep  the  colonists  in 
subjection  ;  but  the  contrary  view  prevailed.  England 
became  eager  for  the  conquest  of  New  France,  and  so 
cleared  the  way  to  independence  for  the  colonies  ;  while 
the  colonies  themselves  were  mostly  cool  toward  the 
undertaking  at  first,  and  discouraged  the  very  effort  by 
which  their  speedy  emancipation  was  guaranteed. 

80.  Plans  of  Colonial  Union.  1754.  In  view  of  all 
the  circumstances,  it  can  hardly  be  wondered  that  the 
British  government  entered  the  war  with  an  intention 
to  tax  the  colonies  by  act  of  Parliament  for  their  share 
of  its  cost.  That  intention  appeared  in  action  taken 
after  the  meeting  of  a  congress  of  colonial  commission 
ers,  called  by  order  of  the  Lords  of  Trade  and  held  at 
Albany,  in  June,  1754.  New  York,  Pennsylvania,  Mary 
land,  and  the  four  New  England  colonies  were  repre- 


144  COLONIAL   DEVELOPMENT. 

sented  by  some  of  their  ablest  men ;  but  the  provinces 
farther  south  took  no  part.  The  special  purpose  of  the 
congress  was  to  strengthen  the  English  alliance  with 
the  Six  Nations,  who  were  being  seduced  by  the  French  ; 
but  the  congress  took  up  the  subject  of  a  colonial  union, 
and  several  plans  of  organization  were  discussed.  One, 
submitted  by  Benjamin  Franklin,  was  adopted, 
plan  of  after  some  amendments,  and  recommended  to 

union. 

the  provincial  assemblies  and  the  Board  of 
Trade.  It  contemplated  a  general  government,  to  be 
administered  by  a  president-general,  appointed  by  the 
crown,  and  a  grand  council,  to  be  chosen  by  the  several 
colonial  assemblies.  The  result  of  the  recommenda 
tion  is  thus  related  by  Franklin,  in  his  own  account  of 
his  life  :  "  The  assemblies  did  not  adopt  it  [the  recom 
mended  plan],  as  they  all  thought  there  was  too  much 
prerogative  in  it,  and  in  England  it  was  judged  to  have 
too  much  of  the  democratic.  The  Board  of  Trade  there 
fore  did  not  approve  it,  nor  recommend  it  for  the  appro 
bation  of  his  majesty  ;  but  another  scheme  was  formed, 
supposed  to  answer  the  same  purpose  better,  whereby 
the  governors  of  the  provinces,  with  .some  members  of 
their  respective  councils,  were  to  meet  and  order  the 
raising  of  troops,  building  of  forts,  etc.,  and  to  draw  on  the 
treasury  of  Great  Britain  for  the  expense,  which  was  after 
ward  to  be  refunded  by  an  act  of  Parliament,  laying  a  tax 
on  America."  So  England  entered  the  final  contest  for 
empire  in  America  with  intentipns  that  were  destined 
to  cost  her  the  best  part  of  the  fruits  of  her  success. 

81.  Braddock's  Defeat.  1755.  Neither  England  nor 
France  had  declared  war  ;  but  both  proceeded  to  hostili 
ties,  and  were  fighting  battles  at  sea  and  on  land  for  two 
years  before  they  gave  up  the  pretence  of  being  at  peace. 
Early  in  1755,  both  sent  considerable  forces  to  America, 


THE    PERIOD    OF    STRIFE    WITH    FRANCE.     145 


the  English  under  General  Braddock,  the  French  under 
Baron  Dieskau.     General  Braddock  and  his  regiments 
were  landed  in  Virginia,  and  there,  at  a  conference  with 
several  of  the  provincial  governors,  four  simultaneous 
attacks  on  the  French  were  planned  ;  one,  to  be  led  by 
Braddock   in  person,  against  the  new  fort  (on  the  site 
of  Pittsburg),  which  had  been  completed  and  Fort 
called  Fort  Duquesne  ;  a  second  against  Crown  Du(mesne. 
Point,  under  Colonel  William  Johnson,  Superintendent 
of  Indian  Affairs 
in  New  York,  and 
powerful    in    in 
fluence  with   the 
Six    Nations  ;    a 
third    against 
Fort     Niagara, 
which    Governor 
Shirley,  of   Mas 
sachusetts,  would 
command;    the 
fourth  in  Acadia, 
to    clear    the 
French  from  the 
forts    they    held 
on   the    northern 
side    of  the  Bay 
of     Fundy      and 
Chignecto  Bay. 

Some     compa 
nies  of  Virginians 

were  added  to  Braddock's  British  regiments,  and  Wash 
ington  was    invited  to  join  his  staff.     But  the  British 

1  From    Miles's  History  of  Canada,   reproduced  in    Winsor's 
America^  v.  557. 


MILITARY  POSTS  IN  THE  FRONTIER  REGIONS  OF 
NORTHEASTERN  NEW  YORK  AND  NEIGHBORING 
CANADA.1 


146  COLONIAL    DEVELOPMENT. 

general,  who  knew  nothing  of  war  with  savages  in  the 
wilderness,  was  scornful  of  information  from  those  who 
The  day  of  c^^  know,  and  a  terrible  disaster  was  the  re- 
juiyS9,r'  sult-  Attacked  in  the  forest,  when  near  Fort 
1765t  Duquesne,  by  hidden  foes,  who  fired  from  be 
hind  trees,  he  would  not  let  his  men  fight  in  the  same 
backwoods  fashion,  but  compelled  them  to  stand  in 
line,  exposed  to  the  fire  of  the  hidden  enemy,  until  they 
broke  and  fled  in  wild  disorder,  leaving  their  wounded 
to  be  tomahawked  and  scalped.  Out  of  a  total  of  about 
2200  in  Braddock's  command,  nearly  800  are  believed 
to  have  been  lost.  Braddock  himself  was  mortally 
wounded  and  died  during  the  retreat.  His  second  in 
command  abandoned  the  whole  frontier,  leaving  it  at 
the  mercy  of  the  savages,  who  swarmed  against  it  for 
months,  at  the  instigation  of  the  French. 

Governor  Shirley's  expedition  against  Fort  Niagara 
got  no  farther  than  Oswego,  finding  the  forces  of  the 
enemy  unexpectedly  strong.  The  army  led  by  Colonel 
other  Johnson  was  attacked  while  in  camp  at  the 

expeditions.  heacj  of  Lake  George,  and  won  an  important 
victory,  shattering  the  French  army,  wounding  Baron 
Dieskau,  and  taking  him  prisoner ;  but  it  did  not  ad 
vance  to  Crown  Point.  Johnson  contented  himself  with 
building  an  opposing  fort,  named  William  Henry,  at  the 
head  of  Lake  George,  and  another  at  the  head  of  boat 
navigation  on  the  Hudson,  called  Fort  Edward ;  while 
the  French  built  Fort  Carillon,  afterward  called  Fort 
Ticonderoga,  at  the  outlet  of  Lake  George  into  Lake 
Champlain. 

82.  Dispersion  of  the  Acadian  French.  1755.  Of 
the  four  movements  planned  for  1755,  only  one  had 
complete  success.  That  in  Acadia  drove  the  French 
entirely  from  the  Bay  of  Fundy  and  the  neighborhood 


THE    PERIOD    OF    STRIFE    WITH    FRANCE.      147 

of  Chignecto  Bay,  where  they  had  been  keeping  up  con 
tinual  intrigues  among  the  Acadian  French  of  the  Nova 
Scotian  peninsula,  inciting  them  to  hostile  acts.  As 
the  Acadians  continued  to  give  trouble,  and  refused  to 
swear  allegiance,  a  resolution  to  remove  them  and  scat 
ter  them  in  other  colonies  was  taken,  and  that  harsh 
measure  was  carried  out  in  the  fall  of  1755.  About 
6000  were  forcibly  shipped  to  different  points  in  the 
English  colonies,  whence  many  of  them  made  Long. 
their  way  to  the  French  settlements  in  Louisi- 
ana ;  some  escaped  to  Canada ;  a  few  were  left  Une-" 
behind.  The  sad  tale  is  told,  but  not  with  historical 
accuracy,  in  Longfellow's  poem  of  "  Evangeline." 

83.  The  European  "  Seven  Years'  War."     In  May, 
1756,  war  between  England  and  France  was  formally 
declared.     Both  nations  had  then  become  engaged  on 
opposite    sides    of    another    great    European    quarrel. 
France  had  joined  Austria,  Russia,  Sweden,  and  other 
powers,   in  a  combined   attempt  to  crush  the  king  of 
Prussia,  Frederick  the  Great.     England  went  into  alli 
ance  with  Frederick,  in  order  to  have  his  help  in  defend 
ing  the  German  dominion  (Hanover)  of  King  George. 
The  far-reaching  and  tremendous  conflict  then  opened 
is  described  in  European  history  as  the  Seven  Years' 
War ;  but  the  colonists  called  their  part  of  it,  as  well  as 
the  American  hostilities  that  preceded  it,  the  French  and 
Indian  War. 

84.  The  Turning  of  the  Tide.    1756-1758.     For  the 
campaign  of  1756,  in  America,  the  French  government 
sent  out  an  excellent  soldier,  the  Marquis  de  Montcalm, 
to  take  command,  while  a  dilatory  general,  Lord  Lou- 
don,  was  opposed  to  him  on  the  British  side.     Things 
went  badly   with  the  British   for  the   next  two  years. 
Oswego  and   Fort   William   Henry  were  lost,  and  the 


148  COLONIAL    DEVELOPMENT. 

whole  border,  from  New  York  to  Virginia,  was  harried 
wniiam  ^7  French  and  Indian  raids.  So  far,  the  arms 
eider?118  °f  France  were  triumphant,  and  the  outlook  for 
1768.  tne  English  in  America  was  very  dark.  But 
suddenly,  in  the  summer  of  1758,  an  amazing  change 
occurred.  A  great  British  statesman,  the  elder  Wil 
liam  Pitt  (afterward  the  Earl  of  Chatham),  had  risen  to 
power,  and  his  prodigious  energy  was  imparted  to  the 
conduct  of  the  war. 

The  successes  of  1758  in  America  (from  which  Lord 
Loudon  was  recalled)  were  the  reduction,  again,  of 
Louisbourg,  after  a  siege  of  seven  weeks,  the  expulsion 
of  the  French  from  Fort  Duquesne,  and  the  capture  and 
destruction  of  Fort  Frontenac,  on  the  Canadian  shore 
of  Lake  Ontario,  where  the  city  of  Kingston  stands 
now.  One  dreadful  disaster  marked  the  year.  A  force 
of  6000  British  regulars  and  9000  provincial  troops  was 
Repulse  at  s^nt  against  Ticonderoga  and  Crown  Point.  It 
oga?1Ju8iy  was  nominally  commanded  by  Major-general 
8, 1758.  Abercrombie,  but  really  by  Lord  Howe,  who 
was  a  man  after  Pitt's  own  kind.  Unhappily,  Lord 
Howe  was  killed  in  a  chance  encounter  with  the  enemy, 
before  reaching  Ticonderoga,  and  an  ill-judged  assault 
on  the  fort,  directed  by  Abercrombie,  was  repulsed  with 
such  terrible  slaughter  that  he  made  no  further  attempt. 

85.  Conquest  of  New  Prance.  1 759-1 76O.  The 
supreme  and  decisive  achievement  of  the  war  came 
in  the  next  year  (1759),  when  Quebec,  supposed  to  be 
the  invincible  citadel  of  Canada,  was  taken  by  General 
Wolfe.  The  British  fleet  and  army  reached  Quebec  at 
the  end  of  June,  and  found  the  French,  under  Montcalm, 
prepared  to  defend  it  with  nearly  double  the  force  that 
Wolfe  had  been  able  to  bring.  More  than  ten  weeks 
were  spent  in  attempts  to  find  some  way  of  reaching  the 


THE    PERIOD    OF    STRIFE    WITH    FRANCE.     149 

enemy  on  the  heights  that  they  held.     At  last  the  way 
was  found,  between  midnight  and  dawn  of  the  i3th  of 
September,  when  4800  of  the  besieging  troops  climbed 
to  the  summit  without  discovery,  and  defeated  capture  of 
the  rawer  levies  of  Montcalm  in  an  open  battle  ^ember 
fought   on  a   broad   plateau,  known    as  "  the  13» 1769> 
Plains  of  Abraham."     Both  Wolfe    and    Montcalm  re- 


PLAN    OF   THE    SIEGE   OF    QUEBEC.1 

ceived  mortal  wounds  in  the  fight.  The  former  died 
on  the  field,  in  the  moment  that  he  knew  it  to  be  won ; 
the  latter  expired  the  next  day. 

Before  this  most  fatal  of  all  possible  blows  to  the  power 
of  France  in  America  had  been  struck,  and  while  Wolfe 
was  still  sparring  with  his  antagonist  for  the  chance  to  de 
liver  it,  General  Amherst  (who  had  been  in  command  at 
the  taking  of  Louisbourg,  in  the  previous  year)  led  1 1,000 

1  From  Miles's  History  of  Canada,  reproduced  in  Winsor's 
America,  v.  542. 


ISO  COLONIAL   DEVELOPMENT. 

men  against  forts  Ticonderoga  and  Crown  Point,  and 

forced   the    French   to    abandon    both.       Fort 

French       Niagara,  at  the  point  where  the  river  Niagara 

reverses. 

flows  into  Lake  Ontario,  had  been  surrendered  to 
an  expedition  sent  against  it  in  July,  and  this  compelled 
a  quick  retreat  of  garrisons  from  Venango,  Le  Boeuf,  and 
Presque  Isle.  All  the  French  posts  farther  west  were 
cut  off.  A  hopeless  fight  was  kept  up  in  other  quarters 
until  September  of  the  following  year  (1760),  when 
the  surrender  of  Montreal  carried  with  it  the  surrender 
throughout  Canada  of  all  the  French  forces  in  arms. 

86.  Cession  of  all  French  Territory  in  North  Amer 
ica.  1763.  In  Europe,  the  great  Seven  Years'  War  went 
on  for  two  more  years,  and  terms  of  peace  were  not 
finally  settled  until  February,  1763,  when  the  treaty  of 
Paris  was  signed.  By  that  treaty  France  ceded  to  Great 
Britain  the  whole  vast  territory. that  she  had  claimed 
in  North  America  east  of  the  Mississippi  River,  except 
ing  the  settlement  at  New  Orleans,  and  two  small  islands 
near  the  coast  of  Newfoundland,  which  she  kept  for  fish 
ing  stations,  with  certain  fishery  rights.  New  Orleans 
and  the  region  claimed  by  France  on  the  western  side 
France  °^  tne  Mississippi,  which  she  called  Louisiana, 
Louisiana  were  given  up  to  Spain.  Spain  at  the  same  time 
s0paiPnceies  ceded  Florida  to  Great  Britain,  whose  sover- 
toEngiand,  eignty  in  America  became  then  complete  from 
1763'  the  Atlantic  to  the  Mississippi,  and  from  the 
Gulf  of  Mexico  to  the  Polar  Sea,  excepting  in  the  little 
district  where  the  city  of  New  Orleans  was  growing  up. 

In  the  war  which  had  that  great  result,  the  colonies, 
notwithstanding  their  backwardness  at  the  beginning, 
appear  to  have  borne  their  full  share  of  the  fighting 
and  the  cost.  In  testimony  given  three  years  after  the 
peace,  before  the  House  of  Commons,  Dr.  Franklin  said  : 


THE    PERIOD    OF    STRIFE    WITH    FRANCE.     151 

"The  colonies  raised,  paid  and  clothed  near  25,000  men 
during  the  last  war,  a  number  equal  to  those 

sent  from  Britain,  and  far  beyond    their  pro-   the  colonies 

.      .  ,   .       .        ,    .          in  the  war. 

portion  ;  they  went  deeply  into  debt  in  doing 

this,  and  all  their  taxes  and  estates  are  mortgaged,  for 
many  years  to  come,  for  discharging  this  debt." 

87.  Pontiac's  War.  1763-1764.  In  assuming  that 
France  could  transfer  to  them  a  sufficient  title  to  the 
great  territory  she  had  claimed,  the  English  were  forget 
ful  of  the  native  occupants,  by  whose  friendly  sufferance 
the  French  had  been  holding  all  that  they  called  their 
rights.  English  garrisons  took  the  place  of  the  French 
throughout  the  west,  with  little  effort  to  win  the  assent 
of  the  surrounding  tribes.  The  natural  consequence 
was  a  fierce  and  widespread  resentment  among  cause  of 
the  savages,  leading  to  a  great  combination  of  nostiutles- 
tribes,  secretly  worked  up  with  rare  ability  by  Pontiac, 
an  Ottawa  chief.  Nearly  the  whole  of  the  Algonquian 
stock,  together  with  the  Hurons  or  Wyandots,  the  Sen- 
ecas,  and  some  tribes  of  the  lower  Mississippi,  were 
brought  into  the  plan  of  a  simultaneous  attack  on  all  the 
western  English  posts.  The  attacks  were  made  in  May 
and  June,  1763,  with  appalling  success  almost  every 
where  except  at  Detroit  and  at  Fort  Pitt.  The  garrison 
at  Detroit  \vas  besieged  by  Pontiac  in  person 
for  six  months,  and  held  out  until  relieved.  Fort  Detroit, 
Pitt  was  relieved  more  promptly,  by  Colonel 
Henry  Bouquet,  whose  energy  and  capability  were  con 
spicuously  shown  in  this  Indian  war,  which  lasted  until 
near  the  end  of  1764.  Pontiac's  combination  was  finally 
broken  up,  and  peace  was  made  by  Sir  William  Johnson 
with  nearly  all  the  tribes.  But  Pontiac  himself  retreated 
to  the  neighborhood  of  the  Mississippi,  where  he  was 
assassinated  in  1769. 


152  COLONIAL   DEVELOPMENT. 


TOPICS    AND    SUGGESTED    READING    AND    RESEARCH. 

52.    Overthrow  of  Andros.  —  A  New  Charter  for 

Massachusetts, 
TOPICS  AND  REFERENCES. 

i.  Andros  deposed  in  Massachusetts.  2.  The  new  charter 
(text  in  MacDonald,  i.  205-212).  3.  Government  as  a  royal  pro 
vince,  and  annexation  of  Plymouth  and  Maine.  4.  Connecticut 
and  Rhode  Island.  Hutchinson,  i.  372-387;  Doyle,  iii.  339-358, 
372-383;  Fiske,  Beginnings,  271-278;  Fisher,  218-225. 

53.    New  York  and  Jacob  Leisler. 

TOPICS  AND  REFERENCES. 

i.  The  Revolution  in  New  York.  2.  Authority  assumed  by 
Jacob  Leisler.  3.  Leisler  deposed  and  executed.  4.  "  Leisleri- 
ans "  and  "Aristocrats."  Winsor,  America,  v.  189-194;  Roose 
velt,  New  York,  ch.  vi.  ;  Fiske,  D.and  Q.  CoTs,  ii.  181-208,  212- 
215  ;  Frothingham,  Rise  of  the  Rep.,  83-85,  88,  93-95  ;  Fisher,  241- 
247. 

54.  New  Jersey. 

TOPICS  AND  REFERENCES. 

i.  Union  of  the  two  Jerseys  in  a  single  royal  province.  Fiske, 
D.  and  Q.  CoTs,  ii.  239-240 ;  Fisher,  255-256 ;  Hart,  Contempts, 
ii.  68-72. 

55.  Pennsylvania. 

TOPICS  AND  REFERENCES. 

i.  Penn's  troubles  in  England.  2.  Suspension  and  restoration 
of  his  political  authority.  3.  His  last  visit  to  the  province.  — 
Its  condition.  4.  The  "  Charter  of  Privileges "  (text  in  Mac- 
Donald,  i.  224-229).  Fiske,  D.  and  Q.  Col's,  ii.  294-311  ;  Win 
sor,  America,  v.  207-211;  Fisher,  260-263;  Hart,  Contempts,  ii. 
65-^68,  74-77. 

56.    Maryland. 
TOPICS  AND  REFERENCES. 

i.  The  revolution  in  Maryland.  —  Lord  Baltimore  deprived  of 
the  government.  2.  Religious  intolerance  renewed.  3.  Proprie 
tary  government  restored  to  the  fourth  Lord  Baltimore.  Browne, 
149-156,  184-202  ;  Fiske,  Old  Va.,  ii.  159-169;  Fisher,  272-275. 


THE    PERIOD    OF    STRIFE    WITH    FRANCE.     153 

57.    Virginia  and  the  Carolinas. 

TOPICS  AND  REFERENCES. 

i.  Unaffected  by  the  revolution  in  England.  Cooke,  300-301  ; 
Fisher,  277-278,  292 ;  Hart,  Contempts,  ii.  90-98. 

58.    Beginnings  of  the  Conflict  with  France. 

TOPICS  AND  REFERENCES. 

i.  How  England  was  led  into  successive  wars  with  France. — 
Their  importance  to  America.  2.  Incidents  of  "  King  William's 
War.''  3.  Colonial  Congress  at  New  York  in  1690.  Bancroft, 
ii.  177-185  ;  Parkman,  Half  Century,  i.  ch.  i.,  and  Frontenac,  ch. 
x-xxi. ;  Hildreth,  ii.  126-127  ;  Frothingham,  Rise  of  the  Rep.,  87- 
93 ;  Drake,  Border  Wars,  ch.  i.-xiv. 

4.  "Queen  Anne's  War." — Its  chief  incidents.  5.  Results  of 
the  war.  —  French  cessions  of  American  territory  to  England 
(text  in  MacDonald,  i.  229-232).  Parkman,  Half  Century,  i.  ch. 
iii.-ix. ;  Drake,  Border  Wars,  ch.  xv.-xxviii.  ;  Seeley,  Expansion, 
153-155  ;  Bancroft,  ii.  192-211  ;  Hart,  ii.  337-339- 

6.  Progress  of  the  French  in  laying  hold  of  the  interior.  Park 
man,  Half  Century,  ii.  ch.  xvii.  ;  Roosevelt,  The  Winning,  i.  33-35  ; 
Bancroft,  ii.  186-191  ;  Hosmer,  Miss.  Valley,  30-50;  Dunn,  ch.  ii. 
RESEARCH.  —  The  significance  in  English  and  European  history 

of  the  strife  for  America.     Seeley,  Expansion,  148-162. 

59.    Growing  Antagonism  between  the  Colonies  and 
the  English  Government. 

TOPICS  AND  REFERENCES. 

i.  Spread  of  independent  feeling  in  the  colonies.  2.  Object  les 
sons  in  representative  government,  in  self-taxation,  and  in  the 
"holding  of  the  purse  strings,"  that  were  learned  from  England. 
3.  English  ideas  as  to  colonial  government.  Frothingham,  Rise 
of  the  Rep.,  108-110,  123-128;  Fisher,  208-211  ;  Hart,  Contempts, 
ii.  133-14^,  154-169,  352-353- 

4.  Effect  of  the  presence  of  the  French  on  the  colonial  situation. 
5.  Opposing  views  of  the  needed   colonial  union.     Frothingham, 
Rise  of  the  Rep.,  109-122  ;  Seeley,  Expansion,  82-83. 
RESEARCH.  —  Fruits  in  England  of  the  Revolution  of  1688  which 

gave  an  object-lesson  to  the  colonies.     Macaulay,  England,  close 

of  ch.  x. 


154  COLONIAL    DEVELOPMENT. 

6O.    The  Board  of  Trade.  —  Oppressive  "  Acts  of 
Trade." 

TOPICS  AND  REFERENCES. 

i.  Reestablishment  of  a  Board  of  Trade  in  England.  2.  Eng 
lish  colonial  policy  identified  with  commercial  policy.  3.  Sharp 
measures  recommended  by  the  Board,  but  not  adopted.  4.  Oppres 
sive  restrictions  on  colonial  manufactures  and  trade.  Frothing- 
ham,  Rise  of  the  Rep.,  107-108;  Hart,  Contempts,  ii.  129-131; 
N.  Y.  State  Doc's,  i.  xxviii.;  Bancroft,  ii.  73-82  ;  Hildreth,  ii.  197- 
199. 

RESEARCH.  —  Effects  of  the  English  commercial  system  on  co 
lonial  feeling.     Lecky,  iii.  324-328. 

61.  The  Witchcraft  Madness  in  Salem. 

TOPICS  AND  REFERENCES. 

i.  Prevalence  of  the  superstitious  belief  in  witchcraft.  —  The 
awful  tragedy  to  which  it  gave  rise  in  Salem.  Lowell,  81-150  ;  Pal 
frey,  iv.  96-132  ;  Fiske,  N.  F.  and  N.  £.,  ch.  v. ;  Hart,  Contempts, 
ii.  35-48 ;  Upham. 

62.  Huguenot  and  German  Immigration. 

TOPICS  AND  REFERENCES. 

i.  Immigration  from  the  Palatinate  of  the  Rhine  and  from 
France.  Bancroft,  ii.  265,  266;  Cobb;  Baird,  ch.  v.  and  ix.-xiv.  ; 
Hart,  Contempts,  ii.  77-79. 

63.    The  Carolinas.     169O-1713. 

TOPICS  AND  REFERENCES. 

i.  Advancing  prosperity  in  South  Carolina.  2.  Indian  war  in 
North  Carolina.  3.  The  "  Five  Nations  "  of  New  York  made 
"Six  Nations."  McCrady,  i.  531-546;  Fiske,  Old  Va.,  ii.  298- 
304;  Fisher,  292-294;  Schoolcraft,  104-113. 

64.    Incidents  of  Progress. 

TOPICS  AND  REFERENCES. 

i.  Founding  of  Yale  College.  2.  The  first  newspaper.  3.  Be 
ginnings  of  a  postal  system.  Hart,  Contempts,  ii.  255-258 ;  Ban 
croft,  ii.  258;  Fiske,  Old  Va.,  15.373-374. 


THE    PERIOD    OF    STRIFE    WITH    FRANCE.     155 

65.  The  Hanoverian  Kings.  —  Ministry  of  Walpole. 

TOPICS  AND  REFERENCES. 

i.  Succession    to    the    English    crown    fixed    by    Parliament. 

2.  Weakness    of    the    position    of    the    first    Hanoverian    kings. 

3.  Peace  policy   of   Sir   Robert   Walpole.     Green,  666,  694-696, 
699-700  ;  Lecky,  i.  376-377  ;  Larned,  England,  495,  509-515. 

66.    British  Officials  in  the  Colonies. 

TOPICS  AND  REFERENCES. 

i.  The   colonists   misrepresented    by    their    British    governors. 

2.  Their  claims  and  aims.     Bancroft,  ii.  246-251,  340-342  ;  Fisher, 
210-21 1  ;  Lecky,  iii.  296-297. 

67.    The  Question  of  Taxation. 

TOPICS  AND  REFERENCES. 

i.  Unwillingness  of  colonists  to  tax  themselves  for  their  own  de 
fence.  2.  Walpole's  refusal  to  tax  the  colonies.  Lecky,  i.  360 ; 
iii.  344-345;  Morley,  Walpole,  167-169;  Annual  Register,  1765, 
p.  25. 

68.  Industrial  and  Commercial  Oppressions. 

TOPICS  AND  REFERENCES. 

i.  Measures  to  satisfy  English  merchants  and  manufacturers. 
Lecky,  iii.  324-328  ;  Winsor,  America,  v.  149,  222-227. 

69.    The  Carolinas.      1719-1729. 

TOPICS  AND  REFERENCES. 

x.  Extinction  of  proprietary  government.  McCrady,  i.  ch.  xxix.- 
xxx. ;  Winsor,  America,  v.  325-327. 

70.  Founding  of  Georgia. 

TOPICS  AND  REFERENCES. 

i.  The  grant  to  General  Oglethorpe,  and  its  benevolent  object 
(text  in  MacDonald,  i.  235-248).  2.  Beginnings  of  settlement. 

3.  Futile  prohibition  of  slavery  and  intoxicating  liquors.     4.  The 
trusteeship  and  its  ending.     Bancroft,  ii.  281-299;  Winsor,  Amer 
ica,  v.  ch.  vi.  ;  Fisher,  303-312;  Hart,  Contempts,  ii.  110-126. 
RESEARCH.  —  The   life   and   character    of    General    Oglethorpe. 

H.  Bruce. 


156  COLONIAL   DEVELOPMENT. 

71.    English  Neglect  of  the  Western  Country. 
TOPICS  AND  REFERENCES. 

i.  Neglect  of  exploration  beyond  the  mountains.  2.  First  expe 
dition  into  the  Shenandoah  valley.  3.  Recommendations  of  Gov 
ernor  Spotswood  and  action  of  Governor  Burnet.  Hinsdale,  Old 
N.  W.,  14-18;  Cooke,  314-315;  Hart,  Contempts,  ii.  316-324; 
Parkman,  Half  Century,  ii.  45-46. 

72.    The  Scotch-Irish  in  the  Appalachian  Valleys. 

TOPICS  AND  REFERENCES. 

i.  Causes  of  immigration  from  the  north  of  Ireland  into  Pennsyl 
vania.  2.  Spread  of  settlement  into  the  Appalachian  valleys. 
3.  Southwestward  movement.  4.  Other  immigration  taking  the 
same  direction.  Fiske,  Old  Va.,  ii.  390-399,  and  N.  F.  and  N.  E., 
259-262;  Roosevelt,  The  Winning,  i.  101-114;  Bancroft,  ii.  265- 
266  ;  Hanna,  i.  ch.  xxxix. ;  MacLean,  ch.  ii. 
RESEARCH.  —  Eminent  Americans  of  Scotch-Irish  descent.  Hanna, 

i.  ch.  iii.    ' 

73.    Death  of  William  Penn. 
TOPICS  AND  REFERENCES. 

i.  Inheritance  of  the  proprietorship  of  Pennsylvania  by  Penn's 
sons.  Gordon,  ch.  ix.  ;  Sharpless,  ch.  vi. ;  Fiske,  D.  and  Q.  Col's, 
ii.  316-317. 

74.    Benjamin  Franklin  in  Philadelphia. 

TOPICS  AND  REFERENCES. 

i.  Time  and  circumstances  of  the  coming  of  Franklin  to  Phila 
delphia.     Franklin,  31-47. 
RESEARCH.  —  The  early  life  of  Franklin.    Franklin,  Autobiography. 

75.    Rise  of  the  Newspaper  Press.  —  The  Winning 
of  its  Freedom. 

TOPICS  AND  REFERENCES. 

i.  Want  of  freedom  for  the  press  in  Boston.  2.  Early  colonial 
newspapers.  3.  The  Zenger  trial  and  its  results.  Franklin,  31- 
35  ;  Fiske,  D.  and  Q.  Col's,  ii.  248-257;  Winsor,  America,  v.  198- 
200  ;  Frothingham,  Rise  of  the  Rep.,  128-130  ;  Hart,  Contempts,  ii. 
192-199. 


THE    PERIOD    OF    STRIFE   WITH    FRANCE.     157 

RESEARCH.  —  The  freeing  of  the  press  in  England.     Routledge, 
ch.  xx.  ;  Larned,  Ready  Ref. 

76.    Third  Intercolonial  War. 

TOPICS  AND  REFERENCES. 

i.  War  with  Spain  in  1739.  2-  "King  George's  War."  —  Its 
name  in  European  history.  3.  Capture  of  Louisbourg  by  the 
colonists.  4.  The  New  York  border  left  undefended.  Bancroft, 
ii.  293-311;  Parkman,  Half  Century,  i.  ch.  xviii.-xxiv.  ;  Fiske, 
N.  F.  and N.  E.,  249-256 ;  Drake,  Louisbourg ;  Hart,  Contempts, 
ii.  346-349- 

77.   French  and  English  in  the  Upper  Ohio  Valley. 

TOPICS  AND  REFERENCES. 

i.  Treaty  of  Aix-la-Chapelle  (text  in  MacDonald,  i.  251-253). — 
Unsettled  boundary  questions.  2.  First  English  exploration  and 
settlement  west  of  the  Alleghenies.  3.  The  French  in  the  upper 
Ohio  valley.  Parkman,  Half  Century,  i.  ch.  xvii. ;  Winsor,  Mis 
sissippi,  171-183,  and  America,  v.  8-12,  490-492  ;  Fernow,  ch.  v.- 
vi.  ;  Bancroft,  ii.  336-337,  343-344,  362-366  ;  Hinsdale,  Old  N.  W., 
57-61;  Fiske,  N.  F.  and  N.  E.,  264-270;  Seeley,  Expansion, 
31-32;  Hart,  Contempts,  ii.  354-356. 

78.  Opening  of  the  Final  Conflict  with  France. 

TOPICS  AND  REFERENCES. 

1.  The  claim  of  Virginia  to  the  region  entered  by  the  French. 
Hinsdale,  OldJV.  W.,  73-75,  103-109. 

2.  Mission  of  George  Washington  to  warn  the  intruders  away. 
3.  His  second   mission,    commanding   a  small   force.  —  Opening 
hostilities.     Washington,  i.  9-124;    Bancroft,  ii.  377-385;  Fiske, 
N.  F.  and  N.  E.,  270-276;  Lodge,  Washington,  i.  63-79. 
RESEARCH.  —  The  early  life  of  Washington.     Irving,  i.  ch.  i.-iv. ; 

Lodge,  i.  ch.  ii.-iii. 

79.  Indifference  of  many  Colonies  to  the  French 

Advance. 
TOPICS  AND  REFERENCES. 

i.  Attitude  of  New  York,  Pennsylvania,  and  other  colonies. 
Parkman,  Half  Century,  i.  ch.  xxiii.,  and  Montcalm,  i.  ch.  vi. ; 


158  COLONIAL   DEVELOPMENT. 

Franklin,  196-206 ;  Winsor,  America,  v.  494  ;  Fiske,  N.  F.  and 
N.  E.,  277-278;  Hildreth,  ii.  433-441  ;  Hinsdale,  Old  N.  W.,  60  ; 
Sloane,  99. 

2.  Why  England  had  more  reason  than  the  colonies  for  indiffer 
ence.  Lecky,  iii.  290-295;  Johnston,  United  States,  30-32. 

8O.    Plans  of  Colonial  Union. 

TOPICS  AND  REFERENCES. 

i.  Colonial  Congress  at  Albany,  1754.  2.  Plan  of  colonial  union 
recommended  by  it  (text  in  MacDonald,  i.  253-257 ;  O.  S.  Leaf., 
9).  3.  Opposing  reasons  for  rejection  of  the  plan.  4.  Board  of 
Trade's  scheme  of  union  and  taxation.  Franklin,  231-233  ;  Froth- 
ingham,  Rise  of  the  Rep.,  114-121,  132-151;  Fiske,  N.  F.  and 
N.  E.,  279-280;  Hart,  Contempts,  ii.  357-360. 

81.    Braddock's  Defeat. 

TOPICS  AND  REFERENCES. 

x.  Hostilities  without  declared  war.  2.  The  four  English  ex 
peditions  planned.  3.  Braddock's  disastrous  failure.  4.  Other 
movements  and  results.  5.  Fort-building  on  lakes  Champlain  and 
George  and  the  upper  Hudson.  Bancroft,  ii.  419-424,  435-438  ; 
Parkman,  Montcalm,  ii.  ch.  vii.-x. ;  Fiske,  N.  F.  and  N.  E.,  281- 
301 ;  Winsor,  America,  v.  495-505  ;  Sloane,  ch.  iv. ;  Washington, 
i.  141-180;  Franklin,  240-258;  Hart,  Contempts,  ii.  365-367. 

82.   Dispersion  of  the  Acadian  French. 

TOPICS  AND  REFERENCES.  , 

i.  Reasons  for  the  removal  of  French  inhabitants  from  Nova 
Scotia.  2.  Their  dispersion.  Bancroft,  ii.  425-434;  Parkman, 
Montcalm,  i.  ch.  viii. ;  Winsor,  America,  v.  415-417;  Sloane, 
48-49;  Hart,  Contempts,  ii.  360-365. 

83.    The  European  "  Seven  Years'  War." 

TOPICS  AND  REFERENCES. 

i.  The  opposing  combinations  of  European  nations  in  the  war. 
Fiske,  N.  F.  and  N.  E,,  301-303  ;  Sloane,  38-39 ;  Lamed,  Eng 
land,  481. 

RESEARCH.  —  The  European  circumstances  of  the  war.     Macau- 
lay,  Essays,  Frederick  the  Great. 


THE    PERIOD    OF    STRIFE   WITH    FRANCE.      159 

84.  The  Turning  of  the  Tide. 

TOPICS  AND  REFERENCES. 

i.  Two  years  of  French  success  and  English  disaster.  2.  The 
amazing  change  brought  about  by  the  elder  William  Pitt.  3.  Eng 
lish  successes  of  1758.  —  Bloody  repulse  at  Ticonderoga.  Fiske, 
JV.  F.  and  N.  E.,  303-325  ;  Bancroft,  ii.  447-495  ;  Parkman,  Mont- 
calm^  ii.  ch.  xviii.-xxiii. ;  Winsor,  America,  v.  505-530 ;  Sloane, 
ch.  v.-vi. ;  Green,  716-724. 
RESEARCH.  —  The  character  and  career  of  the  elder  Pitt.  Ma- 

caulay,  Essays,  Chatham. 

85.  Conquest  of  New  France. 

TOPICS  AND  REFERENCES. 

x.  The  taking  of  Quebec  by  General  Wolfe.  2.  Capture  of 
Crown  Point,  Fort  Ticonderoga,  and  Fort  Niagara.  3.  General 
downfall  of  French  power  in  America.  Parkman,  Montcalm, 
ii.  ch.  xxiv.-xxx. ;  Winsor,  America,  v.  531-559  ;  Bancroft,  ii.  498- 
512,  522-527  ;  Fiske,  N.  F.  and  N.  E.,  ch.  x. ;  Sloane,  ch.  vii.-viii. ; 
Hart,  Contempts,  ii.  369-372. 

86.  Cession  of  all  French  Territory  in  North 

America. 
TOPICS  AND  REFERENCES. 

i.  Cessions  from  France  to  Great  Britain  by  the  treaty  of  Paris. 
2.  Cession  from  France  to  Spain.  3.  Cession  from  Spain  to  Great 
Britain  (text  in  MacDonald,  i.  261-266).  Parkman,  Montcalm,  ii. 
ch.  xxxi.-xxxii. ;  Bancroft,  ii.  537-542;  Sloane,  111-114. 

4.  The  part  borne  by  the  colonies  in  the  war.     Hildreth,  ii.  514- 
516;  Lecky,  iii.  295  ;  Hart,  Formation,  37-40. 
RESEARCH.  — Effects  of  the  Seven  Years'  War  on  the  later  history 

of  Great  Britain.     Mahan,  Sea  Power  in  Hist.,  326-329. 

87.    Pontiac's  War. 

TOPICS  AND  REFERENCES. 

i.  Reasons  for  a  rising  of  western  Indians  against  the  Eng 
lish.  2.  Pontiac  the  leader.  —  Extent  of  his  combination.  3.  Re 
sult  of  the  war.  Parkman,  Conspiracy  of  P.;  Bancroft,  iii.  41-49; 
Hinsdale,  Old  N.  W.,  148;  Sloane,  101-103. 


CHAPTER   V. 

THE    PROVOCATIONS    TO    REVOLT.       1760-1775. 

88.  King  George  III.  In  the  fall  of  1760,  immedi 
ately  after  the  overthrow  of  the  French  in  America,  a  new 
king,  George  III.,  came  to  the  British  throne  with  very 
old-fashioned  notions  of  kingship  in  his  mind.  His  great 
grandfather  and  his  grandfather,  the  first  and  second 
Georges,  had  been  helpless  royal  figures  in  the  hands 
of  their  ministers,  and  a  system  of  ministerial  govern 
ment  had  grown  up  which  the  young  king  was  taught 
to  look  upon  as  unconstitutional  and  needing  to  be  put 
down.  According  to  his  lights,  he  was  a  conscientious 
young  man,  but  narrow-minded  and  ill-informed.  Parlia 
ment,  as  then  constituted,  represented  few  people  except 
a  small  landlord  class,  and  it  was  more  or  less  corruptly 
controlled.  For  the  last  two  generations  the  cabinet 
ministers  had  held  that  control ;  but  now  the  king  took 
it  into  his  own  hands.  Those  who  helped  him  to  do  so, 
and  who  were  known  as  "the  king's  friends," 

11  Tho 

king's  ti      soon  became  his  chief  ministers ;   Pitt  had  to 
resign ;   statesmanship  was  superseded  by  the 
wilful  orders  of  an  ignorant  sovereign,   carried  out  by 
pliant  servants,  who  obeyed  his  commands. 

This  was  England's  last  experience  of  dictatorial  king 
ship,  and  it  happened  at  a  time  when  the  government 
could  easily  be  intoxicated  with  a  new  sense  of  power. 
India  had  been  won,  as  well  as  America,  and  British 
supremacy  on  the  broad  ocean  had  been  made  an  un- 


THE    PROVOCATIONS    TO    REVOLT.  l6l 

questionable  fact.  In  such  circumstances,  at  such  a 
time,  it  was  inevitable  that  a  prince  like  George  III. 
would  plunge  the  expanded  empire  into  serious  trouble, 
until  he  and  his  "friends"  could  be  restrained.  It  was 
inevitable  that  they  would  try  experiments  in  high 
handed  government,  both  at  home  and  in  the  colonies, 
and  that  they  would  try  them  in  stupid  ways.  They 
began  those  experiments  in  England,  with  an  attempt 
to  break  down  the  freedom  of  the  press,  and  they  abused 
the  rights  of  Englishmen  in  their  own  island,  for  a  time, 
even  more  than  the  rights  of  the  colonists  were  abused. 

89.  Tightening  the  Reins  of  Colonial  Government. 
176O-1761.  As  to  the  latter,  it  was  a  matter  of  course 
that  King  George  and  his  revived  Tory  party  should 
take  up  the  long-debated  project  of  taxing  the  colonies 
and  of  tightening  the  reins  of  imperial  government,  to 
limit  their  "home  rule."  Measures  to  invigorate  the 
administration  of  the  navigation  laws,  and  of  all  the 
enactments  called  "acts  of  trade,"  were  undertaken  first. 
By  an  order  in  council  the  customs  officers  in  the  colo 
nies  were  directed  to  apply  to  the  courts  for  search- 
warrants  of  a  kind  called  "writs  of  assistance," 
which  would  authorize  them  to  enter  any  pri-  assistance, 

1760 

vate  house  and  search  for  smuggled  goods.    An 
application   of   that   nature  was  made   to   the  superior 
court  at  Boston  and  argued  in  February,  1761.     James 
Otis  was  engaged  by  merchants  of   Boston  and  Salem 
to   oppose   it,  and    did    so    in    a   speech    of   marvellous 
power.     "  Otis  was  a  flame  of  fire,"  wrote  John  Jamea 
Adams  at  a  later  day.     "Then  and  there,"  he  OUs- 
added,  "was  the  first  scene  of  the  first   act   of  opposi 
tion  to  the  arbitrary  claims  of  Great  Britain.     Then  and 
there  the  child  Independence  was  born."     Awed  by  the 
deep  feeling  stirred  up,  the  court  delayed  its  decision 


162  COLONIAL   DEVELOPMENT. 

until  it  received  instructions  from  England  to  issue  the 
writs. 

Close  on  the  heels  of  this  measure  came  another  more 
odious  still.  Hitherto  judges  in  the  royal  provinces  had 
been  appointed,  as  in  England,  "  during  good  behaviour," 
which  made  their  tenure  of  office  independent  of  the 
crown.  In  1761  that  constitutional  practice  was  set 
judges  aside.  On  the  death  of  the  chief  justice  of 
kinVs6  New  York,  his  successor  was  appointed  to 
pleasure."  serve  « at  the  king's  pleasure,"  and  instruc 
tions  were  sent  to  all  colonial  governors  not  to  issue 
judicial  commissions  in  any  other  terms. 

90.  Grenville's  Measures.  1763.  It  was  not,  how 
ever,  until  the  conclusion  of  the  treaty  pf  peace  with 
France  and  Spain,  in  1763,  that  the  government  felt 
free  to  execute  its  new  projects  of  colonial  coercion  in 
full.  George  Grenville,  soon  to  be  prime  minister,  and 
Charles  Townshend,  president  of  the  Board  of  Trade, 
were  chiefly  accountable  for  what  ensued.  They  began, 
Troops  in  m  March,  with  a  proposal  to  Parliament  that 
America.  twenty  regiments  should  be  kept  in  America, 
at  the  cost  of  the  colonies  after  the  first  year.  Their 
next  measure  gave  them  authority  to  employ  all  the 
forces  of  the  navy  in  the  service  of  the  custom-house,  to 
enforce  the  "acts  of  trade." 

At  the  same  time,  one  of  the  most  grievous  of  the 
acts  of  trade,  called  sometimes  "the  Sugar  Act,"  some 
times  "the  Molasses  Act,"  was  amended  and  revived. 
It  had  been  passed  in  1733,  to  stop  the  importation  of 
sugar  or  molasses  from  the  French  West  In- 
Acte,  173?-  dies  into  the  colonies,  in  order  to  "  protect  " 

1763 

the  sugar  planters  of  the  English  islands.  But 
the  commerce  of  the  New  Englanders  was  half  depend 
ent  on  this  sugar  trade.  They  sold  fish,  lumber,  staves, 


THE    PROVOCATIONS    TO  REVOLT.  163 

provisions,  etc.,  to  the  French  islands,  took  molasses  and 
sugar  in  exchange,  converted  them  mostly  into  rum,  sold 
the  rum  elsewhere,  and  so,  after  a  round  of  exchanges, 
got  money  in  hand  with  which  to  buy  English  goods. 
To  break  the  round,  by  cutting  sugar  out,  was  to  break 
up  half  their  trade,  even  with  England  herself.  The 
impracticable  stupidity  of  the  measure  had  been  discov 
ered,  and  it  had  not  been  enforced  until  now,  when  it 
was  suddenly  resurrected ;  the  sugar  duties  were  re 
duced  somewhat,  and  the  exasperating  new  machinery  of 
enforcement  wa^s  brought  into  vigorous  play. 

The  next  undertaking  was  to  stop  the  growth  of  the 
colonies,  by  prohibiting  their  expansion  into  the  great 
interior  valleys  from  which    the    French  had  been  ex 
pelled.     To  that  end  a  royal  proclamation  was  issued  in 
October,  1763,  establishing  governments  in  eastern  Can 
ada  (named  Quebec)  and  in  east  and  west  Flor-  Western 
ida,  but  setting  apart  the  whole  territory  be-  f^wJg^ 
tween  the  Alleghanies  and  the  Mississippi  and  1763- 
north  and  west  of  the  Great  Lakes  for  the  use  of  the 
Indian  tribes  (see  Map  IV.).     White   settlers  were  for 
bidden  to  enter  this  region,  and  those  who  had  already 
made   homes  "  westward  of   the  sources  of  the  rivers 
which  fall  into  the  sea  from  the  west  and  northwest " 
were  commanded  to  withdraw.1 

1  In  a  subsequent  report  of  the  Lords  of  Trade  it  was  acknow 
ledged  that  the  primary  object  of  this  extraordinary  measure  was 
to  confine  "  the  western  extent  of  settlements  to  such  a  distance 
from  the  sea-coasts  as  that  those  settlements  should  lie  within 
reach  of  the  trade  and  commerce  of  this  kingdom,  .  .  .  and  also 
of  the  exercise  of  that  authority  and  jurisdiction  which  was  con 
ceived  to  be  necessary  for  the  preservation  of  the  colonies  in  a 
due  subordination  to  and  dependence  upon  the  mother  country;" 
with  the  secondary  object  of  promoting  the  fur  trade.  This  fairly 
illustrates  the  wisdom  of  statesmanship  in  the  government  of 
George  III. 


164  COLONIAL   DEVELOPMENT. 

91.  The  Stamp  Act.  1764-1765.  But  the  crowning 
measure  of  Grenville's  policy  was  announced  in  a  series 
of  "  Declaratory  Resolves "  of  Parliament,  in  March, 
1764,  and  carried  out  in  the  spring  of  the  next  year. 
The  "  Stamp  Act "  then  passed  imposed  a  direct  tax 
on  the  colonies,  by  requiring  certain  stamps,  sold  offi 
cially  at  prices  ranging  from  three  pence  to  ten  pounds, 
to  be  affixed  to  all  legal  and  commercial  documents,  to 
every  newspaper,  pamphlet,  and  almanac,  and  to  every 
pack  of  cards.  There  were  less  than  fifty  votes  in  the 
House  of  Commons  against  the  enactment ; 

Colonel 

Bane's  but  one  fine  speech  in  opposition  was  made  by 
Colonel  Isaac  Barre.  Merely  as  a  tax,  the  stamp 
tax  was  not  intolerable ;  but  as  a  challenge  to  the  politi 
cal  doctrine  which  the  colonists  had  inherited  from  their 
British  ancestry,  that  "  taxation  without  representation 
is  tyranny,"  it  roused  a  more  wrathful  resistance  than 
anything  done  before.  The  defenders  of  the  stamp  tax 
argued  that  the  colonies  were  "  virtually  represented  " 
in  Parliament,  —  as  much  so  as  many  of  the  most  im 
portant  English  cities,  which  elected  no  representatives 
in  those  days,  but  were  assumed  to  be  cared  for  and 
Doctrine  spoken  for  by  every  member  of  the  House  of 
JeprJsfnu-  Commons.  This  ridiculous  doctrine  of  "  vir- 
Uon>"  tual  representation  "  held  its  ground  in  Eng 
land  for  more  than  half  a  century,  until  Parliament  was 
reformed  in  1832  ;  but  it  made  no  impression  on  the 
American  mind  in  1764. 

On  the  first  announcement  of  the  intended  bill,  Bos 
ton,  in  town  meeting,  had  led  off,  and  half  the  colonies 
had  followed,  in  strong  remonstrances,  beyond  which 
few  seemed  ready  to  go.  But  when  news  of  the  actual 
passage  of  the  Stamp  Act  arrived,  a  young  man  in  the 
Virginia  Assembly,  Patrick  Henry,  spoke  words  that 


THE  PROVOCATIONS  TO  REVOLT.     165 

were  like  a  trumpet  call.     In  a  speech  of  matchless  elo 
quence  and  boldness,  he  stirred  the  people  from  Georgia 
to   Maine.     A   famous   passage  of  his  speech  Patrlck 
was  one  in  which  he  cried  :   "  Caesar  had  his   JJSJ'* 
Brutus  —  Charles  the  First  his  Cromwell  —  and  1766- 
George  the   Third"   -pausing  when  some  in  the  As 
sembly  cried  "  Treason  !  "  and  then  continuing  —  "  may 
profit  by  the  example.     If   that  be  treason,  make  the 
most  of  it." 

Early  in  June,  the    Massachusetts  Assembly  sent  a 
circular  letter  to  all  the  colonies,  proposing  a  general 
meeting  of  delegates  from  each,  "to  consult  together" 
on  the  subject  of  the  Stamp  Act.     The  proposal  was 
approved,  and  on  the  7th  of  October  delegates  stamp  Act 
from    nine  colonies  met   in   congress  at   New  ocSSer**' 
York.     Able  and  dignified  in  its  membership,   176Bl 
this   "Stamp    Act  Congress"    discussed   the   situation 
with  calmness,  and  agreed  upon  a  temperate  but  firm 
declaration  of  "  the  most  essential  rights  and  liberties  of 
the  colonists,  and  of  the  grievances  under  which  they 
labor  by  reason  of  several  late  acts  of  Parliament."     In 
this  congress  the  actual  beginning  of  an  American  Union 
may  be  said  to  have  been  made. 

Meantime,  while  these  decorous  expressions  were  be 
ing  given  to  the  public  feeling,  a  less  orderly  part  of  the 
people  were  venting  it  in  more  or  less  riotous  ways. 
Secret  societies,  pledged  to  resist  the  stamp  tax,  were 
spreading  rapidly  through  most  of  the  colonies,  calling 
themselves  "Sons  of  Liberty,"  having  caught  "gons0f 
the  name  from  a  phrase  in  Colonel  Barre's  Llberty-" 
speech.  In  some  of  their  public  demonstrations  the 
Sons  of  Liberty  set  mobs  in  motion  which  did  outrageous 
things.  The  worst  proceeding  was  in  Boston,  where  the 
house  of  the  chief  justice  and  lieutenant-governor,  after- 


166  COLONIAL    DEVELOPMENT. 

ward  governor,  Thomas  Hutchinson,  was  sacked,  and  a 
mots  in  precious  library  of  books  and  historical  manu- 
New°YoS?  scripts  was  barbarously  destroyed.  Though  a 

stout  supporter  of  the  authority  of  king  and 
Parliament,  Hutchinson  had  used  his  influence  against 
the  passage  of  the  Stamp  Act,  and  did  not  deserve  the 
animosity  with  which  he  was  assailed.  In  New  York, 
defiant  of  a  large  body  of  troops,  the  Sons  of  Liberty 
made  a  bonfire  of  Lieutenant-Governor  Colden's  coach, 
with  his  effigy  in  it ;  threatened  to  hang  him  if  the  troops 
fired  on  them,  and  forced  him  to  give  up  the  stamps  he 
had  received.  In  other  places  the  stamps  were  seized 
and  destroyed.  Generally,  in  all  the  colonies,  the  offi 
cers  appointed  to  sell  the  stamps  were  compelled  to  re 
sign. 

92.  Repeal  of  the  Stamp  Act.  1766.  As  another 
mode  of  making  their  displeasure  felt  in  England,  many 
people  had  been  for  some  time  past  forming  agreements 
not  to  use  English  goods,  but  to  wear  homespun,  to  pro 
mote  wool-growing,  and  to  carry  on  spinning  and  weav 
ing  in  their  homes. 

Before  the  end  of  the  year  in  which  it  was  passed,  the 
Stamp  Act  was  seen  to  be  impossible  of  enforcement, 
and  indefensible  on  constitutional  grounds.  Pitt,  who  had 
been  ill  when  it  passed,  now  praised  the  colonists  for 
resisting  it,  and  demanded  its  repeal.  Lord  Camden,  one 
of  the  ablest  jurists  of  the  day,  supported  Pitt's  demand. 
The  effects  of  the  act  had  made  it  hateful  to  English 
merchants  and  manufacturers  ;  and,  altogether,  it  was 
assailed  by  influences  which  Parliament  could  not  resist. 

A  new  ministry,  headed  by  the  Marquis  of 
ciaratory  Rockingham,  had  lately  displaced  that  of  Gren- 

ville,  and  it  carried  a  repealing  bill  through  both 
houses  in  March,  1766,  but  tried  to  save  the  dignity  of 


THE    PROVOCATIONS    TO    REVOLT.  167 

the  government  by  a  Declaratory  Act,  asserting  the  right 
of  the  English  Parliament  to  make  laws  binding  the  colo 
nies  "  in  all  cases  whatsoever." 

93.  The  Townshend  Acts.  1767.  The  British  troops 
quartered  in  the  colonies  were  a  continuing  cause  of 
irritation  and  offence,  especially  at  the  head-  The  Billet- 
quarters,  in  New  York.  By  what  was  called  the  g 
"Billeting  Act,"  the  colonial  assemblies  were  required  to 
provide  quarters  and  supplies  for  them,  according  to  an 
exact  prescription  ;  but  the  New  York  Assembly  asserted 
a  right  of  judgment  in  the  matter,  and  ordered  the  same 
supplies  for  the  troops  that  would  be  furnished  to  them 
in  other  parts  of  the  king's  dominions.  This  was  seized 
upon  as  proof  that  something  peremptory  must  be  done. 

Charles  Townshend,  the  foremost  advocate  of  colonial 
government  by  the  whip,  had  now  become  the  ruling 
spirit  in  the  ministry  of  the  day.  Pitt  had  been  persuaded 
to  lend  his  name  to  that  ministry  as  its  nom-  Plttmade 
inal  premier  ;  but  he  was  broken  in  health,  and  Chatham, 
soon  gave  up  all  duties,  accepting  a  peerage  as  1766< 
Earl  of  Chatham,  and  leaving  Townshend  in  the  manage 
ment  of  affairs.  The  latter,  in  May,  1767,  brought  sev 
eral  bills  into  Parliament,  suspending  the  legislative  func 
tions  of  the  New  York  Assembly ;  imposing  duties  on 
wine,  oil,  fruits,  glass,  paper,  lead,  painters'  colors,  and 
tea,  for  a  revenue  to  support  civil  government  in  the 
provinces  and  provide  for  their  defence ;  formally  legal 
izing  writs  of  assistance;  and,  finally,  empowering  the 
crown  to  create  a  general  civil  list  of  crown  officials  in 
every  colony,  wholly  dependent  on  the  pleasure  of  the 
king.  The  revenue  bill  was  claimed  to  be  a 

The 

concession  to  the  theory  of  the  colonies  that  revenue 
Parliament  might  tax  them  indirectly,  by  cus 
toms  duties,  levied  for  the  general  regulation  of   British 


1 68  COLONIAL    DEVELOPMENT. 

trade,  but  might  not  raise  revenue  from  them  by  direct 
tax.  But  this  measure  was  so  plainly  aimed  at  a  political 
end,  and  so  much  else  of  grave  menace  to  popular  rights 
went  with  it,  that  the  Townshend  bills  as  a  whole  caused 
deeper  alarm  to  thinking  men  in  America  than  the  Stamp 
Act  had  done. 

84.  Writings  of  John  Dickinson  and  Samuel  Adams. 
1767-1768.  The  feeling  produced  when  the  Townshend 
bills  became  law  was  very  grave.  In  December  an  able 
Pennsylvanian,  John  Dickinson,  began  publishing  a  series 
of  what  came  to  be  known  as  the  "  Farmer's  Letters," 

which  had  a  powerful  effect.  They  pleaded  with 
"Farmer's  the  English  government  for  conciliation  and 

with  the  colonies  for  moderation,  but  showed 
with  remarkable  plainness  the  "  dangerous  innovation  " 
of  the  Townshend  acts  upon  the  liberties  of  the  people. 
In  the  general  approbation  of  these  letters  there  was 
proof  that  the  colonists  still  desired  to  be  British  sub 
jects,  but  only  on  the  terms  of  freedom  that  British 
subjects  enjoyed  in  the  British  Isles.  Unfortunately 
there  was  no  statesmanship  in  the  English  government  to 
be  influenced  by  such  proofs.  The  king  was  completely 
in  control.  Townshend  had  died  in  September,  and  Lord 
North,  a  man  of  good  abilities,  but  with  no  will  of  his 
own,  took  his  place  in  a  cabinet  of  ministers  who  served 
practically  as  his  majesty's  chief  clerks. 

Early  in  1768  the  Massachusetts  Assembly  adopted  a 
series  of  addresses,  to  English  ministers  and  to  the  king, 

and  sent  a  "  Circular  Letter  "  to  "each  house  of 

The  work 

of  Samuel     representatives  or  burgesses  on  the  continent, 

inviting  correspondence,  with  a  view  to  action 
on  some  uniform  plan.  These  remarkably  well-written 
papers,  strong  in  argument  and  temperate  but  firm  in 
tone,  are  believed  to  have  been  entirely  the  work  of 


THE    PROVOCATIONS    TO    REVOLT.  169 

Samuel  Adams,  the  popular  leader  in  Massachusetts,  who 
took,  from  this  time,  a  leading  part  in  the  larger  colonial 
field.  More  than  any  other  man,  he  planned,  inspired, 
directed,  and  organized  the  movements  which  prepared 
the  colonies  for  their  united  revolt.  Even  he  had  been 
seeking  only  to  secure  for  the  English  in  America  the 
same  rights  and  same  principles  in  their  government  that 
Englishmen  enjoyed  at  home.  According  to  his  own 
testimony,  it  was  not  until  later  in  this  year  1768  that  he 
came  to  be  convinced  that  separation  from  the  mother 
country  was  the  only  means  of  escape  from  wrongs  that 
ought  not  to  be  endured. 

Several  late  occurrences  had  helped,  no  doubt,  to  force 
this  conviction  on  Mr.  Adams's  mind.  Governor  Ber 
nard  had  been  ordered  from  London  to  dissolve  the  Mas 
sachusetts  Assembly,  because  it  refused  to  rescind  its 
"  Circular  Letter,"  and  the  other  colonies  had  been  threat 
ened  with  like  treatment  if  they  responded  to  the  letter. 
Revenue  seizures  made  without  legal  warrant,  and  at 
tempts  to  seize  men  for  enforced  naval  service,  had  led 
to  collisions  between  Boston  citizens  and  the  officers  of 
a  British  frigate,  and  those  collisions  had  led  to  Brltlall 
an  order  for  sending  two  regiments  to  Boston,  to  T^f^\on 
be  quartered  on  the  town.  Finally,  the  British  1768' 
authorities  had  begun  to  seek  testimony  on  which  to 
arrest  Adams  and  other  leaders  for  treason,  with  a  de 
clared  intention  to  send  them  to  England  to  be  tried. 
This  last  proceeding  was  denounced  with  special  bitter 
ness  in  England  by  Burke,  Barre,  and  other  rational- 
minded  men. 

95.  Action  in  Virginia.  —  Non-importation.  — Par 
tial  Repeal  of  the  Townshend  Acts.  1 769-1 77O.  Vir 
ginia  had  received  a  governor,  Lord  Botetourt,  who  tried 
to  conciliate  the  people  ;  but  they  were  not  to  be  recon- 


17°  COLONIAL   DEVELOPMENT. 

ciled  to  such  measures  as  he  had  to  carry  out.  Washing 
ton,  Jefferson,  and  Patrick  Henry  were  now  members  of 
the  Assembly,  and  they  took  the  lead  (May,  1769)  in 
passing  declarations  as  strong  as  those  of  Mas- 
aeciara-  sachusetts,  against  the  Townshend  acts  and 
against  the  threatened  carrying  of  men  beyond 
sea  for  trial.  Copies  of  these  declarations  were  sent  to 
all  the  other  assemblies,  with  invitations  to  concur.  As 
required  by  his  orders  from  London,  the  governor  dis 
solved  the  Assembly,  whereupon  the  members  met  in 
convention  and  passed  resolutions,  drawn  up  by  Wash 
ington,  which  recommended  an  organized  and  systematic 
stopping  of  the  importation  of  English  goods  until  the 
obnoxious  acts  were  repealed.  All  the  colonies  soon 
joined  in  carrying  out  this  plan.1 

Again,  as  in  1765-66,  the  abstention  of  the  colonists 
from  using  British  goods  raised  a  clamor  in  the  British 
business  world  which  the  government  could  not  resist. 
It  was  driven  once  more  to  a  repeal  of  its  own  acts  ;  but 
tried  again,  as  in  1 766,  to  undo  its  blunder  without  heal 
ing  the  sore  effect.  On  the  5th  of  March,  1770, 
retained,  Lord  North  moved  the  repeal  of  the  revenue 

1770. 

act,  excepting  its  preamble  and  the  duty  on 
tea,  which,  he  said,  "must  be  retained  as  a  mark  of  the 
supremacy  of  Parliament  and  the  efficient  declaration  of 
its  right  to  govern  the  colonies."  This,  as  appeared  af 
terward,  was  demanded  by  the  obstinate  king. 

96.    The  "  Boston  Massacre."    1770.    On  the  5th  of 

1  The  exports  from  Great  Britain  to  New  England,  New  York, 
and  Pennsylvania  were  cut  down  by  this  action  from  £1,363,3 1 1,  in 

1 768,  to  ,£504,603  in  1 769.  The  falling  off  in  exports  to  the  southern 
colonies  was  much  less,  for  the  reason  that  they  were  much  less 
able  to  manufacture  for  themselves.  Bishop,  History  of  American 
Manufactures,  i.  374. 


THE    PROVOCATIONS    TO    REVOLT.  I/I 

March,  the  day  of  Lord  North's  motion,  a  tragical  and 
exciting  event  occurred  in  Boston.  The  soldiers  of  two 
regiments  brought  from  Halifax  had  been  in  the  city  for 
nearly  a  year  and  a  half,  making  themselves  disagreeable 
in  many  ways,  but  carefully  restrained  from  any  use  of 
their  arms.  They  were  jeered  at  frequently  by  boys  and 
men  of  the  ruder  class,  and  on  this  day,  unhappily,  a 
squad  of  nine  was  provoked  to  fire  into  a  crowd  of  un 
armed  people,  killing  four  and  wounding  seven,  of  whom 
two  afterward  died.  This  "  massacre,"  as  it  was  styled, 
produced  a  fierce  excitement  in  Boston,  and  a  great 
town  meeting,  making  Samuel  Adams  its  spokesman, 
demanded  that  the  regiments  be  sent  away.  Governor 
Hutchinson  (who  had  succeeded  Bernard)  bowed  to  the 
storm,  and  removed  the  soldiers  to  a  fort  in  the  Bay. 

97.  The  Carolina  Regulators.  1771-1772.  After 
this,  for  some  time,  a  state  of  comparative  quiet  prevailed 
in  all  the  colonies  except  the  Carolinas,  where  a  conflict 
occurred  between  the  royal  authorities  of  the  province 
and  the  inhabitants  of  the  western  frontier.  Those  rude, 
hardy,  "up  country"  settlers  had  received  little  attention 
from  the  colonial  government,  except  in  harassing  ways. 
Having  no  proper  courts  in  their  own  region,  they  had 
formed  companies  called  "  Regulators  "  which  dealt  with 
criminals  by  what  afterward  got  the  name  of  "  lynch  law," 
and  they  refused  obedience  to  warrants  issued 

,     J-  T-U  14.-         Battle  of  the 

by  the  far-away   royal  courts.     The   resulting  Aiamance, 
conflict  came  to  a  crisis  of  battle  on  the  Aia 
mance,  North  Carolina,  in  1771,  and  the  Regulators  were 
defeated  with  heavy  loss. 

Many  of  the  defeated  Regulators  now  crossed  the 
mountains  and  joined  a  body  of  settlers  who  had  defied 
the  king's  proclamation  of  1763  (see  sect.  90),  and 
planted  themselves  on  the  Watauga  and  Holston  rivers, 


COLONIAL    DEVELOPMENT. 

within  what  afterward  became  the  State  of  Tennessee. 
There,  under  the  lead  of  John  Sevier  and  James  Robert 
son,  a  community  derived  mostly  from  the  Scotch-Irish 
stock  framed  a  government  for  itself,  by  what 
Associa-  were  described  as  the  "  Articles  of  the  Wa- 

tion,  "  1772. 

tauga  Association    (1772),  constituting  the  first 
practically  independent  commonwealth  on  American  soil. 

98.  "  Lord  Dunmore's  War."   1774.    From  this  time, 
bold  encroachments  on  the  Indian  hunting  grounds  be 
yond  the  mountains  went  on,  both  southwestwardly  and 
northwestwardly,  until  a  savage  outbreak  of  war  was  pro 
voked,  in  the  spring  of  1774.     The  clash  came  in  conse 
quence  of  the  brutal  murder  of  the  whole  family  of  Logan, 
a  friendly  and  much  esteemed  chief,  the  story  of  whose 
wrongs,  told  with  pathetic  eloquence  in  a  reputed  speech 
of  his  own,  is  one  of  the  most  familiar  pieces  of  early 
American  literature.    The  governor  of  Virginia  was  held 
to  be  mainly  responsible  for  what  occurred,  and  the  war 
is  commonly  referred  to  as  "  Lord  Dunmore's  War."     It 
Battle  oi       was  ended  in  October,  by  a  terrific  battle  at 
faKtoVer  Point  Pleasant,  on  the  Great  Kanawha,  where 
10,  1774.      tke  incjianSj  under  the  Shawnee  chief  Cornstalk, 
were  so  crushingly  defeated  by  the  backwoodsmen,  com 
manded  by  General  Andrew  Lewis,  that  their  country 
was  practically  free  to  white  settlement  from  that  time. 

99.  Fresh  Exasperations.  —  Institution   of    "  Com 
mittees  of  Correspondence."  1772-1773.   After  the  par 
tial  repeal  of  the  Townshend  acts,  the  non-importation 
agreements  in  the  colonies  were  not  effectively  carried 
out  ;  but  the  use  of  tea,  except  as  smuggled  from  the 

Dutch,  was  generally  stopped.     Against  that 
smuggling,  and  other  breaches  of  the  acts  of 


1772 

trade,  British  naval  officers  on  the  coast  were 
kept  active,  and  the  commander  of  one  vessel,  the  Gas- 


THE  PROVOCATIONS  TO  REVOLT.     173 

pee,  in  Narragansett  Bay,  was  accused  of  wanton  destruc- 
tiveness  in  what  he  did.  Complaints  against  him  having 
no  effect,  the  exasperated  people  at  length,  in  June,  1772, 
attacked  his  ship,  while  aground,  captured  it,  and  burned 
it,  setting  the  crew  on  shore. 

Close  on  the  heels  of  this  exciting  event  came  an 
order  from  the  king  that  the  Massachusetts 

Judges 

judges,  who  held  their  seats  at  his  pleasure,   salaried  by 

the  king. 

should  also  take  their  salary  from  the  crown.  If 
there  had  been  any  quieting  of  rebellious  feeling  in  Mas 
sachusetts,  this  roused  it  afresh  ;  and  it  was  now  that 
Samuel  Adams  set  on  foot  a  movement  which  organized 
the  patriotic  party  of  the  colony  in  a  remarkably  effective 
way.  His  plan  was  the  creation  of  "  committees  of  cor 
respondence,"  to  act  representatively  for  the  patriots  of 
every  town,  as  agents  of  communication  and  common 
action  between  all  parts.  Every  town  soon  had  its  com 
mittee,  and  all  were  keeping  in  close  touch  with  one  an 
other,  under  the  constant  influence  of  the  Boston  leaders, 
of  whom  Samuel  and  John  Adams,  Dr.  Joseph  Warren, 
and  John  Hancock  were  in  the  front.  A  little  later,  in 
the  spring  of  1773,  the  idea  of  the  committees  of  corre 
spondence  was  taken  up  in  Virginia,  and  developed  into 
an  inter-colonial  system  of  consultation  and  agreement. 
This  proved  to  be  a  most  important  measure  of  prepara 
tion  for  what  now  came  to  pass. 

100.  The  "Boston  Tea-Party."  1773.  Seeing  that 
the  colonists  could  in  no  way  be  forced  to  buy  taxed  tea, 
King  George  conceived  the  notion  that  they  might  be 
bribed.  That  they  cared  for  anything  more  than  the 
three  pence  per  pound  of  duty  was  more  than  he  could 
understand.  His  scheme  was  to  pay  such  a  drawback  to 
the  East  India  Company  on  tea  taken  to  America  that 
it  might  be  sold  there,  even  after  paying  Townshend's 


174  COLONIAL   DEVELOPMENT. 

duty,  at  a  price  below  that  of  the  smuggled  Dutch  teas. 

His    obedient    ministers  arranged   things  with 

George's       the  Company  as  he  wished,  and  several  cargoes 

scheme. 

were  shipped  to  Boston,  New  York,  Philadel 
phia,  and  Charleston,  in  the  fall  of  1773.  When  the 
coming  of  the  tea-ships  was  known,  the  patriot  party 
in  every  one  of  the  four  ports  determined  that  no  sale  of 
the  cargoes  should  be  allowed.  At  New  York,  Phila 
delphia,  and  Charleston,  the  appointed  consignees  of  the 
cargoes  were  persuaded  to  decline  receiving  them  ;  but 
the  Boston  consignees  would  agree  to  no  such  course. 
When  the  ships  arrived  at  that  port,  urgent  efforts  were 
made  to  induce  Governor  Hutchinson  to  send  them  back, 
but  he  refused,  and  ordered  the  fort  to  fire  on  them  if 
they  attempted  to  leave  port.  In  this  extremity,  a  party 
of  determined  men,  disguised  as  Indians,  boarded  the 
ships  and  poured  the  contents  of  the  tea-chests  into  the 
sea  (December  16,  1763). 

101.  The  Punishing  of  Boston  and  Massachusetts. 
1774.  Naturally,  King  George  and  his  party  were  en 
raged  by  this  act,  and  a  sharp  punishment  of  Boston  and 
Massachusetts  was  planned.  Burke,  in  one  of  his  grand 
est  speeches,  argued  for  a  just  conciliation,  by  repealing 
the  tea  duty,  and  others  made  the  same  plea,  but  without 
avail.  By  large  majorities  in  both  houses,  five  acts  for 
the  regulation  of  American  affairs  were  passed  in  the 
spring  of  1774.  One  of  them,  called  the  Port  Bill,  closed 

the  port  of  Boston,  allowing  no  ship  to  enter  or 
and  Regn-  clear.  A  second,  known  as  the  Regulating  Act, 

annulled  the  charter  of  Massachusetts,  made 
the  authority  of  its  royal  governor  and  his  council 
supreme,  and  forbade  town  meetings  for  any  other  busi 
ness  than  the  election  of  officers  for  the  towns.  A  third 
act  provided  that  any  magistrate,  revenue  officer,  or  sol- 


THE   PROVOCATIONS    TO    REVOLT.  175 

dier  indicted  in  Massachusetts  for  murder  should  be  sent 
to  England  for  trial,  —  which  plainly  gave  encourage 
ment  to  violent  military  acts.     The  fourth  law  removed 
all  legal  hindrances  to  the  quartering  of   troops.     The 
fifth,  called  the  Quebec  Act,  aimed  to  extin-  Quebec 
guish  the  western  territorial  claims  of  all  the  Actg 
colonies,  by  adding  the  whole  region  west  of  the  moun 
tains,  and  north  of  the  Ohio  River,  to  the  province  of 
Quebec  (see  Map  IV.). 

To  enforce  these  acts  of  atrocious  despotism,  General 
Gage,  with  four  regiments  added  to  his  command,  was 
sent  to  supersede  Governor  Hutchinson,  placing  Massa 
chusetts  under  military  rule.  He  came  with  instructions 
to  arrest  Adams  and  other  Boston  leaders  and  send  them 
to  England  for  trial,  but  saw  that  it  was  not  prudent  to 
make  the  attempt.  He  found  the  patriots  of  Massachu 
setts  undaunted,  and  supported  in  their  attitude  by  all 
the  colonies,  south  and  north.  Contributions  to  relieve 
the  suffering  which  the  Port  Bill  caused,  and  messages 
to  encourage  the  oppressed  city  and  province,  came  in 
from  all  sides. 

102.  The  Continental  Congress.  1774.  Virginia 
declared  that  an  attack  on  one  colony  was  an  attack  on 
all,  and  endorsed  the  proposal  of  a  Continental  Congress,1 
already  made  in  various  quarters,  asking  Massachusetts 
to  name  the  time  and  place.  The  Massachusetts  Assem 
bly  did  so ;  and  that  immortal  body,  the  Continental 
Congress  of  1774,  was  invited  to  meet  at  Philadelphia, 
every  province  responding  heartily  to  the  invitation. 
When,  on  the  5th  of  September,  the  Congress  came  to- 

1  "  From  the  constant  use  of  the  phrase  *  the  whole  continent,'  to 
express  general  action,  came  the  fine  adjective  so  long  significant 
of  union  —  continental."  W.  M.  Sloane,  The  French  War  and 
the  Revolution,  p.  172. 


COLONIAL    DEVELOPMENT. 

gather,  in  Carpenters'  Hall,  twelve  colonies  were  repre 
sented,  and  its  roll-call  is  full  of  great  names.1  None 
came  from  Georgia,  but  the  Georgians  were  in  full  ac 
cord.  With  the  opening  of  this  meeting  the  first  act  of 
revolution  may  be  said  to  have  begun. 

103.  New  England  Temper  displayed.  —  The  Suf 
folk  County  Resolutions.  1774.  The  Continental  Con 
gress,  meeting  at  Philadelphia  on  the  5th  of  September, 
soon  had  news  from  Massachusetts  of  exciting  events. 
On  the  ist  of  the  month  General  Gage  had  sent  troops 
from  Boston  to  seize  some  powder  that  was  stored  for 
the  provincial  militia  at  Quarry  Hill.  As  reports  of  this 
proceeding  ran  from  town  to  town,  colored  with  rumors 
of  fighting,  the  whole  country  had  risen  up,  and  not  less 
than  20,000  men  were  believed  to  be  on  the  march  for 
Boston,  before  messages  sent  out  by  the  patriot  leaders 
could  bring  the  sudden  movement  to  a  stop.  This  for 
midable  demonstration  opened  Gage's  eyes  ;  and  he  was 
enlightened  still  more  when  he  heard  of  the  excitement 
in  other  provinces.  He  had  not  believed  that  the  men 
of  Massachusetts  would  really  face  a  conflict  with  the 
king's  troops,  nor  that  the  other  colonies  would  come  to 

their  help  if  they  did.  Now  he  began  to  see 
Gage  the  truth,  and  began  to  try  to  make  it  known 

to  the  ministry  and  the  king.  "The  people," 
he  wrote  to  London,  "  are  numerous,  waked  up  to  a  fury, 
and  not  a  Boston  rabble,  but  the  freeholders  of  the 
county  ;  "  and  he  gave  his  opinion  that  the  act  for  regulat 
ing  the  government  of  Massachusetts  could  not  be  car- 

1  Among  the  members  of  the  First  Continental  Congress  were 
Samuel  Adams,  John  Adams,  Roger  Sherman,  John  Jay,  Philip  and 
William  Livingston,  John  Dickinson,  George  Washington,  Patrick 
Henry,  Peyton  Randolph,  Richard  Henry  Lee,  Edmund  Pendleton, 
John  and  Edward  Rutledge,  Christopher  Gadsden. 


THE    PROVOCATIONS    TO    REVOLT.  I// 

ried  into  effect  with  an  army  of  less  than  20,000  men. 
At  the  same  time  he  made  haste  to  build  fortifications 
on  Boston  Neck. 

On  the  gth  of  September  a  convention  of  the  towns 
and  districts  of  Suffolk  County  (embracing  Boston) 
adopted  a  series  of  bold  resolutions,  reported  TheSuflolk 
by  the  intrepid  Dr.  Joseph  Warren,  declaring,  resolutions- 
among  other  things,  that  all  crown  officers  in  the  pro 
vince  should  be  seized  as  hostages  if  a  single  arrest  for 
political  reasons  should  be  made.  This  left  no  doubt  as 
to  the  spirit  with  which  the  people  most  immediately 
concerned  were  facing  the  prospect  of  a  conflict  with 
British  power. 

104.  Action  of  the  Continental  Congress.  1774. 
Nor  could  there  be  any  reasonable  doubt  of  the  readiness 
of  the  other  colonies  to  stand  by  Massachusetts,  after 
the  Continental  Congress  had  declared  itself.  On  re 
ceiving  the  resolutions  of  the  Suffolk  County  Conven 
tion,  the  Congress  approved  them,  and  resolved  that  if 
any  attempt  should  be  made  to  enforce  the  Massachu 
setts  Regulating  Act,  against  the  opposition  of  the  in 
habitants,  "all  America  ought  to  support  them."  After 
four  weeks  of  earnest  debate  and  deliberation, 
it  adopted  a  Declaration  of  Rights,  especially  tionoi 
setting  forth  the  claim  of  the  people  of  Amer 
ica  to  "a  free  and  exclusive  power  of  legislation  in  their 
provincial  legislatures,"  "in  all  cases  of  taxation  and  in 
ternal  polity."  A  respectful  petition  to  the  king,  an 
address  to  the  people  of  British  America,  including  Que 
bec,  and  an  earnest  address  to  the  people  of  England 
were  also  adopted  and  sent  forth.  "  Permit  us,"  said 
the  address  to  the  English  people,  "to  be  as  free  as 
yourselves,  and  we  shall  ever  esteem  a  union  with  you 
to  be  our  greatest  glory  and  our  greatest  happiness." 


1/8  COLONIAL    DEVELOPMENT. 

Before  adjourning,  the  Congress  agreed  on  a  systematic 
plan  of  commercial  non-intercourse  with  Great  Britain, 
and  formed  an  association  to  give  it  effect.  The  cove 
nant  entered  into  for  that  purpose  declared,  among  other 
things,  this  :  "We  will  neither  import  nor  purchase  any 
slave  trade  slave  imported  after  the  first  day  of  December 
renounced.  nex^  after  which  time  we  will  wholly  discon 
tinue  the  slave  trade,  and  will  neither  be  concerned  in  it 
ourselves,  nor  will  we  hire  our  vessels  nor  sell  our  com 
modities  or  manufactures  to  those  who  are  concerned  in 
it."  Finally,  a  second  Congress  was  called  to  meet  on 
the  loth  of  May,  1775. 

105.  The  "Olive  Branch"  offered  by  Lord  North. 
February,  1775.  The  appeals  of  the  Continental  Con 
gress,  which  all  just  minds  admired,  were  treated  by 
King  George  and  his  party  with  contempt.  Lord  Chat 
ham,  Lord  Camden,  Burke,  Fox,  Barre,  and  others  ex 
erted  their  eloquence  and  their  powers  of  argument  to 
dissuade  Parliament  from  driving  the  Americans  to  a 
despairing  defence  of  their  rights,  and  Franklin,  as  agent 
Efforts  for  f°r  several  of  the  colonies  in  England,  labored 
peace.  to  ^Q  same  encj  These  efforts  were  sup 
ported,  too,  by  petitions  from  London,  Bristol,  and  other 
cities ;  but  nothing  availed.  Parliament  adopted  an  ad 
dress  to  the  king  which  declared  rebellion  to  be  existing 
in  Massachusetts,  and  the  king  pledged  himself  in  reply 
(February  9,  1775)  to  enforce  "obedience  to  the  laws 
and  the  authority  of  the  supreme  legislature  ;  "  yet,  a  few 
days  later,  Lord  North,  with  the  king's  consent,  proposed 
and  carried  a  resolution  in  the  House  of  Commons  which 
he  looked  upon  as  an  "olive  branch"  of  generous  com 
promise.  It  offered  to  exempt  the  colonies  from  all  tax 
ation  excepting  duties  for  the  regulation  of  commerce, 
provided  they  would  tax  themselves  to  the  satisfaction  of 


THE  PROVOCATIONS  TO  REVOLT.     I/Q 

Parliament  and  the  king ;  but  it  promised  no  restoration 
of  free  government  to  Massachusetts,  nor  guarantees  to 
any  colony  of  future  respect  for  the  simplest  constitu 
tional  rights.     It  was  hoped  that  some  of  the  provinces, 
New  York  especially,  might  be  brought,  on  these  terms, 
to  break  away  from  New  England,   and  leave 
that  troublesome  section  to  be  dealt  with  alone  ;  branch" 
but  the  scheme  failed.     Jefferson  prepared  and 
Congress  adopted  a  reply  to  the  proposal  which  exposed 
the  delusiveness  of  its  terms. 

106.  Arming  for  the  Conflict.  —  The  "  Minute  Men." 
1774-1775.  Meantime,  in  every  colony,  the  people 
had  been  ratifying  the  declarations  and  pledges  of  the 
Continental  Congress,  and  armed  organizations  were 
springing  up  in  all  parts  of  the  land.  In  Massachusetts 
the  Regulating  Act  had  been  made  of  no  effect  by  the 
mere  force  of  public  feeling,  which  would  not  permit  coun 
cillors,  judges,  sheriffs,  or  jurymen  to  serve  under  the 
commission  of  the  king.  Practically,  the  province  had 
placed  itself  under  a  provisional  government  of  its  own, 
composed  of  the  members  chosen  for  its  Assembly,  who 
were  not  permitted  by  General  Gage  to  meet  at  their 
appointed  time  and  place.  They  met  elsewhere,  in  Oc 
tober,  1774;  appointed  a  "Committee  of  Commlttee 
Safety,"  with  Warren  for  its  chairman,  and  ofSafety- 
gave  to  that  famous  committee  large  discretionary 
powers,  to  collect  military  stores,  and  to  call  out  the 
militia,  one  fourth  of  whom,  styled  "  Minute  Men,"  were 
to  be  ready  always  for  answering  a  summons  to  arms. 


ISO  THE    PROVOCATIONS    TO    REVOLT. 


TOPICS    AND    SUGGESTED    READING    AND    RESEARCH. 

88.    King  George  III. 

TOPICS  AND  REFERENCES. 

i.  Character  and  training  of  George  III.  2.  Circumstances  that 
gave  power  to  the  king  and  his  "  friends."  Lecky,  iii.  1 1-25  ;  Green, 
726-730;  Fiske,  Am.  Rev.,  i.  38-45;  Sloane,  105-107;  Hart, 
Contempts,  ii.  373-374. 

3.  Experiments  of  the  king  and  his  "  friends  "  in  high-handed 
government.      Lecky,  iii.  76-89,  139-166;  Green,  731-734;  Hos- 
mer,  Hutchinson,  71  ;  Sloane,  129-130. 

RESEARCH.  —  General  character  of  the  first  twenty  years  of  the 
government  of  George  III.  Seeley,  Expansion,  176-177;  Ma- 
caulay,  Essays,  Chatham  (second  Essay). 

89.  Tightening  the  Reins  of  Colonial  Government. 

TOPICS  AND  REFERENCES. 

x.  "Writs  of  Assistance"  (text  in  MacDonald,  i.  258-261). — 
Speech  of  Otis  against  them.  2.  Appointment  of  Judges  to  serve 
"at  the  king's  pleasure."  Bancroft,  ii.  546-552;  Sloane,  124-126; 
Hutchinson,  iii.  89-95  ;  Hosmer,  Adams,  39-45,  and  Hutchinson, 
49-62;  Hart,  Contempts,  ii.  374-378. 
RESEARCH.  —  Otis's  argument  against  Writs  of  Assistance.  Tudor, 

Otis,  ch.  vi. ;  J.  Adams,  Works,  x.  314-355. 

90.    Grenville's  Measures. 
TOPICS  AND  REFERENCES. 

i.  George  Grenville  and  Charles  Townshend  :  their  offices  in  the 
British  government.  2.  Employment  of  army  and  navy  to  enforce 
"Acts  of  Trade."  3.  The  "Sugar"  or  "Molasses"  Act  (text 
in  MacDonald,  i.  272-281).  —  Its  purpose  and  effect.  Bancroft,  iii. 
30-36;  Lecky,  iii.  332-337;  Hutchinson,  iii.  102-112;  Hart,  Con- 
temp's,  ii.  381-382,  415-417. 

4.  King  George's  proclamation  forbidding  settlement  west  of  the 
mountains.     Hinsdale,  Old  N.  W.,  120-141 ;  King,  ch.  iv. ;  Roose 
velt,  The  Winning,  i.  166. 

RESEARCH.  —  The  claim  that  King  George's  proclamation  of  1763 
was  to  protect  and  pacify  the  Indian  tribes.  Kingsford,  v.  133- 
145;  Fernow,  173-1 77. 


TOPICS,   REFERENCES,  AND    RESEARCH.      l8l 

91.    The  Stamp  Act. 

TOPICS  AND  REFERENCES. 

i.  The  Stamp  Act  and  its  provisions  (text  in  MacDonald,  i. 
281-305  ;  Preston,  188-191  ;  Larned,  Ready  Ref.}.  2.  Why  it  roused 
so  much  resistance.  3.  The  doctrine  of  "  virtual  representation." 
4.  Patrick  Henry's  speech.  5.  The  Stamp  Act  Congress  and  its 
action.  6.  The  "  Sons  of  Liberty  "  and  their  doings.  —  Riotous 
conduct  of  mobs.  Frothingham,  Rise  of  the  Rep.,  164-196  ;  Ban 
croft,  iii.  55-58,  70-71,  95-116,  134-164;  Hosmer,  Hutchinson,  ch. 
iv.,  and  Adams,  50-53  ;  Tyler,  P.  Henry,  58-79  ;  Fiske,  Essays, 
i.  27-31  ;  Lecky,  iii.  339-361  ;  Hutchinson,  iii.  1 16-128  ;  Hart,  Con- 
temp's,  ii.  402-404,  397-400  ;  Sloane,  118,  133-139. 
RESEARCH.  —  The  question  of  the  right  of  Parliament  to  tax  the 

colonies.     Lecky,  iii.  341-344,  353-356;   Franklin,  Works,  vii. 

501-502. 

92.    Repeal  of  the  Stamp  Act. 

TOPICS  AND  REFERENCES. 

i.  The  repeal  of  the  Stamp  Act.  2.  Authority  of  Parliament 
asserted  in  a  Declaratory  Act  (text  in  MacDonald,  i.  316-317). 
Lecky,  iii.  361-375  ;  Bancroft,  iii.  167-214  ;  Hosmer,  Adams,  78- 
88;  Morse,  Franklin,  112-132;  Hart,  Contempts,  ii.  404-412; 
Sloane,  139-141. 

93.    The  Townshend  Acts. 

TOPICS  AND  REFERENCES. 

i.  The  "Billeting  Act."  —  Action  of  the  New  York  Assembly 
(texts  in  MacDonald,  i.  306-313,  317-320).  2.  Pitt's  nominal  min 
istry,  and  his  elevation  to  the  peerage.  3.  Townshend's  bills  and 
their  alarming  provisions  (texts  in  MacDonald,  i.  320-330).  Hos 
mer,  Adams,  98-100  ;  Lecky,  iii.  378-386;  Bancroft,  iii.  221-257  ; 
Sloane,  142-147;  Hart,  Contempts,  ii.  413-415;  Hutchinson,  iii. 
168-182. 

94.    Writings  of  John  Dickinson  and  Samuel  Adams. 

TOPICS  AND  REFERENCES. 

i.  The  "  Farmer's  Letters  "  of  Dickinson.  2.  General  approval 
of  them  and  what  it  showed.  Stille',  ch.  iv. ;  Dickinson,  Writings, 
\. ;  Bancroft,  iii.  264-265  ;  Hart,  Contempts,  ii.  423-426. 


182  THE    PROVOCATIONS    TO    REVOLT. 

3.  Lord  North's  ministry.  —  Its  subservience  to  the  king.  4.  Ad 
dresses  and  "  Circular  Letter "  of  the  Massachusetts  Assembly 
(text  in  MacDonald,  i.  330-334).  5.  Work  and  influence  of  Samuel 
Adams.  6.  Dissolution  of  the  Massachusetts  Assembly.  —  Colli 
sions  between  citizens  and  naval  officers.  —  Troops  ordered  to  Bos 
ton.  7.  Threatened  arrest  and  conveyance  of  Adams  and  others 
to  England  for  trial.  Sloane,  147-151  ;  Hosmer,  Adams,  102-119; 
Bancroft,  iii.  262-263,  272-276,  284-294;  Frothingham,  Rise  of  the 
Rep.,  206-233  ;  Lecky,  iii.  387-395  ;  Hart,  Contempts,  ii.  420-423  ; 
Hutchinson,  iii.  183-224. 

95.    Action    in    Virginia.  —  Non-importation    Agree 
ments.  —  Partial  Repeal  of  the  Townshend  Acts. 

TOPICS  AND  REFERENCES. 

i.  Virginia   declarations  (text   in  MacDonald,  i.  334-335)  and 
proposals  to  stop  importation  of  English  goods.     2.  Effect  of  the 
non-importation   policy  in   England.      3.  Repeal  of  the  Revenue 
Act,  excepting  the  duty  on  tea.     4.  Object  of  the  retention  of  the 
duty  on  tea.     Sloane,  154-157;  Lecky,  iii.  396,  401-404;  P>othing- 
ham,  Rise  of  the  Rep.,  233-241 ;  Bancroft,  iii.  347-348,  380-385. 
RESEARCH.  —  Extent  of  the  abstinence  in  the  colonies  from  the 
use  of  English  goods.    Franklin,  Works,  vii.  441  ;  Winsor,  Amer 
ica,  vi.  76-80;  Hart,  Contempts,  ii.  439-441. 

96.  The  "  Boston  Massacre." 

TOPICS  AND  REFERENCES. 

i.  Boston  citizens  fired  upon  by  British  troops.  —  Removal  of  the 
regiments  from  the  city.  J.  Adams,  Works,  ii.  229-236  ;  Hosmer, 
Adams,  160-182,  and  Hutchinson,  ch.  vii. ;  Bancroft,  iii.  370-378  ; 
Lecky,  iii.  397-401  ;  Hart,  Contempts,  ii.  429-431  ;  Hutchinson  iii. 
263-280. 

97.  The  Carolina  Regulators. 

TOPICS  AND  REFERENCES. 

i.  Origin  of  the  "  Regulators."  2.  Their  conflict  with  the  gov 
ernment. —  Battle  of  the  Alamance.  Roosevelt,  The  Winning,  i. 
105-110;  Sloane,  151,  159-160;  Bancroft,  iii.  232-233,  394-395, 
398-403;  Am.  Hist.  Ass'n,  1894. 

3.  Settlers  in  East  Tennessee.  —  Articles  of  the  Watauga  Asso 
ciation.  Roosevelt,  The  Winning,  i.  172-193;  Phelan,  ch.  i.-iii. 


TOPICS,   REFERENCES,  AND   RESEARCH.       183 

98.    "  Lord  Dunmore's  War." 

TOPICS  AND  REFERENCES. 

i.  Provocations  to  an  Indian  outbreak.  —  Murder  of  Logan's 
family.  2.  Battle  of  Point  Pleasant.  Winsor,  Westward,  ch.  v. ; 
Roosevelt,  The  Winning,  i.  ch.  viii.-ix. ;  Jefferson,  iii.  156-165. 


99.    Fresh  Exasperations.  —  Institution  of  Commit 
tees  of  Correspondence. 

TOPICS  AND  REFERENCES. 

i.  Tea  smuggling.  —  Burning  of  the  Gaspee.  2.  Massachusetts 
judges  to  be  paid  by  the  king.  3.  Committees  of  Correspond 
ence  organized  in  Massachusetts.  4.  The  idea  taken  up  in  Vir 
ginia  and  developed  into  an  inter-colonial  system  (text  in  Mac- 
Donald,  i.  336-337).  Bancroft,  iii.  414-415,  423,  426-428,  436-437  ; 
Hosmer,  Adams,  190-206;  Sloane,  160-162;  Frothingham,  Rise 
of  the  Rep.,  265-286. 
RESEARCH.  —  The  objections  to  a  payment  of  judges'  salaries  by 

the  king.     J.  Adams,  ii.  316-317;  iii.  513-574. 

10O.    The  "Boston  Tea-Party." 

TOPICS  AND  REFERENCES. 

i.  King  George's  scheme  for  selling  taxed  tea  to  the  colonies. 
2.  Treatment  of  the  tea-ships  at  New  York,  Philadelphia,  and 
Charleston.  3.  The  "tea-party"  at  Boston.  Hosmer,  Adams, 
235-236,  243-256;  Frothingham,  Rise  of  the  Rep.,  296-314;  Fiske, 
Am.  Rev.,  i.  82-92;  Hart,  Contempts,  ii.  431-433;  Hutchinson,  iii. 
422-441  ;  Bancroft,  iii.  443-458  ;  O.  S.  Leaf.,  68;  Sloane,  166-168. 

1O1.    The  Punishing  of  Boston  and  Massachusetts. 

TOPICS  AND  REFERENCES. 

i.  The  five  revengeful  acts  of  Parliament  (texts  in  MacDon- 
ald,  i.  337-356).  2.  Governor  Hutchinson  superseded  by  General 
Gage.  —  Massachusetts  under  military  rule.  3.  Sympathy  and  sup 
port  from  other  colonies.  Lecky,  iii.  421-439  ;  Frothingham,  Rise 
of  the  Rep.,  317-330,  344-348  ;  Hosmer,  Adams,  264-274,  280-288  ; 
Bancroft,  iii.  471-482,  iv.  5-18;  Hutchinson,  iii.  454-460;  Wash 
ington,  ii.  418-426,  429-436. 


1 84  THE  PROVOCATIONS  TO  REVOLT. 

RESEARCH.  —  The  suffering  produced  in  Boston.  Frothingham, 
Rise  of  the  Rep.,  324. —  Provisions  of  the  Quebec  Act.  Kings- 
ford,  v.  224-261  ;  Hinsdale,  Old  N.  W.,  141-143. 

1O2.    The  Continental  Congress. 

TOPICS  AND  REFERENCES. 

i.  A  Continental  Congress  proposed.  2.  Meeting  of  the  Con 
gress.  —  Its  illustrious  members.  Frothingham,  Rise  of  the  Rep., 
359-365;  Hildreth,  iii.  38-42;  Bancroft,  iv.  23-24,  30-36;  Sloane, 
170-176;  Hart, 'Contempts,  ii.  434-439. 

103.    New  England  Temper  displayed.  —  The  Suffolk 
County  Resolutions. 

TOPICS  AND  REFERENCES. 

i.  Effect  of  an  attempt  to  seize  provincial  powder.  2.  Its  reve 
lation  to  General  Gage.  3.  Suffolk  County  resolutions  (text  in 
Am.  Archives,  i.  776-782).  Fiske,  Am.  fi.ev.,  i.  106-109;  Ban 
croft,  iv.  52-60. 

104.    Action  of  the  Continental  Congress. 

TOPICS  AND  REFERENCES. 

i.  Promised  support  to  Massachusetts.  2.  Declaration  of  Amer 
ican  Rights  (text  in  MacDonald,  i.  356-361).  3.  Petitions  and 
addresses.  4.  Association  and  covenant  to  stop  trade  with  Great 
Britain  (text  in  MacDonald,  i.  362-367).  5.  Action  concerning 
the  slave  trade.  J.  Adams,  i.  149-164  ;  ii.  365-400 ;  Morse,  Adams, 
ch.  ii. ;  Hosmer,  Adams,  307-321  ;  Frothingham,  Rise  of  the  Rep., 
364-391  ;  Bancroft,  iv.  61-77  ;  Lecky,  iii.  443-455 ;  Hildreth,  iii. 
42-46;  Hart,  Contempts,  ii.  439-441. 
RESEARCH.  —  Address  of  the  Congress  to  the  inhabitants  of  the 

Province  of  Quebec,  and  its  effect.     Kingsford,  v.  249-255,  262- 

267. 

1O5.    The  "  Olive  Branch  "  offered  by  Lord  North. 

TOPICS  AND  REFERENCES. 

i.  Reception  in  England  of  the  appeals  of  Congress.  2.  Con 
cessions  offered  by  Lord  North  (text  in  MacDonald,  i.  367-368). 
3.  The  reply  of  Congress  (text  in  MacDonald,  i.  385-389).  Hil- 


TOPICS,   REFERENCES,  AND    RESEARCH.      185 

dreth,  iii.  57-65;  Bancroft,  iv.  96-105,  114-120,  127-130;  Froth- 
ingham,  Rise  of  the  Rep.,  406-413 ;  Lecky,  iii.  456-461. 

106.  Arming  for  the  Conflict.  —  The  "  Minute  Men." 

TOPICS  AND  REFERENCES. 

i.  General  approval  of  the  action  of  Congress.  2.  Armed 
organizations.  3.  Practical  nullification  of  the  Regulating  Act  in 
Massachusetts.  4.  "  Committee  of  Safety."  5.  Massachusetts 
"  Minute  Men."  Frothingham,  Rise  of  the  Rep.,  392-395,  and 
Siege  of  Boston,  41-43;  Bancroft,  iv.  121-125,  130-131. 


THE   MAKING   OF   A   NATION. 
1775-1800. 


THE  STATE  OF  THE  THIRTEEN  COLONIES  AT 
THE  BEGINNING  OF  THE  WAR  OF  INDE 
PENDENCE.1 

The  Country  and  the  People.  —  Conditions  of  Life.  The  pop 
ulation  of  the  thirteen  colonies  at  the  beginning  of  the  War 
of  Independence  was  probably  not  far  from  3,000,000  (some 
have  estimated  more,  some  less),  of  whom  about  500,000 

were  slaves.     It  was  a  population  so  scattered  on  a 
Scattered 
popuia-       narrow  fringe  of  seaboard  country  1200  miles  long, 

and  so  separated  by  obstacles  to  transportation  and 
travel,  that  it  could  not  exert  its  whole  military  strength.  Its 
territory  was  crossed  by  many  large  rivers,  not  one  of  which 
was  bridged,  and  all  descriptions  of  the  roads  represent  them 
as  being  very  rudely  made.  In  their  command  of  the  ocean 
an  enormous  advantage  was  held  on  the  British  side. 

Generally  speaking,  these  Americans  of  the  later  colonial 
period  lived  as  comfortably,  no  doubt,  with  as  much  of  per 
sonal  independence  in  their  lives,  as  any  people  in  the  world. 
Actual  poverty  was  quite  uncommon  in  most  of  the  colonies, 
while  considerable  wealth  was  not.  Trade,  ship-building, 
ship-owning,  cod-fisheries,  whale-fishing,  had  enriched  many 
in  the  northern  and  middle  colonies ;  tobacco,  rice,  and  in 
digo  culture,  by  slave  labor,  had  done  the  same  in  the  south ; 
and  the  minor  industries  of  the  farm  and  the  shop  were 

1  See  Maps  IV.,  V.,  VI.,  and  VII. 


BEGINNING    OF   WAR   OF    INDEPENDENCE.     187 

everywhere  in  a  prosperous  state.     It  was  the  prosperity  of 
the  colonies  —  the  signs  of  wealth  among  them  — 
that  most  excited  the  determination  in  England  to   and 
tax   them    and   to   monopolize  their   trade.     Their 
country  was  looked  upon  as  a  piece  of  British  national  pro 
perty, —  an  imperial  estate,  —  which  the  tenants  ought  to  cul 
tivate  for  the  benefit  of  its  landlords  instead  of  making  them 
selves  rich. 

Domestic  Manufactures.  The  very  efforts  of  the  home 
government  to  compel  the  colonists  to  buy  British  goods 
drove  them  into  manufacturing  as  far  as  possible  for  them 
selves.  There  seems  to  have  been  as  much  of  public  policy 
as  of  gain-seeking  in  what  they  did  to  that  end.  They  formed 
societies  and  committees  "for  the  promotion  of  arts  and 
economy ; "  offered  premiums  for  flax-growing,  for 

spun  yarns  and  woven  fabrics,  for  leather-dressing   ofindus- 
i      u  i  •  1-1  •  trial  arts, 

and   shoe-making,   and  the   like ;  opened   spinning 

schools ;  organized  spinning-matches  between  the  young 
women  of  towns  and  neighborhoods,  and  spinning  and  weav 
ing  exhibitions,  to  stimulate  household  manufacturing,  which 
had  to  be  depended  on  mostly  for  the  results  desired.  The 
outcome  of  all  this  persevering  effort  was,  that  when  they 
undertook  retaliation  for  oppressive  measures  of  the  British 
government,  by  leagues  and  pledges  not  to  buy  certain  classes 
of  English  goods,  they  were  tolerably  well  prepared  to  supply 
themselves.  This  was  truer  of  the  northern  and  middle  col 
onies,  however,  than  of  those  at  the  south,  where  the  different 
conditions  of  society  and  labor  forbade  the  same  results. 
"  The  household  industry  of  the  New  England  pro 
vinces,  and  of  some  parts  of  the  middle  colonies,  was  household 
i  4.  j-  c  *u  industries, 

nearly  or  quite  equal  to  the  ordinary  wants  of  the 

inhabitants  for  clothing,"  at  the  opening  of  the  War  of  Inde 
pendence  ;  "  but  the  scarcity  and  dearness  of  clothing  and 
camp  furniture,  particularly  of  woollens  suitable  for  the  use 
of  the  army,  was  early  experienced." 1 

1  Bishop,  History  of  American  Manufactures,  i.  390. 


1 88  STATE   OF   THE    COLONIES. 

Class  Differences.  Differences  of  wealth  had  produced  in 
some  colonies  marked  differences  of  class.  That  effect  was 
most  notable  at  the  south.  The  exceptional  circumstances 
of  the  wealthy  planters,  especially  in  Virginia,  made  them 
proud,  masterful,  accustomed  to  the  exercise  of  authority,  and 
gave  the  superior  men  among  them  an  advantageous  training 
Virginia  f°r  leadership  in  the  public  affairs  of  a  revolution 
ary  time.  That  they  furnished  somewhat  more  than 
their  proportion  of  leaders  to  the  Revolution,  and  to  the 
politics  of  the  Union  for  some  decades  after  it  was  consti 
tutionally  formed,  is  an  explainable  fact.  The  circumstances 
of  the  planters  of  South  Carolina  differed  essentially  from 
those  existing  in  Virginia.  They  lived  less  on  their  planta- 
Oharies-  tions,  which  were,  to  a  great  extent,  in  unhealthy 
ton>  places.  Their  residence  was  in  Charleston,  more 

than  on  their  estates,  and  that  city,  the  one  important  seat 
of  trade  at  the  south,  centralized  every  kind  of  influence  in 
itself. 

Hereditary  wealth  in  lands  and  slaves  caused  a  class  dis 
tinction  in  the  southern  colonies ;  in  New  York  that  distinc 
tion  was  caused  by  hereditary  wealth  in  lands  alone.  Some 
of  the  great  patroon  estates,  of  Dutch  creation  (see  sect. 
33),  had  survived  on  the  Hudson,  and  some  others  of  like 
magnitude  had  been  acquired  during  the  English  rule.  They 
were  preserved  from  division  by  what  is  known  as  the  law  of 
Prime-  primogeniture,  which  makes  the  eldest  son  in  a 
geniture.  famiiy  the  sole  heir  to  his  father's  lands,  and  so 
keeps  the  estate  unbroken  from  generation  to  generation. 
Until  after  the  Revolution  that  law  prevailed  in  the  southern 
colonies  and  in  New  York.  The  families  holding  these  so- 
called  "  manors  "  gave  the  lead  to  what  was  looked  upon  as 
an  aristocratic  caste,  the  influence  of  which  in  public  affairs 
was  resented  and  opposed  by  a  strong  democratic 
lerencesin  party  among  the  people.  That  antagonism  of 
classes  became  violent  in  the  Leisler  episode  (see 
sect.  53),  and  existed  long  afterward,  entering  more  or  less 


BEGINNING    OF    WAR    OF    INDEPENDENCE.     189 

into  the  subsequent  rally  of  parties  for  and  against  the  op 
pressive  measures  of  the  British  Parliament  and  crown. 
Many,  however,  of  the  wealthy  families  —  Schuylers,  Liv 
ingstons,  Van  Rensselaers,  Jays,  Clintons,  for  example  — 
took  the  patriotic  side.  The  colonial  Tory  party  was  stronger 
in  New  York  than  elsewhere,  mainly  for  the  reason  that  New 
York  city  was  the  British  military  headquarters,  and  the 
army  officers  brought  potent  influences  to  bear  on  its  people, 
in  both  a  social  and  a  business  way.  Despite  such  influences, 
the  Whig  or  patriot  party  showed  remarkable  determination 
and  strength. 

Colonial  Massachusetts  was  not  without  a  very  well-marked 
class  to  which  some  social  deference  was  paid,  but  its  claims 
to  such  deference  were  founded  on  superior  culture  quite  as 
much,  at  least,  as  on  superior  wealth.  Education 
in  the  elementary  sense  was  almost  universal ;  the  Massachu- 
finer  cultivation  of  thought,  language,  and  manner, 
which  never  becomes  universal,  seems  to  have  conferred 
more  than  usual  distinction  in  the  old  Puritan  community, 
and  commanded  especial  respect.  But  all  classes  were  as 
nearly  of  one  mind  as  it  is  possible  for  a  mixed  public  to  be, 
on  the  subject  of  their  political  rights.  There  were  not  a 
few  Tories  in  the  province,  many  of  them,  like  Governor 
Hutchinson,  men  of  sincere  conviction,  to  whom  their  country 
was  very  dear,  and  who  believed  they  were  doing  it  the  best 
service  by  resisting  rebellion  against  the  Parliament  and  the 
king ;  but  they  were  largely  outnumbered  by  the  people  who 
felt  justified  in  going  to  any  length  of  resistance  when  their 
liberties  were  assailed.  While  this  was  generally  true  of  the 
colonies,  the  Tory  party  was  more  numerous  in  most  of  them, 
and  more  respectable  in  character,  than  used  to  be  supposed. 

Political  Literature.  A  century  of  controversy  with  English 
kings,  ministers,  and  parliaments,  defending  their  colonial 
charters  and  their  constitutional  rights  as  British  subjects, 
had  stimulated  and  educated  the  people  of  the  colonies  re 
markably  in  the  direction  of  political  knowledge  and  thought. 


190  STATE    OF    THE    COLONIES. 

Especially  in  its  later  years,  the  argumentation  of  that  excit 
ing  dispute  had  been,  both  in  England  and  in  America,  an 
intellectual  influence  of  great  force.  In  both  countries  it 
had  trained  men,  not  only  in  political  thinking,  but  in  the 
clear  and  strong  expression  of  political  thought.  It  pro 
duced,  as  a  consequence,  in  the  generation  that  brought  the 
controversy  to  its  crisis,  such  a  body  of  political  literature, 
Political  English  and  American,  as  can  hardly  be  matched 
thinking  jn  an^  Qfaer  t[me^  jn  any  tongue.  The  parlia- 


writing.  mentary  oratory  of  Great  Britain  has  nothing  to 
surpass,  if  anything  to  equal,  the  speeches  on  American 
questions  of  Burke,  Chatham,  Fox,  and  others  ;  while  the 
speeches,  pamphlets,  memorials,  formal  addresses,  and  de 
clarations  which  poured  from  colonial  lips  and  pens  —  from 
James  Otis,  Patrick  Henry,  Benjamin  Franklin,  Samuel  Adams, 
John  Adams,  John  Dickinson,  Joseph  Warren,  Thomas  Jeffer 
son,  Thomas  Paine,  George  Mason,  Richard  Henry  Lee,  Peyton 
Randolph,  Daniel  Dulaney,  Christopher  Gadsden,  John  Jay, 
the  youthful  Alexander  Hamilton,  and  many  more  —  repre 
sent  the  high  mark  of  American  literature  in  the  political 
field.1 

Other  Literature.     In   other  fields,  two   American   names 

had  been  written  so  high  as  to  be  counted  among 

and  the  few  of  great  distinction  in  the  world  at  large. 

"PvfltilrHTi 

Jonathan  *  Edwards    in    philosophy   and    Benjamin 
Franklin  in  science  and  all  practical  wisdom  had  won   that 

1  Speaking  in  January,  1775,  in  the  House  of  Lords,  Chatham 
said  of  the  addresses  and  declarations  that  had  emanated  from  the 
Continental  Congress  at  Philadelphia,  in  the  previous  year:  "For 
myself,  I  must  avow  that  in  all  my  reading  —  and  I  have  read 
Thucydides  and  have  studied  and  admired  the  master-states  of 
the  world  —  for  solidity  of  reason,  force  of  sagacity,  and  wisdom 
of  conclusion  under  a  complication  of  difficult  circumstances,  no 
body  of  men  can  stand  in  preference  to  the  general  congress  at 
Philadelphia.  The  histories  of  Greece  and  Rome  give  us  nothing 
equal  to  it." 


BEGINNING    OF  WAR   OF    INDEPENDENCE.     IQI 

rank.  Massachusetts  had  added  to  the  chronicles  of  her  ear 
liest  historians  a  fine  work  by  her  scholarly  Tory  governor, 
Thomas  Hutchinson ;  an  ambitious  ecclesiastical  history, 
the  "  Magnalia  Christi  Americana "  of  Cotton  Mather ;  a 
painstaking  "  Chronological  History "  by  Thomas  Histori- 
Prince,  and  spirited  Indian  war  narratives  by  Ben-  ans- 
jamin  Church,  Samuel  Penhallow,  and  Samuel  Niles.  Vir 
ginia  and  New  York  had  found  worthy  historians,  the  former 
in  Robert  Beverley,  William  Byrd,  and  William  Stith ;  the 
latter  in  Chief  Justice  William  Smith,  who  wrote  provincial 
history  from  the  Tory  standpoint,  and  Cadwallader  Colden, 
a  fellow  loyalist,  to  whom  we  owe  the  first  history  of  the 
Five  Nations  of  the  Iroquois.  Of  lighter  literature  nothing 
of  much  value  had  been  produced. 

Slavery  and  the  Slave  Trade.  Slaves  were  still  held  in  all 
the  colonies  ;  but  the  employments  for  slave  labor  were  really 
profitable  in  none  of  them  except  Maryland,  Virginia,  the 
Carolinas,  and  Georgia,  and  even  there  the  system  was  rooted 
only  in  the  tide-water  and  midland  parts.  It  gained  little 
footing  in  the  mountainous  western  borders  of  the  southern 
colonies,  where  large  plantations  were  never  formed.  At  the 
beginning  of  the  Revolution  there  are  supposed  to 
have  been  about  165,000  slaves  in  Virginia,  110,000  tionof 
in  South  Carolina,  80,000  in  Maryland,  75,000  in 
North  Carolina,  16,000  in  Georgia,  being  446,000  in  those 
five  provinces,  against  about  55,000  in  the  remaining  eight. 
Of  the  latter  number,  15,000  are  estimated  for  New  York, 
10,000  for  Pennsylvania,  9000  for  Delaware,  and  7600  for 
New  Jersey,  leaving  for  the  four  New  England  colonies 
(Maine  included  in  Massachusetts)  some  13,400.  Slavery 
had  had  more  growth  in  New  York  than  in  the  other  northern 
colonies  ;  but  even  there  it  was  rooted  so  slightly  that  gradual 
emancipation  by  law  was  adopted  before  the  century  came  to 
its  end.  Quaker  sentiment  in  Pennsylvania  had  al-  Emancipa. 
ways  condemned  human  bondage,  and,  as  soon  as  the  tlon- 
province  became  free  to  act  for  itself,  it  took  measures  (1780) 


I92  STATE    OF    THE    COLONIES. 

for  ending  slavery  within  its  bounds.  In  the  same  year  Mas 
sachusetts  struck  down  the  institution  more  summarily,  by  a 
declaration  in  its  state  constitution  that  all  men  are  free, 
which,  according  to  a  judicial  decision  rendered  soon  after 
ward,  gave  freedom  at  once  to  every  slave.  In  the  other 
parts  of  New  England  slavery  was  extinguished  by  acts  of 
gradual  emancipation,  or  died  out  naturally  within  the  next 
few  years. 

In  several  of  the  colonies,  including  Virginia,  the  importa 
tion  of  slaves  from  Africa  would  have  been  stopped  some 
time  before  they  assumed  independence,  if  royal  authority  had 

not  interfered  to  prevent.  The  Virginia  Assembly 
responsl-  passed  an  act  for  that  purpose  in  1769,  and  the 

governor  vetoed  it,  in  obedience  to  commands  from 
the  king.  Several  previous  attempts  to  place  a  duty  on  the 
importation  of  slaves  had  been  similarly  annulled.  Legisla 
tion  of  the  Massachusetts  Assembly  to  stop  the  increase  of 
slaves  in  the  province  was  vetoed  by  Governor  Hutchinson 
in  1771,  and  again  by  General  Gage  in  1774.  In  sugges 
tions  offered  to  the  delegates  sent  from  Virginia  to  the  Con 
tinental  Congress  of  1774,  Jefferson  gave  prominence  to  this 
among  the  wrongs  which  the  colonies  had  suffered  at  the 
hands  of  King  George.1  In  fact,  the  English  government 
fostered  slavery  systematically  in  the  colonies,  for  the  increase 
of  the  slave  trade,  which  was  cherished  as  a  principal  source 
of  national  wealth.  In  making  peace  with  Spain,  by  the 
The  treaty  of  Utrecht,  in  1713,  it  had  exacted  and  ob- 

Assiento.  tained  a  contract,  called  the  Assiento,  for  the  ex 
clusive  supplying  of  Spanish  colonies  with  African  slaves,  and 

1  "  There  was  a  great  and  general  dislike  to  the  excessive  im 
portation  of  negroes,  and  .  .  .  every  attempt  to  prohibit  or  restrict 
that  importation  was  rebuked  and  defeated  by  England.  .  .  .  The 
state  governors  were  forbidden  to  give  the  necessary  assent  to  any 
measure  restricting  it,  and  the  English  pursued  this  policy  steadily 
to  the  very  eve  of  the  Revolution."  Lecky,  Hist,  of  Eng.  in  the 
Eighteenth  Century,  ii.  ch.  v. 


BEGINNING    OF    WAR   OF    INDEPENDENCE.     193 

the  traffic  which  that  contract  secured  was  enormous  in  ex 
tent.  Traders  in  the  English  colonies  had  their  share  of  it, 
which  was  not  small.  Rhode  Island  and  Massachusetts, 
especially,  were  engaged  heavily  in  the  pitiless  trade,  New  Eng. 
and  the  greater  part  of  the  rum  distilled  from  smug-  }JJ*3J^ 
gled  West  India  molasses  went  to  buy  captive  ne-  trade- 
groes  on  the  African  coast,  for  sale  to  the  English  colonists 
of  the  south  and  to  the  West  India  colonies  of  France  and 
Spain.  Original  responsibility  for  the  great  evil  of  slavery  in 
America  rests,  therefore,  not  unevenly  on  England  and  the 
English  colonies,  north  and  south  alike. 


CHAPTER   VI. 

THE    AMERICAN     REVOLUTION    AND    WAR    OF    INDEPEND 
ENCE.      1775-1783. 

107.  Lexington  and  Concord.  —  "  The  Shot  heard 
round  the  World."  April  19,  1775.  Gage  had  orders 
to  arrest  both  Samuel  Adams  and  John  Hancock,  on  the 
charge  of  high  treason,  and  to  send  them  to  England  for 
trial;  but  though  they  were  daily  within  reach  of  the 
governor,  he  made  no  attempt  to  lay  hands  on  them  for 
weeks.  At  length  the  two  specially  offending  patriots 
were  reported  to  be  visiting  friends  at  Lexington,  and 
Gage  thought  it  possible  to  seize  them  in  that  quiet 
village  without  setting  any  dangerous  tumult  astir.  At 
the  same  time  the  opportunity  would  be  good  for  destroy 
ing  certain  military  stores  which  the  patriots  had  col 
lected  at  Concord,  not  far  beyond.  Accordingly,  on  the 
night  of  the  i8th  of  April,  800  British  troops  were  sent 
out  from  Boston,  with  great  secrecy  and  silence,  to 
surprise  Lexington  in  its  sleep.  Everybody  knows  the 
thrilling  story  of  what  happened  then  :  of  the  alert 
ness  of  the  Boston  patriots  ;  of  the  effective  plans  of 
Warren  for  sending  warnings  into  the  country,  whatever 
direction  the  troops  might  take ;  of  the  signal  lights 
Paul  from  the  North  Church  belfry,  which  told  Paul 

Revere.  Revere,  at  Charlestown,  what  way  to  ride ;  of 
the  effect  with  which  he  rode,  rousing  the  farms  and 
villages  as  he  went ;  of  the  wakening  of  Adams  and 
Hancock  and  their  quiet  departure  through  the  fields 


REVOLUTION  AND  WAR  OF  INDEPENDENCE.      195 

to  Woburn ;  of  the  first  bloodshed  of  the  War  of  Inde 
pendence  on  Lexington  Green,  as  the  sun  came  up  on 
the  morning  of  Wednesday,  the  iQth  of  April,   On  Lexing. 
when  a   little   company  of   minute   men,  who  JJJjS'ilJ1' 
would   not    disperse   at    Major  Pitcairn's  com-  177Bl 
mand,  received  the  fire  of  the  British  advance ;  of  the 
fight  at  Concord,  where 

"  the  embattled  farmers  stood, 
And  fired  the  shot  heard  round  the  world ;  " 

of  the  dreadful  retreat  of  the  exhausted  soldiers  of  King 
George,  through  miles  of  country  that  swarmed  pj^  at 
with  maddened  people,  ambushed  all  along  the  Concord- 
road.     The  tragic  incidents  of  that  memorable  day  are  fa 
miliar  to  every  American  child.     Before  it  ended,  twenty- 


BOSTON,    LEXINGTON,   CONCORD,   AND   VICINITY. 

three  towns  had  joined  the  fighting,  and  93  Americans 
had  fallen,  wounded  or  killed,  while  the  British  had  lost 

273- 

As  the  exciting  tale  of  battle  was  borne  swiftly  in  all 
directions,  it  found  the  major  part  of  the  people  ready 


196  THE    MAKING   OF   A    NATION. 

everywhere  to  accept  the  gage  of  war  that  Great  Britain 
had  now  thrown  down.  Minute  men  from  all  New  Eng 
land  were  hurrying  toward  Boston  before  the  next  day's 
sun  went  down,  and  the  end  of  the  week  found  Gage 
Boston  beleaguered  in  the  city  by  13,000  resolute  men. 
besieged.  They  were  poorly  equipped  in  every  way,  and 
not  provisioned  at  all ;  they  were  little  trained,  except  in 
the  use  of  their  muskets  ;  the  only  experience  among 
their  officers  was  that  of  men  who  had  served  in  the 
"  French  and  Indian  War "  of  fifteen  years  before ; 
but  they  were  bent  on  driving  the  British  regulars  out 
of  Boston,  and  the  British  fleet  out  of  the  Bay.  Israel 
Putnam  commanded  the  Connecticut  men,  John  Stark 
led  those  of  New  Hampshire,  Nathanael  Greene  was 
colonel  of  a  Rhode  Island  regiment,  and  General  Artemas 
Ward,  a  veteran  of  the  last  war,  much  disabled  in  health, 
commanded  the  whole. 

108.  Effect  of  the  News.  April-May,  1775.  The 
spirit  kindled  in  New  England  flamed  up  in  every  other 
colony  as  fast  as  news  of  the  iQth  of  April  sped  west 
and  south.  New  York  heard  of  it  on  Sunday,  and  that 
same  day  there  was  a  rising  of  the  Sons  of 
in  New  Liberty  which  practically  swept  the  royal  gov 
ernment  out  of  power.  Arms,  military  stores, 
and  provisions,  destined  for  the  British  troops  at  Bos 
ton,  were  seized  ;  possession  was  taken  of  the  custom 
house,  and  a  committee  of  one  hundred  citizens  was  ap 
pointed  to  take  direction  of  public  affairs.  New  Jersey 
took  instant  steps  to  assemble  a  provincial  congress.  At 
Philadelphia  a  great  town  meeting,  on  Tuesday,  the  25th, 
agreed  to  defend  their  lives,  their  property,  and  their 
liberty  "with  arms,"  and  even  a  Quaker  company  was 
formed.  In  Maryland  the  freemen  demanded  and  the 
governor  surrendered  the  arms  and  ammunition  of  the 


REVOLUTION  AND  WAR  OF  INDEPENDENCE.      197 

province.  Virginia  was  already  ablaze  with  an  excite 
ment  of  its  own  ;  for  Governor  Dunmore  had  carried  off 
a  quantity  of  gunpowder  from  the  colony  magazine,  and 
the  militia  of  Hanover,  with  Patrick  Henry  at  their 
head,  were  starting  for  William sburg  to  de-  Virginia 
mand  that  it  be  restored.  Before  they  reached  ^a™8- 
the  capital  Dunmore  paid  for  what  he  had  taken,  and 
they  turned  back ;  but  he  provoked  another  rising  soon 
after  and  fled,  taking  refuge  on  a  man-of-war  and  acting 
as  an  enemy  of  the  province  from  that  time.  South 
Carolina  had  not  waited  for  a  British  act  of  violence 
before  taking  the  attitude  of  war.  On  the  2ist  of  April, 
a  full  fortnight  before  Charleston  knew  of  what  had 
happened  at  Lexington,  the  men  of  that  town  had  laid 
hands  on  the  royal  arsenal  and  the  public  magazines, 
having  appointed  a  committee  of  five,  with  Henry  Lau- 
rens  at  their  head,  to  place  the  colony  in  a  state  of 
defence.  In  North  Carolina  the  popular  demonstration 
at  Newbern  was  such  that  the  governor  with- 

Mecklen- 

drew  to  Fort  Johnson  and  sent  his  wife  to  New  burg  De- 
York  ;   while   the    Scotch-Irish  inhabitants   of 
Mecklenburg    County   adopted    resolutions    which    are 
claimed  to  have  been  the  first  demand  for  independence 
that  was  uttered  by  any  assembly  of  people. 

109.  Capture  of  Ticonderoga  and  Crown  Point. 
May  1O,  1775.  As  quickly  as  the  slow  travel  of  the 
time  could  bring  it  to  them,  the  New  Englanders  besieg 
ing  Gage  at  Boston  had  assurance  of  support  from  every 
British-American  community  except  Quebec.  Meantime 
they  had  been  pushing  operations  of  war  outside  of 
the  siege.  An  expedition  set  on  foot  in  Connecticut, 
but  carried  out  mainly  by  hardy  settlers  of  the  Green 
Mountain  region  (then  known  as  the  "  New  Hampshire 
Grants,"  but  soon  afterward  called  Vermont),  surprised 


198  THE    MAKING    OF   A   NATION. 

the  strong  fort  at  Ticonderoga,  on  the  morning  of  the 
loth  of  May.  The  "  Green  Mountain  Boys  "  who  per 
formed  this  fine  exploit  were  led  by  Ethan  Allen ;  Bene 
dict  Arnold,  of  Connecticut,  joining  them  as  a  volunteer. 
The  surrender  of  Crown  Point  followed,  and  these  two 
important  captures  gave  the  provincials  more  than  two 
hundred  cannon,  with  a  quantity  of  ammunition  and  other 
stores. 

110.  Second  Continental  Congress.  —  Appoint 
ment  of  Washington  to  Chief  Command.  May-June, 
1775.  The  second  Continental  Congress  opened  its  ses 
sions  at  Philadelphia  on  the  loth  of  May.  Franklin,  who 
had  arrived  from  England  only  five  days  before,  was  now, 
with  Dickinson,  in  the  Pennsylvania  delegation  ;  Samuel 
and  John  Adams  had  come  again  from  Massachusetts, 
with  the  dignified  John  Hancock  in  their  company ; 
Patriots  Virginia  had  sent  Washington  again,  with  Lee, 
present.  Henry,  and  Randolph,  but  Randolph  was  re 
called  very  soon  by  duties  in  the  colonial  Assembly  and 
Thomas  Jefferson  was  delegated  in  his  place  ;  Jay  and 
Livingston  from  New  York,  Gadsden  from  South  Car 
olina,  and  other  staunch  patriots  from  the  first  Con 
gress,  were  seated  anew.  Randolph  was  made  president 
until  called  away ;  then  Hancock  was  honored  with  the 
place. 

The  action  of  Congress  still  invited  reconciliation. 
While  adopting,  on  one  hand,  a  calm  declaration  of  "  the 
causes  and  necessity  for  taking  up  arms,"  it  addressed, 
on  the  other  hand,  another  petition  to  King  George.  At 
the  same  time  it  made  common  cause  with  New  England 
in  the  hostilities  already  begun,  by  adopting  the  forces  in 
arms,  or  to  be  in  arms,  as  a  "Continental  Army,"  assum 
ing  the  direction  of  it  and  appointing  its  commander-in- 
chief.  On  the  request  of  the  Massachusetts  delegation, 


REVOLUTION  AND  WAR  OF  INDEPENDENCE.      199 

George  Washington,  of  Virginia,  was  so  commissioned  ; 
and  by  that  inspired  act  the  achievement  of 

W  3.  shin^- 

American    independence    and    the    successful  tonap- 
founding  of  the  federal  republic  of  the  United  June  15, 
States  were  assured.     What  Washington  would 
be  to  the  great  revolutionary  undertaking  no  man  could 
have  foreseen.     He  had  given  more  promise  of  high  mil 
itary  capacity,  perhaps,  than  any  other  in  the  colonies 
who  wore  a  sword,  and  he  had  won  the  perfect  trust  of 
all  who  knew  him  best ;  but  how  little,  after  all,  could 
any  in  that  day  have  known  of  the  unique  greatness  of 
the  man  !     As  we  look  back  now  at  the  events  of  the 
history  in  which  Washington's  figure  is  so  grand,  we  can 
not  imagine  a  successful  outcome  of  the  revolt,  or  a  suc 
cessful  binding  up  of  the  colonies  in  one  nation,  without 
him.     He  was  not  the  greatest  of  soldiers,  he  was  not 
the  greatest  of   statesmen;  but  he  combined  Thegreat- 
with  perfection  the  qualities,  both  moral  and  wasMng- 
intellectual,  that  were  needed  for  what  he  did.   ton- 
They  produced  in  him  a  character  so  massive,  so  strong, 
so  majestic,  that  it  bore  up  the  whole  cause. 

Under  the  commander-in-chief,  four  major-generals,  — 
Artemas  Ward,  Israel  Putnam,  Philip  Schuyler,  and 
Charles  Lee,  —  with  eight  brigadier-generals,  including^ 
Richard  Montgomery,  John  Sullivan,  and  Nathanael 
Greene,  were  named.  The  appointment  of  Charles  Lee, 
an  English  adventurer,  unprincipled  and  worthless,  was 
a  grave  mistake. 

Thus,  in  answer  to  a  general  expectation  and  desire, 
the  Continental  Congress  took  upon  itself  the  conduct 
of  whatever  there  should  need  to  be  of  war.  But,  while 
assuming  the  responsibilities  of  the  impending  struggle, 
it  assumed  no  power  to  enforce  an  order  it  might  give, 
or  authority  to  levy  a  dollar  of  taxation  for  the  expenses 


200  THE    MAKING    OF   A    NATION. 

incurred.  Its  whole  exercise  of  a  nominal  authority  to 
direct  the  common  action  of  the  thirteen  colonies  was 
left  dependent  on  the  willingness  of  each  provincial  gov 
ernment  to  be  submissive  to  its  advice.  Professor  von 
Hoist  and  other  recent  historians  have  maintained,  with 
what  seems  to  be  sound  reasoning,  that,  being  a  revolu 
tionary  body,  in  a  revolutionary  crisis,  the  Con- 

The  missed      .  ,    ^  •    i  11  i    •        j 

opportunity   tmental  Congress  might  properly  have  claimed 

of  Congress.  .     °  to        r      f       ' 

and  exercised  all  the  functions  of  a  national 
legislature,  from  the  beginning,  and  would  probably 
have  been  sustained  by  popular  opinion  in  doing  so. 
Instead  of  taking  that  strong,  consistent  course,  it  went 
only  halfway.  Consequently,  the  respect  and  defer 
ence  which  the  Congress  commanded  at  the  outset  was 
lost,  and  state  governments,  when  formed,  became  the 
only  governments  felt  and  known  in  reality  by  the  people, 
who  struggled  through  their  war  of  independence  with 
nothing  that  could  be  called  a  governing  head. 

111.  Bunker  Hill.  June  17,  1775.  While  continental 
sanction  was  being  given  to  the  New  England  proceedings 
of  war,  those  proceedings  were  acquiring  more  impor 
tance  from  fresh  events.  Reinforcements  had  raised  the 
British  force  in  Boston  to  about  10,000  men,  whereupon 
General  Gage  prepared  for  a  movement  to  extend  his 
lines.  The  provincial  leaders  learned  his  intention,  and 
undertook  to  frustrate  it  by  sending  Colonel  Prescott, 
with  about  1200  men,  in  the  night  of  the  i6th  of  June, 
to  occupy  and  fortify  a  rise  of  ground  near  Charlestown 
called  Bunker  Hill.  When  Prescott  reached  the  ground 
Breed's  ne  thought  it  best  to  advance  a  little  farther,  to 
the  next  eminence,  called  Breed's  Hill,  and 
there  his  men  were  set  silently  to  work.  The  British 
discovered  nothing  till  the  morning  of  the  i/th  ;  then 
their  frigates  in  the  harbor  opened  fire  on  the  unfinished 


REVOLUTION  AND  WAR  OF  INDEPENDENCE.      2OI 


C  H  E  L  S  E  A 


work,  without  much  effect.     At  noon  they  had  deter 
mined  to  storm  the  rising  fortification,  which  endangered 
them  if  the  besiegers  should  be  able  to  bring  heavy  guns 
into  place.    About 
3000   veteran  sol 
diers  were  landed 
near  Charlestown, 
under    General 
Howe,  and  led  in 
two  columns,  one 
against    the   en 
trenchment    on 
Breed's   Hill,    the 
other    against    a 
supporting     body 


PLAN    OF   THE    BATTLE   OF   BUNKER    HILL. 


of  Americans,  who 
had  taken  position 

on  the  flank  of  the  latter,  behind  a  rail  fence.  Both 
columns  were  repulsed,  with  terrific  loss  to  the  assailants, 
the  Americans  having  reserved  their  fire  until  the  British 
came  within  fifty  yards.  After  some  time,  during  which 
the  village  of  Charlestown  was  set  on  fire  by  shells  from 
the  fleet,  a  second  assault  was  made,  with  the  same 
result.  By  this  time  the  Americans  had  nearly  exhausted 
their  ammunition,  and  none  came  to  them,  though  sent 
for  again  and  again  ;  nor  did  they  receive  reinforcements, 
except  as  many  volunteers  came  over  to  join  them  during 
the  day.  Had  the  needed  men  and  gunpowder  Thethlr(1 
come,  the  third  assault,  made  late  in  the  after-  assault 
noon,  would  probably  have  failed.  As  it  was,  when  the 
defenders  of  the  hill  had  emptied  their  powder  horns, 
their  clubbed  muskets  were  poor  weapons  against  the 
bayonet,  and  they  gave  way. 

For  their  victory,  if  it  was  a  victory,  the  British  had 


202  THE    MAKING    OF   A    NATION. 

paid  a  fearful  price,  losing  1054  in  killed  and  wounded, 
or  more  than  a  third  of  their  force,  and  the  proportion  of 
officers  struck  down  was  unusually  large.  The  Ameri 
cans  lost  449,  about  one  fourth  of  the  number  engaged  ; 
and  among  the  killed  was  the  noble  Dr.  Warren,  who 
had  joined  the  force  on  the  hill  as  a  volunteer.  His  death 
was  a  heavy  loss  to  the  American  cause.  But  the  battle 
gave  more  encouragement  to  the  losers  than  to  the  win 
ners  of  the  ground  on  which  it  was  fought. 

112.  Washington's  Task.  —  Expeditions  to  Canada. 
July-December,  1775.  On  the  2d  of  July,  two  weeks 
after  the  battle  of  Bunker  Hill,  General  Washington  ar 
rived  at  Cambridge  and  took  command.  There  were 
16,000  men  in  the  force  around  Boston,  all  New  Eng- 
landers ;  but  3000  came  soon  from  Pennsylvania,  Vir- 
The  Ameri-  gima>  anc^  Maryland,  including  a  famous  company 
can  army.  o£  Virginian  sharpshooters,  with  Daniel  Morgan 
at  their  head.  The  19,000  then  assembled  formed  an 
army  in  numbers  alone ;  of  real  organization  it  had  none. 
The  men  had  been  enlisted  by  different  committees,  for 
different  short  terms,  with  great  uncertainty  as  to  the 
sources  from  which  pay  or  even  food  would  come.  They 
were  accoutred  in  all  sorts  of  fashions,  and  sheltered  in 
all  sorts  of  makeshift  ways.  Such  were  the  hard  condi 
tions  of  the  task  of  war  which  Washington  had  under 
taken  to  direct ;  and,  though  they  slowly  settled  into 
something  better,  there  was  always  such  a  chaos  of  di 
verse  authorities  behind  him  as  would  have  broken  down 
any  courage  and  constancy  less  invincible  than  his. 

Months  of  preparation  were  needed  before  Washing 
ton  could  venture  any  serious  attempt  to  drive 
into  the  British  out  of  Boston  ;  but  while  he  toiled 

Canada. 

at  his  task,  two  expeditions  were  sent  into  Can 
ada,  for  the  capture  of  Montreal  and  Quebec.     One,  led 


REVOLUTION  AND  WAR  OF  INDEPENDENCE.      203 

from  Ticonderoga  by  General  Montgomery,  took  the 
former  town  (November  12)  ;  the  second,  commanded  by 
Benedict  Arnold,  after  great  sufferings  in  a  march  through 
the  Maine  wilderness,  was  joined  by  Montgomery  in  a 
daring  assault  on  the  walls  of  Quebec  (December  31) 
which  nearly  had  success  ;  but  Montgomery  fell,  his  men 
wavered,  and  were  driven  back.  Morgan  and  his  com 
pany,  who  formed  part  of  the  expedition,  had  actually 
entered  the  town,  and  were  captured  ;  Arnold  received  a 
severe  wound. 

113.  Ripening  of  the  Public  Mind  for  Independence. 
1775-1776.  In  these  months  a  great  change  in  public 
feeling  had  been  wrought  by  news  from  England.  King 
George  had  launched  a  proclamation,  in  violent  terms, 
against  the  "  open  and  avowed  rebellion  "  in  America,  and 
had  contracted  with  certain  despotic  German  princes  for 
the  hiring  of  20,000  soldiers,  Hessians  and  Hesslajls 
others,  to  be  employed  for  the  suppression  of  King*7 
the  revolt.  The  effect  of  this  last-named  mea-  Oeorge' 
sure,  when  known,  was  to  swell  the  number  of  patriots 
who  were  ready  to  renounce  allegiance  to  the  king  ;  and 
the  Congress  at  Philadelphia  began  to  take  steps  which 
led  plainly  that  way.  To  Virginia,  South  Carolina,  and 
New  Hampshire,  whose  royal  governors  had  fled  from 
their  posts,  it  gave  advice  that  they  frame  govern 
ments  for  themselves.  It  recommended  that  South 
Carolina  should  seize  British  ships  in  its  ports  ;  that 
Virginia  should  take  arms  against  Dunmore, 
who  was  gathering  forces  at  Norfolk  and  offer- 


Congress. 

ing  freedom  to  slaves  ;  that  New  York  should 
place  its  troublesome  governor,  Tryon,  under  arrest.     It 
appointed  a  committee  to  correspond  with  foreign  powers. 
It  was  moving  steadily  toward  a  position  in  which  inde 
pendence  would  have  to  be  declared. 


204  THE   MAKING   OF   A   NATION. 

In  October  the  New  York  governor,  Tryon,  took  ref 
uge  on  a  British  ship  of  war.  Dunmore  and  the  Virgin 
ians  fought  a  battle  at  Great  Bridge,  near  Norfolk,  in 
December,  and  the  colonists  took  the  town.  It  was  bom 
barded  soon  afterward  by  a  British  ship  and  destroyed. 
Early  in  the  year  1776  information  came  of  an  act  of  Par 
liament  authorizing  the  capture  and  confiscation  of  all 
American  ships  and  cargoes,  and  the  forcible  enlistment 
in  the  British  navy  of  captured  crews.  At  nearly  the 
Paine's  same  time  a  remarkable  pamphlet,  entitled 
SSSSy!'  "Common  Sense,"  which  set  forth  the  argu 
ments  for  independence  in  a  striking  way,  was 
published  by  Thomas  Paine,  an  Englishman,  lately  ar 
rived  in  Philadelphia.  The  effect  of  Paine's  pamphlet, 
helped  by  the  new  act  of  Parliament,  was  to  ripen  the 
sentiment  in  favor  of  independence  very  fast. 

114.    Boston  given  up  by  the  British.     March  17, 
1776.    Early  in  March,  1776,  the  preparations  of  Wash 
ington  for  a  decisive  movement  at  Boston  were  complete. 
What  he  had  to  do  is  indicated  by  one  passage  in  a  letter 
which  he  wrote   to   the   president   of    Congress   a  few 
months   before  :   "  To  maintain  a  post   within 
ton's  pro-      musket-shot  of  the  enemy  for  six  months  to 
gether  without  powder,"  he  wrote,  "and  at  the 
same   time  to  disband    one  army  and   recruit   another, 
within  that  distance  of  twenty  odd  British  regiments,  is 
more,  probably,  than  ever  was  attempted ; "  but  he  ac 
complished  the  feat.     The  enemy  knew  nothing  of  his 
desperate  straits  until  too  late.     At  last  he  had  pow 
der  enough,  guns  enough  (dragged  from  Ticonderoga), 
tools  enough,  men  enough,  for  a  venture  ;  and 
Dorchester    on  the  night  of  March  4  he  seized  and  fortified 
Dorchester  Heights,  which  so  commanded  Bos 
ton  harbor  that  his  Ticonderoga  cannon  would  drive  out 


REVOLUTION  AND  WAR  OF  INDEPENDENCE.      205 

the  British  fleet.  Howe,  who  had  superseded  Gage,  or 
dered  an  attack  on  the  new  works,  but  thought  better  of 
it,  and  finally  gave  notice  that  he  would  quit  the  town  if 
permitted  to  go  in  peace,  but  would  lay  it  in  ashes  if  fired 
on ;  and  so,  by  tacit  agreement,  the  besieged  army  and 
fleet,  with  900  of  their  Tory  friends,  made  an  undisturbed 
retreat  to  Halifax,  leaving  behind  them  a  rich  prize  of 
military  stores. 

115.  War  in  North  Carolina.  —  Demands  for  a  De 
claration  of  Independence.  February- June,  1776.  An 
exciting  clash  of  war  had  occurred  meantime  in  North 
Carolina,  where  British  agents  had  enlisted  some  1600 
Scotch  Highlanders  and  started  them  toward  the  coast, 
to  meet  expected  expeditions  from  Boston  and  from  Ire 
land,  and  to  take  part  in  a  grand  campaign.  But  the 
march  of  the  Scotchmen  was  stopped  at  Moore's  Creek 
(February  27)  by  North  Carolina  militia,  who  put  them 
to  rout.  This  battle  so  roused  the  province  that 
the  force  sent  from  Boston,  under  Sir  Henry  Moore's 

QvAAtr     pAh- 

Clinton,  dared  not  land,  when  it  arrived,  but  ruary'27, 
waited  in  Albemarle  Sound  for  the  fleet  from 
Ireland  until  May.  Before  that  time,  the  energetic  Caro 
linians  had  elected  a  provincial  congress,  which  met  and 
(April  12)  empowered  the  delegates  of  the  colony  in 
the  Continental  Congress  "  to  concur  with  the  delegates 
in  the  other  colonies  in  declaring  independency  and 
forming  foreign  alliances."  In  Georgia  a  provincial  con 
gress  had  already,  in  February,  instructed  its  delegates 
substantially  to  the  same  effect  ;  while  South  Carolina, 
on  the  26th  of  March,  established  the  constitution  and 
organized  the  government  of  an  independent  state. 

The  lead  which  the  southernmost  colonies  had  thus 
taken  in  pronouncing  for  independence  was  now  fol 
lowed  quickly.  Rhode  Island  spoke  next,  on  the  4th  of 


206  THE    MAKING   OF    A    NATION. 

May.     On   the    loth    of   the  same  month  the    General 
Court  of  Massachusetts  (reestablished,  accord- 
nies  speak-    ing  to  the  old  charter,  in  the  previous  summer) 
called  on  the  towns  to  express  themselves  on 
the  subject,  and  they  did  so  by  their  town  meetings  that 
month.     Virginia,  in  a  convention  specially  chosen,  voted 
unanimously  for  independence  on  the  I4th  of  May ;  and 
the  same  convention,  on  the  I2th  of  June,  issued  a  fa 
mous  "Declaration  of    Rights,"  setting   forth 
Decoration   that  "  all  men  are  by  nature  equally  free  and 
independent,"  and  that  "all  power  is  vested  in 
and  consequently  derived  from  the  people."     Before  the 
end  of  June  every  one  of  the  remaining  colonies,  except 
New  York,  had  declared  for  independence,  or  empowered 
its  delegates  in  Congress  to  act  in  unison  with  the  rest. 

The  delay  in  New  York  was  caused  by  the  strength 
of  the  Tory  party  there,  animated  by  an  expectation 
that  the  whole  force  commanded  by  General  Howe,  now 
increased  by  Hessian  arrivals,  would  soon  be  knocking 
at  the  gates  of  the  Hudson  River  valley.  In  the  mili 
tary  view,  immense  importance  attached  to  the  posses 
sion  of  that  river  and  valley,  which  parted  New  England 
washing-  fr°m  the  colonies  farther  south,  and  which 
York1  April  WOUH  if  held  by  the  British,  unite  them  with 
1776-  Canada  and  with  the  Six  Nations  of  Indians, 
whose  savage  alliance  they  were  trying  to  engage.  To 
secure  New  York,  Washington  had  hastened  thither  with 
his  army,  as  quickly  as  possible  after  Boston  was  re 
lieved  ;  but  his  command  had  dwindled  to  about  8000 
men,  and  Howe  was  coming  from  Halifax  with  a  vastly 
greater  force. 

116.  Independence  declared.  July  4,  1776.  On  the 
4th  of  July,  1776, — most  memorable  of  all  days  in 
American  history,  —  the  step  was  taken  which  separated 


REVOLUTION  AND  WAR  OF  INDEPENDENCE.      2O/ 

the  English  in  America  from  the  English  in  Britain  po 
litically,  and  a  new  great  nation  was  born.  Congress 
had  prepared  for  it  three  weeks  before,  by  appointing  a 
committee  to  draft  the  contemplated  Declaration  of  In 
dependence,  and  that  immortal  manifesto  was  Author  of 
composed  by  Thomas  Jefferson,  whose  broad  StiwfSftn- 
understanding  of  political  principles  and  fine  dePendence- 
gifts  of  expression  had  been  shown  in  some  notable  ex 
amples  before.  As  the  Declaration  came  from  Jefferson's 
pen,  with  a  few  verbal  changes  suggested  by  Franklin 
and  John  Adams,  it  was  reported  to  Congress  on  the  2d 
of  July,  and  adopted,  after  slight  amendments,  on  the 
4th,  but  was  not  signed  till  some  days  later,  when  it  had 
been  duly  engrossed. 

The  resistance  to  Great  Britain  was  now  no  longer  a 
rebellion,  but  the  struggle  of  a  new  nation  for  its  life. 

Congress  had  already  recommended  that  governments 
based  on  the  "  authority  of  the  people  "  be  established  in 
every  colony,  and  seven  such  independent  gov- 

J.  .  .   .         .  3   .       Formation 

ernments,  either  provisional  or  permanent   in  of  state 
constitution,  had  been  organized  before  the  gen-  ments?" 

1776-1777. 

eral  declaration  of  independence  was  put  forth. 
These  were  in  Massachusetts,  New  Hampshire,  South 
Carolina,  Rhode  Island,  Connecticut,  Virginia,  and  New 
Jersey.  Delaware  and  Pennsylvania  adopted  state  con 
stitutions  in  the  next  September ;  Maryland  followed  in 
November ;  North  Carolina  in  December ;  Georgia  in 
February,  and  New  York  in  April  of  1 777.  The  "  thir 
teen  colonies  "  had  then  completed  their  transformation 
into  American  States. 

117.  British  Repulse  at  Charleston.  June  28,  1776. 
Almost  simultaneously  with  news  of  the  Declaration  of 
Independence,  a  cheering  message  from  Charleston  was 
carried  through  the  land.  Sir  Henry  Clinton  had  been 


208  THE  MAKING  OF  A  NATION. 

joined  by  the  squadron  from  Ireland,  which  brought  fresh 
forces,  and  had  attacked  the  fortifications  in  Charleston 
harbor  on  the  28th  of  June.  The  main  defence  of  the 

harbor  was  a  rude  fort,  built  hastily  of  palmetto 
Mouitrie's  logs  on  Sullivan's  Island,  by  Colonel  Moultrie, 

who  held  it,  with  1200  men.  General  Charles 
Lee,  sent  to  take  command  in  the  south,  had  scorned 
this  work  and  given  orders  for  its  abandonment  ;  but 
Moultrie,  sustained  by  President  Rutledge,  of  the  pro 
vincial  congress,  refused  to  withdraw.  The  result  was 
that  the  valiant  Moultrie  and  his  force  repulsed  the  at 
tack,  losing  but  37  in  killed  and  wounded,  while  the  loss 
of  the  assailants  was  205. 

118.  Battle  of  Long  Island.  —  Retreat  of  Washing 
ton  from  New  York  and  through  New  Jersey.  August- 
December,  1776.  The  months  that  followed  these  good 
tidings  were  filled  with  disheartening  events.  By  the 
end  of  July  not  less  than  30,000  British  troops  and  a 
powerful  fleet  were  assembled  on  Staten  Island  and  in 
New  York  Bay,  General  William  Howe  and  Admiral 
Lord  Howe  in  command.  They  were  busily  preparing 
New  York  to  attack  the  city,  which  Washington  must  try 
captured.  to  defend  against  them,  with  a  militia  force 
now  increased  to  some  20,000  men.  On  Long  Island 
he  had  fortified  Brooklyn  Heights,  which  commanded 
New  York,  and  half  of  his  little  army,  stationed  there, 
was  overwhelmed  by  20,000  of  Howe's  veterans  on  the 
27th  of  August,  losing  1000  prisoners,  besides  400  in 
wounded  and  killed.  The  remainder  of  the  American 
force,  hemmed  in  by  the  enemy,  was  rescued  with  skilful- 
ness  by  Washington  and  brought  across  the  river,  on  the 
night  of  the  29th.  The  loss  of  the  Heights  made  New 
York  no  longer  tenable,  and  Howe  entered  the  city  on 
the  1 5th  of  September,  the  Americans  retreating  north- 


REVOLUTION  AND  WAR  OF  INDEPENDENCE.     209 


Champlaln 


ward,  fighting  stubbornly 
as  they  drew  back  to  a 
strong  position,  up  the  river, 
among  the  hills.  At  the 
same  time  they  were  threat 
ened  from  the  north,  the 
British  commander  in  Can 
ada,  Sir  Guy 
Carleton,  having 
attempted  an  in 
vasion  by  way  of 
Lake  Champlain  ;  but  Ben 
edict  Arnold,  in  command 
at  Ticonderoga,  got  a 
fleet  of  small  vessels  afloat 
and  checked  his  advance, 
though  defeated,  in  a  stub 
born  fight  (October  11). 

Hostile  criticism  began 
now  to  assail  the  sorely 
tried  commander-in-chief ; 
envious  rivals  intrigued 
against  him  ;  ignorant  men 
in  Congress  in- 
terfered  with 
his  plans.  Fort  ton- 
Washington,  on  the  Hud 
son,  was  lost  in  conse 
quence  (November  16), 
with  a  garrison  of  nearly 
3000  men,  and  the 
wretched  impostor,  Gen 
eral  Charles  Lee,  now  back 
from  the  south,  had  en- 


THE  FIELD  OF  WAR  ON  THE  HUDSON. 


210  THE  MAKING  OF  A  NATION. 

couragement  to  disobey  orders,  keeping  7000  of  the 
meagre  American  force  away  from  the  commander's  con 
trol  at  a  most  critical  time.  But,  happily  for  the  American" 
cause,  Lee  put  himself,  presently,  in  the  way  of  being 
caught  by  the  British,  and  one  serious  cause  of  mischief 
was  removed  for  a  time.  Washington  had  then  crossed 
the  Hudson  and  retreated  through  New  Jersey,  to  a 
point  beyond  the  Delaware,  pursued  by  Lord  Cornwallis, 
with  British  and  Hessian  troops.  The  short  terms  of 
so  many  of  his  militia-men  had  expired  that  hardly  3000 
remained,  and  most  of  those  would  be  entitled  to  dis 
charge  at  the  end  of  the  year.  There  was  no  money  for 
their  pay,  and  no  public  credit  on  which  to  raise  funds. 
Washington  and  some  of  his  officers  borrowed  what  they 
could  on  the  pledge  of  their  own  estates.  "  These  are 
"The times  tne  times,"  wrote  Thomas  Paine,  "that  try 
men's7  men's  souls."  None  but  the  stoutest-hearted 
souls."  Could  feel  hopeful  of  the  cause.  Some  thou 
sands  in  New  York  and  New  Jersey  accepted  Howe's 
offer  of  British  protection,  swearing  allegiance  to  the 
king.  Philadelphia  expected  nothing  but  a  speedy  inva 
sion,  even  Congress  giving  way  to  panic  and  adjourning 
to  Baltimore,  December  12. 

119.  The  situation  changed.  —  Washington  turns 
upon  his  pursuers.  December  25,  1776-January  3, 
1777.  In  this  dark  hour  of  the  war  there  came  a  sudden 
revelation  to  his  despairing  countrymen  of  the  extraordi 
nary  powers  of  the  man  who  upheld  their  cause.  Lee's 
force,  greatly  dwindled,  had  reached  him  at  last,  and 
Schuyler,  commanding  in  northern  New  York,  had  sent 
him  a  few  men,  so  that,  by  Christmas  eve,  he  had  about 
6000  in  hand  With  these  he  resolved  to  strike  at  the 
enemy,  who  were  feeling  secure,  in  lines  scattered  along 
the  eastern  side  of  the  Delaware,  where  they  waited  for 


REVOLUTION  AND  WAR  OF  INDEPENDENCE.    21 


the  river  to  freeze.  Having  seized  every  boat  within 
reach,  Washington  planned  to  send  his  little  army  across 
the  river  in  three  divisions ;  but 
only  one  of  the  three  overcame 
the  great  difficulties  caused  by 
ice,  and  that  was  the  one  which 
he  personally  led.  With  2400  men 
he  reached  the  eastern  bank  of  the 
Delaware  on  Christmas  morning, 
marched  nine  miles  to  Trenton, 
drenched  with  the  sleet 
of  a  northeast  storm,  and 
surprised  and  captured 
1000  Hessians,  besides  a 
large  quantity  of  arms  and 
stores.  This  was  only  the 
beginning  of  his  new  cam 
paign.  By  the  2d  of  Jan 
uary  he  had  es 
tablished  his 

army  near  Tren-     s    _  ^g"inVZ^^_-    S^       g     ton,    with 

the  little 
creek  As- 
sunpink  be 
tween  him 
self  and 
Cornwallis, 
who  came 
to  attack 
him  there  in 
force.  The 

latter  was  now  sure,  as  he  expressed  it,  that  he  had  "  run 
down  the  old  fox ; "  but  Washington,  leaving  his  camp- 
fires  burning  and  a  few  men  working  at  entrenchments  in 


THE   SEAT    OF   WAR    BETWEEN    THE    HUDSON    AND 
DELAWARE. 


212  THE    MAKING   OF   A   NATION. 

front,  slipped  away  during  the  night  and  marched  rapidly 
toward  Princeton,  where  the  British  had  collected  stores. 
Near  Princeton  he  routed  a  body  of  2000  troops,  taking 
Battle  oi  more  prisoners,  and  then,  entering  the  town, 
January's,  gathered  up  more  of  the  enemy's  ammunition 
1777-  and  arms.  From  Princeton  he  moved  on  to 
the  heights  around  Morristown,  while  Cornwallis  fell 
back  to  New  Brunswick.  Substantially  all  that  the  Brit 
ish  had  gained  since  Washington  began  his  retreat 
through  New  Jersey  was  recovered  by  this  brilliant  cam 
paign  of  ten  days. 

These  successes  were  immensely  helpful  to  the  Amer 
ican  cause,  both  at  home  and  abroad.  It  was  now  recog 
nized  in  foreign  circles  that  the  crude  American  army 
had  a  great  soldier  and  a  man  of  great  character  at  its 
head.  France  was  more  than  willing  to  give  secret  aid 
against  England,  if  her  aid  was  not  likely  to  be  thrown 
away.  She  had  contributed  a  million  dollars,  even  before 
independence  was  declared.  Three  commissioners  from 
Congress  —  Franklin,  Arthur  Lee,  and  Silas  Deane  — 
were  now  in  Paris,  negotiating  for  more  open  support. 
The  fame  of  Franklin  gave  him  an  extraordinary  influ- 
Heipfrom  ence,  and  the  negotiation  was  helped  greatly 
France.  ^y  Washington's  late  campaign.  Two  millions 
of  livres  (about  $400,000)  was  promised  yearly  by  the 
French  government ;  several  cargoes  of  stores  were  sent 
over ;  the  authorities  winked  at  the  fitting  out  of  priva 
teers  in  French  ports ;  and  not  a  few  French  gentlemen 
prepared  to  offer  their  services,  among  them  the  young 
Marquis  de  Lafayette.  Some  secret  assistance  was  also 
obtained  from  Spain. 

120.  Burgoyne's  Invasion.  —  Capture  of  his  Army. 
—  Undeserved  Credit  to  General  Gates.  July-Octo 
ber,  1777.  During  the  remainder  of  the  winter  of  1777 


REVOLUTION  AND  WAR  OF  INDEPENDENCE.    213 


no  military  movements  of  note  were  undertaken  on  either 
side.  But  the  next  season  brought  important  events.  The 
British  government  had  ordered  a 
formidable  invasion  of  northern 
New  York  from  Canada,  to  secure 
the  valleys  of  the  Hudson  and  the 
Mohawk  throughout  their  length. 
It  was  made  on  two  lines,  one  by 
way  of  Lake  Champlain,  the  other 
from  Lake  Ontario  to  the  Mohawk, 
thence  to  a  junction  with  the  first. 
The  main  movement,  under  Gen 
eral  Burgoyne,  began  with  success. 
The  Americans  were  easily  forced 
out  of  Ticonderoga,  and  beaten  in 
a  battle  at  Hubbardton,  early  in 
July.  They  drew  back  to  Fort 
Edward,  and  then  to  Stillwater, 
near  Saratoga,  obstructing  the 
way  to  delay  Burgoyne.  Before 
he  could  reach  Stillwater,  large 
numbers  of  the  militia  and  un 
trained  farmers  of  western  New 
England  and  eastern  New  York 
were  joining  the  American  forces 
there,  or  gathering  on  the  flanks  of  his  march. 

The  invasion  caused  unusual  excitement,  for  the  reason 
that  the  British  had  taken  savages  into  their  service,  pro 
fessing  to  be  able  to  keep  them  under  control.    This  em 
ployment  of  Indians  was  disapproved  by  many 
British  officers,  and  denounced  in  England,  but  allies  of  the 

British* 

was  insisted  upon  by  the  ministers  of  the  king. 
Feeling  on  the  subject  was  heightened  by  a  pathetic  tra 
gedy,  occurring  in  July,  when  a  beautiful  young  woman, 


Albany 


i 

,ss> 


ROUTE  OF  BURGOYNE'S 
INVASION. 


214  THE    MAKING    OF   A    NATION. 

Jenny  McCrea,  betrothed  to  an  officer  in  the  invading 
army,  and  on  her  way  to  join  him  for  marriage,  was  killed 
and  scalped  by  some  of  Burgoyne's  savage  scouts.  A 
fiery  rage  was  kindled  everywhere  by  this  dreadful  story 
as  it  ran  through  the  land. 

The  serious  trouble  of  Burgoyne  began  on  the  i6th  of 

August,  when  1000  of  his  German  troops,  sent  with  100 

Indians  to  seize  militia  stores  at  Bennington, 

Battle  of 

Benning-      Vermont,  were  surrounded  and  most  of  them 

ton,  Au 
gust  16,       captured,  after  a  fierce  fight.     This  was  mainly 

the  exploit  of  a  crowd  of  farmers  in  their  shirt 
sleeves,  commanded  by  General  Stark.  Soon  afterward, 
Burgoyne  had  news  of  the  disastrous  failure  of  the  expe 
dition  from  Lake  Ontario,  which  Colonel  St.  Leger  was 
leading  to  join  his  own.  St.  Leger  had  been  resisted 
with  obstinacy  at  Fort  Stanwix  (now  the  city  of  Rome), 
near  the  headwaters  of  the  Mohawk,  and  had  fought  a 
hard  battle  at  Oriskany  (August  6)  with  800  of  the  local 
militia,  whose  commander,  Colonel  Herkimer,  received 
st.  Leger's  a  mol"tal  wound  in  the  fight.  Then,  a  fortnight 
failure.  later,  reports  came  to  him  of  the  approach  of  a 
body  of  troops  from  the  main  American  army,  and  exag 
gerated  stories  were  told  him  of  disaster  to  Burgoyne. 
Already  discouraged,  he  now  became  panic-stricken,  and 
fled  from  his  camp  before  Fort  Stanwix  1  (August  22), 
abandoning  everything,  pursued  by  even  his  own  faith 
less  Indians,  and  losing  all  but  a  small  remnant  of  his 
force. 

1  On  the  1 4th  of  June,  1777,  Congress  had  adopted  a  design  for 
the  flag  of  the  "  United  States  of  America,"  consisting  of  thirteen 
alternate  red  and  white  stripes,  with  a  blue  field  containing  white 
stars  in  the  corner.  The  first  military  use  of  the  flag  is  said  to  have 
been  made  during  this  siege  of  Fort  Stanwix,  where  one  was  impro 
vised  out  of  a  red  petticoat,  a  white  shirt,  and  an  officer's  blue  cloak. 


REVOLUTION  AND  WAR  OF  INDEPENDENCE.     215 

Burgoyne  was  then  in  a  desperate  situation.  The  mi 
litia  on  his  flanks,  in  Vermont,  under  General  Lincoln, 
were  breaking  his  communications  and  cutting  off  his 
supplies.  He  heard  nothing  from  General  Howe,  who 
had  been  expected  to  move  up  the  Hudson,  from  New 
York.  By  the  middle  of  September  he  had  no  alternative 
but  to  fight  his  way  through,  without  help,  if  he  could. 
Having  crossed  to  the  western  side  of  the  Hudson,  he 
attacked  the  Americans  in  their  strong  position  near  Still- 
water,  on  Bemis  Heights,  September  19,  and  Battles  on 
again  October  7,  -both  battles  being  fought  Heights, 
on  nearly  the  same  ground,  known  as  Free-  fJfoSoSr 
man's  Farm.  Both  attacks  were  repulsed,  and,  7>  1777< 
being  entirely  hemmed  in  at  Saratoga,  his  army  reduced 
from  10,000  to  less  than  6000  men,  with  no  source  of 
supplies,  Burgoyne  surrendered,  October  17.  He  sur 
rendered  on  terms  which  promised  permission  to  his 
army  to  return  home,  but  Congress  would  not  allow  the 
promise  to  be  fulfilled. 

The  credit  for  this  most  telling  blow  to  British  hopes 
was  won  without  being  deserved  by  General  Horatio 
Gates,  who  had  persuaded  Congress  to  appoint  him  to 
supersede  General  Schuyler  in  command  of  the  northern 
forces,  and  who  reached  the  field  on  the 


of  August,  after  Burgoyne's  fate  had  really  been  credit  to 
sealed.    The  honors  of  the  fighting  in  both  bat 
tles  belonged  to  Benedict  Arnold  and  Daniel  Morgan  ; 
but  the  whole  apparent  glory  of  the  defeat  and  capture 
of  Burgoyne  settled  at  once  on  Gates,  and  he  began  to 
aspire  to  Washington's  place.     He  was  an  accomplished 
intriguer,  and  Congress,  which  meddled  constantly  with 
the  military  commands,  offered  a  good  field  for  that  kind 
of  work. 

121.   Why  and  how  General  Howe  was  kept  from 


216  THE    MAKING   OF   A   NATION. 

meeting  Burgoyne.  August-October,  1777.  Why  Howe 
made  no  move  northward  to  meet  Burgoyne  must  now  be 
told.  He  was  supposed  to  have  had  orders  to  do  so,  but 
the  orders  were  pigeon-holed  in  London  by  a  careless 
minister  and  never  sent.  Free,  therefore,  to  act  on  his 
own  judgment,  he  planned  a  new  movement  against  Phil 
adelphia,  expecting  to  finish  it  before  Burgoyne  would 
need  his  help.  He  had  a  splendid  army,  of  more  than 
17,000  men,  while  Washington,  in  New  Jersey,  had  but 
half  that  number.  The  latter  could  not  save  Philadel 
phia,  but  he  could  make  the  road  to  it  long  and  the  travel 
slow.  He  so  manoeuvred  his  little  force  that  the  British 
general,  after  trying  for  nearly  three  weeks  to  make  his 
movement  by  land,  gave  up  the  attempt,  and  took  the 
route  by  sea.  August  was  nearly  ended  when  he  landed 
Battle  of  his  army  at  the  head  of  Chesapeake  Bay.  Wash- 
wine,  sep-  ingfton  had  moved  down  to  confront  him,  taking 

temberll,  .  .  .  .  f 

1777.  a  strong  position  on  Brandywine  Creek,  with 
his  force  increased  to  about  1 1,000.  The  Americans  were 
outflanked  and  forced  back,  in  the  battle  that  ensued 
(September  11)  ;  but  they  had  hindered  the  British  ad 
vance,  and  they  continued  to  hinder  it  for  a  fortnight 
more  until  the  26th,  when  Howe's  troops  entered  Phila 
delphia,  and  the  sittings  of  Congress  were  transferred  to 
York. 

Within  a  week  after  the  British  occupation  of  Philadel- 
Battieof  phia,  Washington  had  planned  an  audacious  at- 
SwSTScto-  tack  on  tne  headquarters  of  their  force,  in  the 
ber4,i777.  suburD  of  Germantown,  which  he  executed  in 
the  early  morning  of  October  4,  very  nearly  with  suc 
cess.  But  a  heavy  fog  caused  confusion  and  collisions 
between  different  columns  of  the  attacking  party  and 
spoiled  a  promising  attempt.  The  Americans  retreated 
with  heavy  loss. 


REVOLUTION  AND  WAR  OF  INDEPENDENCE.     2I/ 

122.  Intriguing  for  Gates,  to  supplant  Washington. 
-The  "  Conway  Cabal."  November,  1777.  On  the 
surface  of  things,  Washington  had  scored  nothing  but  a 
record  of  defeats  in  this  year's  campaign,  and 
Gates  had  performed  the  grand  exploit  of  the  of  wash- 
war.  Hence  shallow  lookers-on,  in  and  out  of  ngt011 
Congress,  became  contemptuous  again  of  the  great  sol 
dier,  and  began  to  call  for  the  intriguing  wearer  of  stolen 
plumes  to  be  put  in  chief  command.  Congress  had  lost 
many  of  its  ablest  and  noblest  men  :  Franklin  had  been 
sent  to  the  mission  in  France,  Patrick  Henry  was  called 
home  to  be  governor,  Jefferson  to  sit  in  the  legislature 
of  Virginia,  Rutledge  to  be  chief  magistrate  of  South 
Carolina,  and  Jay  to  assist  in  framing  a  constitution  for 
New  York.  An  increasing  pettiness  of  character  ap 
peared  in  the  remaining  body,  and  provincial  jealousies 
cropped  out  in  it  more  and  more. 

The  most  serious  danger  to  the  American  cause  arose 
from  the  encouragement  that  Congress  gave  to  intrigu 
ing  officers  like  Lee  and  Gates.    In  the  fall  of  1777  the 
scheming  for  the  latter  was  carried  on  actively  by  a  fac 
tion  in  which  one  General  Conway  was  conspic 
uous,  and  which  got  the  name  of  the  "Conway  "Conway 
Cabal."     It  succeeded  so  far  as  to  bring  about, 
in  November,  the  appointment  of  Gates  to  the  presidency 
of  a  "  Board  of  War,"  which  had  power  to  interfere  seri 
ously  with  the  plans  of  the  commander-in-chief.     But  the 
mean    character  of    the    conspirators    was  betrayed  by 
their  own  conduct,  while  the  dignity  and  noble  spirit  of 
Washington  were  impressively  revealed.     The  heart  of 
the  people  went  out  to  him  with  increased  admiration 
and  trust  ;  his  detractors  were  scorned. 

123.    The  Winter  at  Valley  Forge.  —  Suffering  of  the 
Army.  —  State  of  the  Country.   December,  1777-May, 


218  THE    MAKING    OF   A    NATION. 

1778.  To  watch  the  British  forces  in  Philadelphia  and 
make  his  own  as  safe  as  possible,  Washington  chose  a 
position  at  Valley  Forge,  on  the  Schuylkill,  about  twenty- 
vaiiey  one  miles  from  the  city,  where  he  established 
Forge>  winter  quarters  from  December  until  May.  The 
sufferings  of  the  troops  in  that  dreadful  winter,  and  the 
heroic  patience  with  which  they  were  borne,  have  been 
described  many  times.  The  soldiers  were  sheltered  well, 
in  log  huts  that  they  built,  but  every  need  of  clothing 
and  food  was  ill-supplied.  In  one  report  to  Congress, 
when  remonstrated  with  for  going  into  winter  quarters, 
Washington  wrote :  "  We  have  this  day  no  less  than 
2898  men  in  camp  unfit  for  duty  because  they  are  bare 
foot  and  otherwise  naked.  .  .  .  Numbers  still  are  obliged 
to  sit  all  night  by  fires."  This  dreadful  state  of  want  in 
the  army  was  due  in  part  to  faults  of  organization  and 
management,  which  Congress  would  not  reform,  and  in 
part  to  the  lack  of  a  central  government  having  credit  or 
power  to  tax.  Congress  had  borrowed  to  the  extent  of 
its  ability,  and  it  had  issued  paper  money  (called 
nentai^cur-  "Continental  currency")  based  on  no  substan 
tial  security,  and  not,  of  course,  redeemable  in 
coin,  until  its  bills  were  losing  all  their  nominal  worth. 
In  different  degrees,  the  States  had  done  the  same.  The 
financial  situation  of  the  country,  burdened  with  the  war, 
and  with  most  of  its  commerce  cut  off,  was  very  grave. 

In  this  trying  winter  two  friends  who  had  come  from 

abroad  to  give  help  to  the  young  republic  were  a  source 

of  great  cheer  and  support  to  the  commander-in-chief. 

One  was  the  youthful  Lafayette,  who  won  Washington's 

affections  almost  as  a  son  ;  the  other  was  the 

andsteu-     Baron  Steuben,  a  highly  trained  officer  from 

the  Prussian  army  of  Frederick  the  Great,  to 

whom  Congress  gave  the  office  of  inspector-general,  and 


REVOLUTION  AND  WAR  OF  INDEPENDENCE.     219 

who  imparted  a  new  quality  to  the  army  by  the  disci 
pline  he  taught  and  inspired.    At  this  time,  too,  a  long  in 
timacy  of  friendship  was  being  knitted  between  Alexander 
Washington  and  young  Alexander  Hamilton,  Hamllton- 
who  had  come  to  the  general's  staff  in  the  previous  March. 

124.  Treaty  of  Alliance  with  France.  —  Peace  Over 
tures  from  England.  February-June,  1778.  Before 
the  winter  ended,  an  event  of  great  importance  and  long 
hoped  for  was  realized  by  the  signing  (February  6,  1 778) 
of  a  treaty  of  alliance  with  France.  France  recognized 
the  independence  of  the  American  States  and  pledged 
open  support  to  them,  the  States  agreeing  on  their  part 
to  make  no  peace  with  England  till  their  independence 
was  achieved.  A  year  later  (April,  1779)  Spain  joined 
the  alliance,  under  a  treaty  with  France,  but  not  with  the 
States. 

The  first  effect  of  this  alliance  was  the  passage  (Feb 
ruary)  of  two  acts  by  the    British  Parliament,  making 
conciliatory  overtures  to  the  States.     One  repealed  the 
Tea  Act  and  the  act  which  nullified  the  Massa 
chusetts  charter,  declaring,  further,  that  Parlia-  of  the 

.       .         .    ,  alliance. 

ment  would  not  exercise  its  right  to  levy  taxes 
in  the  American  colonies  ;  the  other  provided  for  the 
sending  of  commissioners  to  America  to  treat  for  peace. 
The  second  effect  was  a  declaration  of  war  (March  13) 
between  Great  Britain  and  France. 

The  offered  concessions  were   insufficient    and  came 
too  late.     Most  people  in   England  could  see  that  this 
was  so,  and  a  demand  arose  for  Lord  Chatham  at  the 
head  of  the  government,  with  power  to  make  some  hon 
orable  peace.     Even  King  George  might  not  Death  of 
have  ventured  to  resist  this  demand  ;  but  Chat-  gfayi^T' 
ham  was  stricken  (April  7)  with  a  mortal  ill-  1778< 
ness,  while  speaking  in  the  House  of  Lords  against  any 


220  THE    MAKING   OF    A   NATION. 

consent  to  American  independence,  and  died  on  the  nth 
of  the  following  month.  Lord  North's  commissioners 
came  to  America  in  June,  but  were  told  plainly  that 
nothing  less  than  an  acknowledgment  of  the  independ 
ence  of  the  States  would  receive  consideration. 

125.  British  Evacuation  of  Philadelphia.  —  Battle 
of  Monmouth.  —  Treachery  of  Charles  Lee.  June, 
1778.  The  British  gained  nothing  from  the  possession 
of  Philadelphia,  and  Sir  Henry  Clinton,  who  displaced 
Howe  in  May,  was  ordered  to  evacuate  that  city  and 
concentrate  his  forces  at  New  York.  His  rear-guard 
marched  out  on  the  i8th  of  June,  and  Washington, 
breaking  camp,  moved  instantly  in  pursuit.  On  the 
night  of  the  27th  the  American  army,  about  equal  in 
numbers  to  Clinton's,  had  arrived  within  reach  of  the 
latter,  in  an  advantageous  position  near  Monmouth  Court 
House,  New  Jersey,  and  prepared  to  attack.  Unfortu 
nately,  the  treacherous  General  Charles  Lee,  lately  freed 
from  captivity  by  exchange,  was  in  command  of  the 
advance.  It  is  now  known  that  Lee,  while  a  prisoner  at 
New  York,  gave  information  and  advice  to  Howe  ;  but 
that  treason  was  not  discovered  till  long  afterward,  and 
Washington  seems  to  have  been  obliged  to  restore  the 
scoundrel  to  his  command  when  he  came  back.  The 
result  was  a  new  piece  of  treachery,  which  nearly  caused 
a  calamitous  overthrow  of  Washington's  plans.  Instead 
of  attacking  the  enemy  on  the  morning  of  the  28th,  as 
he  was  directed  to  do,  Lee  gave  bewildering  orders, 
throwing  his  divisions  into  confusion,  and  finally  com- 
Battieoi  manded  a  retreat.  Lafayette,  serving  under 
jSSfSiB^1'  Lee,  sent  a  nurried  report  to  Washington  of 
1778.  what  was  being  done,  and  the  commander  ar 
rived  on  the  scene  in  time  to  stop  the  retreat,  restore 
order,  re-form  a  line  of  battle,  under  fire,  and  repel  what 


REVOLUTION  AND  WAR  OF  INDEPENDENCE.     221 

had  now  become  a  British  instead  of  an  American  at 
tack.  This  was  so  splendidly  done,  showing  such  dis 
cipline  and  such  generalship,  that  the  battle  of  Mon- 
mouth  had  the  effect  of  a  victory,  though  the  object 
aimed  at  was  not  attained. 

The  wrath  poured  by  Washington  on  Lee,  in  a  few 
blasting  words,  was  a  revelation  of  fierce  temper  kept 
usually  in  subjugation  by  a  strong  self-command.  The 
culprit,  ordered  to  the  rear,  was  court-martialed  and 
leniently  deprived  of  command  for  a  year,  but  afterward 
dismissed  from  the  army,  and  did  mischief  no  more. 

126.  Washington    again    guarding    the    Hudson. 
1778-1779.   Clinton  and  his  army  made  their  way  to 
New  York,  and  Washington  stood  on  guard  again  by 
the  Hudson  River,  to  keep  the  British  from  breaking 
communications  between  New  England  and    the  other 
States.    From  the  beginning  to  the  end  of  the  war,  that 
was  his  vitally  important  task,  on  which  all  other  cam 
paigning   must    depend.     He    now   hoped   to   trap   the 
enemy  in  New  York,  with  the  help  of  a  French  fleet 
and  French  troops  ;  but  when  the  fleet  came,  in  July,  its 
largest  vessels  could  not  cross  the  bar,  and  the 
project  was  given  up.     Count   d'Estaing,  the 
French  commander,  then  joined  in  an  attack  1778> 

on  the  British  at  Newport,  which,  outside  of  New  York, 
was  their  sole  foothold  in  the  thirteen  States  ;  but  the 
undertaking  failed. 

127.  Tory  and  Indian  Raids  on  the  Frontier.  —  Sul 
livan's    Expedition    to  Western    New   York.     1778- 
1781.    Extensive  operations   of   war    in   the   Northern 
States  were  now  given  up   by  the  British  military  au 
thorities,  who  turned  their  attention  to  the  south  ;  but 
a  purely  revengeful  and  vindictive  warfare  against  fron 
tier   settlements    in    New  York  and   Pennsylvania  was 


222  THE    MAKING    OF   A    NATION. 

carried  on  by  Tories  and  savages  in  British  pay.  Tory 
inhabitants  of  the  New  York  border,  driven  from  their 
homes,  had  gathered  in  the  neighborhood  of  Fort  Ni 
agara,  both  in  Canada  and  in  western  New  York.  The 
Mohawk  Indians  went  with  them,  and  the  Senecas  and 
The  Butlers  Cayugas  were  their  allies.  Numerous  raids  by 
and  Brant.  Tory  rangers  and  Indians  were  made  from  the 
Niagara  region,  on  the  border  settlements  within  reach, 
the  active  leaders  being  Colonel  John  Butler,  his  son 
Walter,  and  the  Mohawk  chieftain,  Thayendanegea,  or 
Joseph  Brant.  There  were  fearful  atrocities  committed 
in  some  of  these  raids,  most  horribly  in  the  valley  of 
Wyoming,  northeastern  Pennsylvania,  where 
and  cherry  Butler's  rangers  and  a  band  of  Senecas  de- 

Valley  mas 
sacres,         stroyed  a  Connecticut  settlement  in  July,  1778. 

July -No- 

vember,        Hardly  less  infamous  was  the  destruction  of  a 

17  78 

settlement  in  Cherry  Valley,  New  York,  in 
November  of  the  same  year,  by  Tories  and  Indians 
under  Walter  Butler  and  Brant.  Formerly  Brant  was 
held  chiefly  accountable  for  the  savagery  of  this  border 
warfare,  but  historical  investigation  has  cleared  him  of 
the  charge.  He  appears  to  have  been  more  civilized 
than  most  of  the  white  men  with  whom  he  served.  He 
was  not  present  at  Wyoming,  and  his  warriors  at  Cherry 
Valley  are  said  to  have  had  little  or  no  hand  in  the 
butchery  that  was  done.  In  excuse  for  the  Butlers  it  is 
said  that  they  could  not  restrain  their  Indian  allies  ;  but 
they  gave  opportunities  to  the  savages  which  they  knew 
would  be  improved. 

To  check  this  barbaric  warfare,  General  Sullivan, 
with  5000  men,  was  sent  by  Washington,  in  the  summer 
of  1 779,  to  ravage  the  country  of  the  hostile  tribes,  and 
to  drive  the  Tories  from  their  stronghold  on  the  Niagara. 
After  one  engagement  near  Elmira  (formerly  called 


REVOLUTION  AND  WAR  OF  INDEPENDENCE.     223 

Newtown),  where  1500  British  troops,  Tory  rangers,  and 
Indians  were  defeated  with  heavy  slaughter,  Sullivan's 
forces  swept  over  the  lands  of  the  Cayugas  and  Senecas, 
in    the   lake  region  of  central  New  York  and  General 
in  the  fertile  valley  of  the  Genesee,  destroying  Sumva11- 
villages  and  corn-fields,  with  such  effect  that  those  tribes 
never  recovered  their  strength.     But  Fort  Niagara  was 
not  reached,  and  a  dreadful  harrying  of  the  Mohawk  val 
ley  and  other  border  regions  went  on  through  1780  and 
1781. 

128.  Conquest  of  the  Northwest  by  George  Rogers 
Clark.  1778-1779.  A  more  important  expedition  into 
the  wilderness  of  the  west  had  been  undertaken  in  the 
previous  summer  (1778)  by  a  bold  young  surveyor, 
George  Rogers  Clark,  commissioned  by  Governor  Pat 
rick  Henry,  of  Virginia.  In  the  last  few  years  many 
settlers  had  gone  into  the  Ohio  valley,  James  Harrod, 
Daniel  Boone,  and  other  pioneers  having  begun  the  actual 
occupation  of  Kentucky  in  1774  and  1775.  Colonel 
Hamilton,  commanding  at  Detroit,  was  known  to  be  in 
citing  the  Indian  tribes  of  the  region  to  a  combined 
attack  on  these  frontier  settlements,  and  Clark  offered  to 
undertake  the  expulsion  of  the  British  from  their  whole 
western  domain.  Authorized  by .  Governor  Henry,  he 
enlisted  about  180  hardy  riflemen,  with  whom  he  de 
scended  the  Ohio  to  the  Mississippi  and  passed  up  the 
great  river,  surprising  and  occupying  the  posts  at  Kas- 
kaskia  and  Kahokia  —  the  latter  near  the  site  of  St. 
Louis.  In  the  following  winter,  hearing  that  Hamilton 
was  at  Vincennes,  on  the  Wabash,  gathering  a  force  of 
Indians  and  whites,  he  made  a  wonderful  march  capture  of 
across  country  and  captured  him  there.  Clark  FeKSy8' 
expected  reinforcements  to  join  him  for  an  24' 1779' 
expedition  against  Detroit ;  but  they  were  diverted  to 


224  THE    MAKING    OF    A    NATION. 

attack  a  body  of  Indians  "  on  the  war  path,"  at  Chick- 
amauga.  Even  without  the  capture  of  Detroit,  the  con 
quests  of  Clark  gave  the  States  a  claim  to  the  northwest 
which  had  great  importance  when  boundaries  were  settled 
at  the  close  of  the  war. 

129.  Stony  Point.  —  British  Subjugation  of  Georgia 
and  South  Carolina.  1779-1780.  After  their  retreat 
from  Philadelphia  in  1778,  the  British  attempted  nothing 
with  their  regular  forces  at  the  north,  except  some  de 
structive  raids  along  the  coast,  until  the  end  of  May, 
1779,  when  Clinton  captured  a  small  fort  which  the 
Americans  were  building  on  the  Hudson,  at  Stony  Point, 
storming  ^  was  retaken  three  weeks  afterward  by  Gen- 
pofnTJuiy  eral  Wayne  (called  "  Mad  Anthony"),  whose 
15,1779.  storming  of  Stony  Point,  by  the  use  of  the 
bayonet  and  without  firing  a  shot,  was  one  of  the  famous 
exploits  of  the  war. 

The  military  energies  of  the  British  were  now  being 
directed  almost  solely  to  the  subjugation  of  the  Southern 
States.  At  the  end  of  December,  1778,  Savannah  was 
taken  by  a  force  from  New  York,  and  Georgia  was 
practically  subdued  before  spring.  General  Lincoln, 
who  had  won  distinction  in  the  campaign  against  Bur- 
goyne,  now  commanded  the  Continental  forces  in  the 
south  ;  but  they  were  too  weak  for  effective  use. 

In  September  the  French  fleet,  under  Count  d'Estaingj 
which  had  been  in  the  West  Indies  since  the  fall  of 
1778,  came  back  to  the  American  coast,  and  a  joint 
attack  on  Savannah  was  arranged  between  Lincoln  and 
d'Estaing.  For  three  weeks  regular  siege  op- 
savannah.  erations  were  carried  on  ;  then  the  French 

September-  ....  . 

October,        commander,  tearing  autumnal  storms,  insisted 

1779 

upon  an  assault  (October  9,  1779),  which  failed 
disastrously,  entailing  a  loss  of  1000  men.     Among  the 


REVOLUTION  AND  WAR  OF  INDEPENDENCE.     225 

killed  was  Count  Pulaski,  a  distinguished  Pole,  who  en 
tered   the  American    service  in    1777.     The  siege  was 
abandoned  and  the  French  fleet  with 
drew. 

Sir  Henry  Clinton  was   now   pre 
pared  to  enter  the  southern  field  in 
person  for  a  vigorous  campaign.      In 
December  he  sailed  from   New  York 
for    Savannah,  with    8000   men,    fol 
lowed    by    3000 
more.      General 
Lincoln,  who 
had     but     7000 


THE  SEAT  OF  WAR  IN  THE  SOUTH. 


troops,  mistakenly  allowed  them  to  be  shut  up  in  Charles 
ton,  which  Clinton  invested  early  in  the  spring  of  1780. 
By  the  I2th  of  May  Lincoln's  situation  had  become 


226  THE    MAKING   OF   A    NATION. 

hopeless,  and  the  city,  with  the  whole  American  army, 
surrender  was  surrendered  that  day.  Within  a  few  weeks 
tofn?MayS  tne  British  were  in  possession  of  the  entire 
12, 1780.  State,  and  Clinton,  with  most  of  his  army, 
returned  to  New  York,  leaving  Lord  Cornwallis  in  com 
mand  in  the  south. 

130.  Naval  Warfare.  —  Exploits  of  Paul  Jones. 
1779.  Naturally,  in  the  early  years  of  the  war,  the 
Americans  could  do  little  at  sea.  A  feeble  navy  of 
cruisers  was  set  afloat  and  a  number  of  privateers  re 
ceived  letters  of  marque ;  but  the  British  were  able  to 
strike  harder  blows  at  American  commerce  than  the 
Americans  could  strike  in  return.  The  latter  gained 
something  in  naval  strength  from  the  French  alliance, 
by  obtaining  ships  and  equipments  and  by  having  the 
free  use  of  French  ports.  It  was  then  that  the  Scottish 
sailor,  Captain  Paul  Jones,  commissioned  by  the  Con 
tinental  Congress,  began  to  distinguish  himself  by  the 
daring  and  success  of  his  operations  on  the  British 
coasts.  In  1779  he  was  put  in  command  of  a  small 
squadron  which  Franklin  had  fitted  out  in  France.  His 
flagship  was  an  old  vessel  built  for  the  India  trade, 
slightly  altered  and  re-named  the  Bon  Homme  Richard. 
On  the  23d  of  September  Jones  encountered  two  Brit 
ish  frigates,  convoying  a  large  fleet  of  merchant  ships. 
With  the  Bon  Homme  Richard  he  attacked  the  larger 
of  the  two,  the  Serapis,  while  one  of  his  consorts  fought 
the  other.  The  battle  which  then  took  place  between 

the  two  principal  ships  was  one  of  the  most 
Homme  desperate  ever  fought.  Before  it  ended  the  two 
anise-  vessels  were  lashed  together,  with  the  muzzles 
September,  of  their  guns  almost  touching  each  other's 

sides ;  both  were  on  fire,  and  more  than  half  the 
crew  of  each  were  helplessly  wounded  or  dead.  Sheer 


REVOLUTION  AND  WAR  OF  INDEPENDENCE.     22/ 

exhaustion  forced  the  Serapis  to  surrender  at  last.  The 
Bon  Homme  Richard  was  in  a  sinking  state,  and  went 
down  the  next  morning,  soon  after  the  survivors  of  her 
crew  had  been  transferred  to  the  captured  ship.  By  his 
daring  operations  Paul  Jones  gave  a  serious  check  to 
British  trade. 

131.  Deplorable  State  of  South  Carolina.  —  Disas 
trous  Campaign  of  Gates.  May- August,  17  8O.  After 
the  surrender  of  Charleston,  it  fell  to  the  lot  of  South 
Carolina  to  suffer  the  bitterest  experience  that  was  under 
gone  by  any  State.  Clinton  and  his  successor,  Corn- 
wallis,  pursued  a  policy  which  outlawed  a  large  part  of 
the  people,  who  would  not  swear  allegiance  and  give 
active  support  to  King  George.  Such  patriots  were 
hunted  by  British  troops  and  Tory  partisans,  their  pro 
perty  destroyed  or  confiscated,  their  families  and  friends 
cruelly  abused.  No  general  combination  among  them 
could  be  formed,  and  they  were  gathered  in  small  bands, 
under  leaders  of  remarkable  ability  and  skill,  carrying  on 
a  harassing  warfare,  of  the  partisan  or  guerrilla  Partisan 
kind.  The  exploits  and  adventures  of  some  of  wartare- 
those  bands,  under  Francis  Marion,  Thomas  Sumter, 
James  Williams,  Andrew  Pickens,  and  other  famous  cap 
tains,  furnish  many  romantic  tales  to  the  history  of  the 
time.  Colonel  Tarleton,  who  was  notorious  for  brutality, 
and  Major  Ferguson  were  the  commanders  most  active 
against  them  on  the  British  side. 

It  was  Washington's  wish  that  General  Greene,  his 
most  capable  lieutenant,  should  succeed  Lincoln  in  the 
southern  command ;  but  Congress,  with  unpardonable 
perversity,  took  the  selection  from  him  and  appointed  its 
unworthy  favorite,  Gates.  From  his  own  dwindled  forces 
in  the  north  the  commander-in-chief  had  sent  some  2000 
well-tried  troops  to  the  Carolinas,  under  Baron  De  Kalb. 


228  THE    MAKING    OF    A    NATION. 

Gates  reached  them,  at  Hillsborough,  North  Carolina,  in 
July,  and  was  joined  there  by  a  few  militia,  forming  alto 
gether  a  little  army  of  about  3000  men.  With  this  he 
Battle  of  rushed  forward  into  South  Carolina,  and  wrecked 
lu^usus,  ms  armY  utterly  in  a  blundering  battle  at  Cam- 
178°-  den  (August  16,  1780),  from  the  field  of  which 
he  was  one  of  a  small  number  who  escaped.  The  brave 
De  Kalb  fought  hopelessly  until  he  had  received  mortal 
wounds. 

132.  Discouraging  circumstances  of  the  Country. 
178O.  This  ended  the  accidental  reputation  of  Gates. 
Even  Congress  gave  him  up,  and  Washington  was  per 
mitted,  a  few  weeks  later,  to  put  Greene  in  his  place. 
But  the  dreadful  defeat  at  Camden  had  been  a  dangerous 
blow  to  the  American  cause.  It  came  when  the  circum 
stances  of  the  country  were  in  their  most  discouraging 
continental  state.  The  paper  money  poured  out  by  Con 
currency,  gress,  based  on  nothing  but  a  promise,  and  even 
the  promise  made  by  no  substantial  authority,  had  lost  all 
worth.  Washington  had  to  levy  forced  contributions  on 
the  surrounding  country  to  feed  his  men.  Practically 
they  had  no  pay,  and  little  prospect  of  any  to  come. 
Desertions  were  increasing  and  new  recruits  were  hard 
to  obtain/ 

In  July  there  was  a  momentary  gleam  of  cheer,  caused 
by  the  arrival  of  6000  French  troops,  under  Count  de 
Rochambeau,  sent  as  the  result  of  a  visit  made  by  Lafay 
ette  to  France.     More  were  to  follow,  but  a  British  fleet 
blockaded  them  in  Brest,  and  they  never  sailed. 
be°acu'sm~       Thus  far  the  French  alliance  had  been  sorely  dis 
appointing  ;   some  increased  aid  in  loans  and 
helpful  supplies,  and  some  diversion  of  English  forces  to 
other  fields  of  war,  had  been  its  only  fruit ;  but  now  there 
was  hope  that  Washington  would  be  enabled  to  strike 


REVOLUTION  AND  WAR  OF  INDEPENDENCE.    22Q 

important  blows.  It  was  a  hope  that  soon  sank.  The 
French  fleet  that  brought  Rochambeau's  army  to  New 
port  was  immediately  blockaded  by  a  British  squadron  in 
Narragansett  Bay,  and  the  French  troops  were  kept  near 
at  hand  to  support  it  against  expected  attack.  A  whole 
year  was  yet  to  pass  before  Washington  would  be  able  to 
make  use  of  this  reinforcement  from  France. 

133.    Attempted  Treason  of  Benedict  Arnold.     Sep 
tember,  1780.     And  now  came  the  appalling  disclosure 
of  a  plot  of  treason  in  the  army,  from  which  the  country 
had  made  but  a  hairbreadth  escape.     The  traitor  was 
Benedict  Arnold,  whose  record  as  a  soldier  had  been  un 
surpassed  in  brilliancy  by  any  made  since  the 
war  began.    In  the  expedition  to  Canada,  in  de-  oi  Arnold's 
fending  Lake  Champlain  against  Sir  Guy  Carle- 
ton,  and  in  the  battles  which  accomplished  the  defeat 
and  capture  of  Burgoyne,  his  services  had  entitled  him 
to  a  promotion  which  politicians  in  Congress  gave  to  less 
deserving  men.     He  resented  this  treatment,  and  later 
circumstances,  arising  while  he  held  command  at  Phila 
delphia  (June,  1778-March,  1779),  increased  his  feeling. 
At  length,  in  his  bitterness,  he  projected  a  great  act  of 
treason,  to  avenge  what  he  deemed  to  be  his  wrongs. 
His  first  step  was  to  ask  for  and  obtain  the  command  at 
West  Point,  on  the  Hudson  River,  which  had 
been  fortified  strongly  and  was  much  the  most 
important  American  post.     To  lose  it  was  to  lose  the 
river,  and   probably  to   ruin  the  American   cause.      In 
secret  correspondence  with  Sir   Henry  Clinton,  Arnold 
planned  to  betray  this    citadel  of   the    Hudson  to  the 
enemy.     On  the  22d  of  September  he  arranged  the  last 
details  of  the  plan  with  Major  Andre,  a  young  Major 
officer  of  Clinton's  staff,  who  ventured  to  meet  Andr6- 
him  inside  of  the  American  lines.     As  the  unfortunate 


230  THE    MAKING    OF    A    NATION. 

Andre  returned  from  that  meeting,  he  was  caught,  and 
papers  found  on  his  person  disclosed  the  plot.  Arnold 
got  news  of  Andre's  capture  in  time  to  escape  and  make 
his  way  to  New  York,  where  he  received  a  British  com 
mission,  and  did  service  against  his  own  countrymen  in 
barbarous  raids  during  the  remainder  of  the  war.  It  was 
Andre,  the  young  British  officer,  who  had  to  pay  the 
penalty  for  the  traitor's  crime,  since  stern  military  law 
required  his  execution  as  a  spy. 

134.  The  Southwestern  Mountaineers  to  the  Res 
cue.  October,  178O.  The  shock  of  the  discovery  of 
Arnold's  treason  was  the  last  painful  experience  of  a 
gloomy  year.  It  was  followed  soon  by  a  great  uplifting 
change  in  the  situation  at  the  south,  coming  from  an 
unlooked-for  source.  After  his  overwhelming  victory  at 
Camden,  Cornwallis  expected  to  subjugate  North  Caro 
lina  with  ease,  and  moved  his  main  army  into  that  State. 
Before  doing  so  he  sent  his  partisan  commander,  Fergu 
son,  into  the  hill  region  on  the  border  of  the  two  Caro- 
linas,  to  enlist  Tory  recruits  and  to  hunt  down  the  armed 
Whigs.  In  carrying  out  his  mission  Ferguson  pushed 
so  far  into  the  western  wilderness  that  he  stirred  up  those 
people  of  the  mountains,  —  the  Scotch-Irish  and  Hugue 
not  frontiersmen  of  western  North  Carolina,  western 
Virginia,  and  eastern  Tennessee,  —  who  had  been  busy 
fighting  and  watching  their  Indian  neighbors,  and  had 
taken  no  part  hitherto  in  the  war  on  its  eastern  side. 
These  formidable  riflemen  now  swarmed  out  of  their 
mountain  settlements,  put  Ferguson  to  flight, 

Battle  of  ,     ,     * . 

King's  and  pursued  and  surrounded  him  on  a  rocky 
October  ?,'  ridge  called  King's  Mountain,  which  he  thought 
he  could  hold,  with  his  1 100  men,  against  any 
possible  attack.  But  the  irresistible  mountaineers  stormed 
the  height ;  Ferguson  and  400  or  more  of  his  followers 


REVOLUTION  AND  WAR  OF  INDEPENDENCE.     231 

were  killed  and  wounded  ;  the  remainder  surrendered  ; 
the  Tories  of  the  "up-country"  were  crushed. 

135.  Greene's  Campaign  in  the  Carolinas.  178O- 
1781.  The  southern  situation  was  greatly  changed  by 
this  unexpected  event.  Cornwallis's  plans  were  frus 
trated  and  he  fell  back.  Both  British  and  American 
troops  were  sent  southward  from  the  northern  com 
mands,  and  early  in  December  Greene  superseded  Gates. 
He  had  several  fine  officers  to  assist  him,  including 
Daniel  Morgan  and  Henry  Lee,  the  latter  a  splendid 
cavalry  officer,  father  of  the  more  famous  Robert  E.  Lee. 
Morgan,  sent  westward  with  900  men,  opened  the  new 
campaign  by  nearly  destroying  a  more  than  equal  force 

under  Tarleton,  in  a  remarkably  managed  battle, 

i  „     ,     ,       V-  i        Battle  of 

fought  at  a  place  called  the  Cowpens,  on  the  thecow- 
i/th  of  January,  1781.     Cornwallis  then  moved   January 
in  pursuit  of  Morgan,  and  was  led  nearly  to  the 
Virginia  line,  in  a  baffled  effort  to  keep  Morgan's  forces 
from  being  reunited  with   Greene's.     Greene  gave  him 
battle  at  Guilford  Court  House  (March  15),  and  Battleoj 
failed  to  drive  him   from  his  ground,   but    so   court°r<1 
crippled  him  that  he  retreated  to  Wilmington  March' 15, 
three  days  afterward,  to  be  within  reach  of  the  1781> 
British  fleet.     Greene  then  marched  straight  into  South 
Carolina,  while  Cornwallis  went  off  to  Virginia  with  the 
main  body  of  his  troops,  but  left  forces  in  South  Carolina 
as  strong  as  Greene's.     Two  considerable  battles  were 
fought  during  the  next  six   months,  at  Hobkirk's  Hill, 
April  25,   and  at  Eutaw  Springs,  September  8.      The 
Americans  were  defeated  in  the  first,  and  could  not  claim 
a  victory  in  the  second  ;  but  they  gained  all  the  fruits  of 
success.     At  the  end  of  their  campaign  the  British  held 
no  ground  in  South  Carolina  save  the  city  of  Charleston, 
and  the  state  government  was  restored.     Military  critics 


232  THE  MAKING  OF  A  NATION. 

have  greatly  praised  the  generalship  by  which  Greene 
accomplished  these  results. 

136.  The  Beginning  of  the  End.  —  Yorktown. 
May-October,  1781.  Meanwhile,  in  Virginia,  the  grand 
crisis  of  the  war  was  drawing  near,  —  the  master-stroke 
was  being  prepared.  When  Cornwallis,  quitting  the 
Carolinas,  brought  his  main  command  to  Petersburg, 
Virginia,  joining  a  considerable  body  of  troops  there,  he 
was  only  opposed  by  a  little  army  of  about  3000,  mostly 
militia,  under  Lafayette.  But  Steuben  was  in  the  State, 
rapidly  raising  and  organizing  an  increased  force.  Lafay 
ette  retreated,  and  Cornwallis  pursued  him  nearly  to  the 
Rapidan,  but,  after  some  overrunning  of  the  country, 
turned  back  to  the  seaboard,  finally  placing  his  army  at 
Yorktown  (August,  1781),  on  the  peninsula  between  the 
York  River  and  the  James.  This  brought  him  into  easy 
communication  with  Sir  Henry  Clinton,  at  New  York, 
and  the  position  was  one  of  safety  so  long  as  British  fleets 
controlled  the  sea.  It  happened,  however,  that  a  French 
The  com-  fleet,  stronger  than  the  British  naval  force  in 
French118  American  waters,  was  coming  from  the  West 
Indies  to  Chesapeake  Bay  at  just  this  time.  Its 
coming  had  been  arranged  for  with  the  French  admiral, 
Count  de  Grasse,  by  Washington  and  Rochambeau,  some 
time  before.  Primarily,  they  had  planned  to  have  its 
help  in  a  combined  attack  on  New  York  ;  but  when 
Washington  learned  of  Cornwallis's  movements,  he  saw 
his  opportunity  for  taking  the  army  of  that  general  in  a 
trap.  Keeping  Sir  Henry  Clinton  deceived  by  move 
ments  which  seemed  to  threaten  New  York,  he  sud 
denly  transferred  2000  of  his  own  troops  and  4000  of 
Rochambeau' s,  with  great  secrecy  and  celerity,  from  the 
Hudson  to  the  James.  They  were  marched  to  the  head 
of  Chesapeake  Bay  and  conveyed  thence  by  shipping  to 


REVOLUTION  AND  WAR  OF  INDEPENDENCE.     233 

the  peninsula  above  Yorktovvn,  where  Lafayette,  who 
had  followed  Cornwallis,  with  an  increased  force,  was 
already  entrenched.  Already,  too,  the  French  fleet  was 
in  possession  of  the  bay,  a  British  squadron  had  been 
driven  off,  and  3000  French  soldiers  from  the  West  In 
dies  had  been  landed  to  strengthen  Lafayette.  The 
trap  was  effectually  sprung,  and  the  whole  scheme  had 
been  carried  out  so  skilfully  that  the  British  commanders 
suspected  nothing  of  what  was  on  foot  until  too  late  to 
interfere. 

Washington  reached  Lafayette's  headquarters  on  the 
1 4th  of  September  ;  his  forces  from  the  north  arrived  be 
tween  the  1 8th  and  the  26th,  and  siege  operations  were 
begun.     Cornwallis  held  out  until  the  i/th  of 
October,  when  the  hopelessness  of  his   situa-  iis'ssur- 

,.  ,  • ,  .    .  render, 

tion  was  confessed  by  raising  the  white  flag.   October  19, 
On  the  i  Qth  he  gave  up  his  sword,  and  his  men, 
7247  soldiers  and  840  seamen,  laid  down  their  arms,  as 
prisoners  of  war. 

137.  Peace.  In  reality  that  surrender  was  the  end 
ing  of  the  War  of  Independence,  though  partisan  hostil 
ities  were  kept  up,  especially  in  the  south,  and  though 
British  and  American  armies  confronted  each  other  for 
many  months  more,  while  Charleston  and  New  York  were 
still  in  the  enemy's  hands.  King  George's  obstinacy 
postponed  for  a  few  months,  but  it  could  not  prevent, 
the  beginning  of  steps  toward  an  arrangement  of  peace. 
Parliament  forced  it  on.  Lord  North  and  his  ministry 
were  driven  to  resign  on  the  2Oth  of  March, 

i    -rr-          ^  Resigna- 

1782,  and  King  George  was  compelled  to  ac-  tion  of 

T        i  -n      i  •      i  r  •  •    •  •  i      Lord  North, 

cept  Lord  Rockingham  for  prime  minister,  with   March  20, 
a  Whig  cabinet,  made  up  mostly  of  statesmen 
who  had    steadily  opposed  the  American  war  and  the 
measures  that  brought  it  about.     An  agent,  Mr.  Oswald, 


234  THE  MAKING  OF  A  NATION. 

sent  to  Paris  by  one  of  the   new  ministers,  Lord  Shel- 

burne,  conferred  at  first  with  Franklin  alone.     This  led 

to  more  formal  negotiations,  in  which  John  Jay, 

Peace  nego- 

tiationsat       ohn  Adams,  and   Henry  Laurens  were  asso- 
Paris. 

ciated  with  Dr.  franklin  as  commissioners  em 
powered  by  Congress  to  represent  the  United  States. 
At  the  same  time  Lord  Shelburne,  who  became  prime 
minister  in  July,  opened  peace  negotiations  with  France 
and  Spain.  In  the  course  of  the  subsequent  parleyings 
the  American  commissioners  found  reason  to  believe  that 
Vergennes,  the  French  minister,  was  more  than  willing 
to  weaken  the  future  growth  of  the  United  States  by 
making  the  Alleghanies  their  western  boundary,  and  that 
Spain  had.  the  same  end  in  view.  That  led  them  to  cease 
counselling  with  Vergennes,  and  their  further  negotia 
tions  with  the  British  ministers  were  carried  on  in  a  pri 
vate  way,  until  agreements  were  reached  and  the  articles 
of  a  treaty  signed  provisionally  on  the  3<Dth  of 
vember  so,  November,  1 782.  It  was  not  to  have  effect  until 
September  the  settlement  of  peace  between  Great  Britain 
and  France.  When  that  came  to  pass,  the  same 
treaty,  unchanged,  was  signed  on  the  3d  of  September, 
1783,  and  was  ratified  on  both  sides. 

138.  Terms  of  the  Treaty  of  Peace.  The  United 
States  secured  western  territory  to  the  Mississippi,  and 
from  the  Floridas  to  the  Great  Lakes ;  but  the  eastern 
and  western  extremities  of  the  northern  boundary  line 
were  so  imperfectly  described  in  the  treaty  that  dis 
putes  about  them  lasted  for  many  years.  In  the 

Boundaries     ,  c    ~   ,       .  ,         . 

and  fisher-  important  matter  of  fisheries,  the  Americans 
were  given  equal  rights  with  British  fishermen 
to  take  fish  on  all  the  British-American  coasts.  Con 
cerning  the  American  loyalists  or  Tories,  who  had  sided 
with  the  mother  country  in  the  conflict,  a  question  of  great 


REVOLUTION  AND  WAR  OF  INDEPENDENCE.     235 

embarrassment  arose.  Feeling  against  them  was  so  bit 
terly  unforgiving  in  many  States  that  they  had  been  and 
were  being  driven  into  exile,  with  confiscation  of  their 
property,  wherever  they  lost  the  protection  of 
the  British  arms.  It  was  not  only  cruel  treat-  o/lmerlcan 
ment,  but  unwise,  as  we  look  at  it  now.  It  is 
certain  that  the  loyalists  mistook  what  was  right  and 
best,  in  opposing  separation  from  the  British  Empire  ; 
but  it  is  equally  certain  that  a  large  number  of  them  did 
so  conscientiously,  and  would  have  accepted  the  result 
of  the  war  in  good  faith,  becoming  citizens  as  loyal  to 
the  new  republic  as  they  had  been  loyal  to  the  king. 
Many  of  them  were  persons  of  character,  of  culture,  of 
capability,  of  importance  in  their  occupations  and  their 
means,  and  the  country  suffered  a  serious  loss  when  it 
drove  them  out.  But  many  others  of  the  Tory  faction, 
especially  in  New  York  and  the  Carolinas,  had  been 
malignantly  and  barbarously  active  in  the  war,  and  had 
excited  a  hatred  that  extended  to  the  whole  loyalist  class. 
Great  Britain  felt  bound  to  provide  in  the  treaty  for  the 
protection  of  these  people,  its  partisans  ;  but  the  feeble 
government  of  the  United  States,  as  then  constituted, 
could  only  promise  to  recommend  to  the  several  States 
that  they  restore  confiscated  property  and  allow  exiled 
loyalists  to  return  to  their  homes.  It  did  so,  and  fulfilled 
the  promise,  but  with  no  effect.  It  was  equally  power 
less  in  another  matter  which  the  treaty  touched,  relating 
to  the  payment  of  debts  that  were  due  to  British  creditors 
when  the  war  broke  out.  The  obligations  of  the 
treaty  were  totally  disregarded  in  most  of  the  British0 
States,  and  their  action  provoked  the  British  c 
government  to  keep  possession  of  several  forts  in  the 
west  for  many  years. 

It  has  been  estimated  that  the  loyalists  who  left  the 


236  THE    MAKING    OF    A   NATION. 

United  States  during  or  immediately  after  the  War  of 
Independence  numbered  no  less  than  100,000.  From 
The  exiled  New  York  alone  12,000  went  a  short  time 
loyalists,  before  the  British  evacuation  of  the  city,  in 
1783.  For  the  most  part  they  found  homes  in  Nova 
Scotia  and  Canada,  where  they  received  grants  of  land, 
and  in  the  Bahamas,  which  attracted  many  from  the 
south. 

139.  Dissolving  the  Continental  Army.  —  Retire 
ment  of  Washington.  1781-1783.  Until  the  terms  of 
peace  between  Great  Britain  and  France  were  agreed 
upon,  in  January,  1783,  and  until  news  of  that  agree 
ment  reached  America,  late  in  March,  the  American  and 
British  forces  were  both  kept  under  arms.  A  cessation 
of  hostilities  was  then  proclaimed  on  both  sides.  Wash 
ington  communicated  the  proclamation  of  Congress  to 
the  army  on  the  iQth  of  April,  exactly  eight  years  from 
that  day  at  Lexington  when  the  war  began.  Most  of 
the  soldiers  were  then  permitted  to  return  to  their 
homes. 

In  the  last  year  of  its  service  there  had  been  increas 
ing  disaffection  in  the  army,  and  nothing  but  the  potent 
influence  of  Washington  had  prevented  some  violent 
Discontent  outbreak.  The  pay  of  the  soldiers  was  far  in 
of  the  army.  arrearSj  ancj  tney  feared  that,  if  disbanded,  no 
attempt  would  be  made  to  meet  their  claims.  To  keep 
his  experienced  officers,  Washington  had  persuaded 
Congress  to  promise  half-pay  for  life  to  those  who  served 
until  the  end  of  the  war ;  but  there  seemed  to  be  less 
and  less  prospect  that  Congress  would  be  able  to  make 
its  promise  good.  Mean  spirits  were  ready  to  work  upon 
every  doubt  and  every  fear.  Gates  was  again  a  leader 
among  these,  and  one  of  his  staff,  Major  Armstrong, 
wrote  an  inflammatory  address  which  was  circulated  in 


REVOLUTION  AND  WAR  OF  INDEPENDENCE.     237 

the  camp  at  Newburgh  (March  11,  1783),  calling  for  a 
general  meeting  of  the  army  to  discuss  its  wrongs. 
Washington  foiled  the  dangerous  design  by 

.  .  ~    .    ,  J     The  New- 

making  the  meeting  an  official  one  and  address-  burgh  ad- 
ing  it  himself,  in  terms  which  shamed  the  mal-  March, 

1783 

contents.  He  then  induced  Congress  to  com 
mute  the  promised  half-pay  for  life  into  a  sum  equal  to 
full  pay  for  five  years,  and  to  offer  it  immediately  in 
certificates  bearing  interest  at  six  per  cent.  The  com 
mutation,  though  much  denounced  in  the  country,  proved 
generally  acceptable  to  the  officers,  and  mutinous  dis 
affection  was  checked.  Enough  remained,  however,  to  be 
dangerous  still,  as  appeared  three  months  later,  when  an 
outbreak  of  eighty  soldiers  in  Pennsylvania  drove  Con 
gress  from  Philadelphia  to  Princeton  in  fright. 

These  and  some  prior  demonstrations  among  the  sol 
diers  gave  rise  to  much  distrust  of  the  army,  as  the  time 
for  its  dissolution  drew  near.  The  feeling  was  increased 
when,  in  the  spring  of  1783,  a  secret  society,  or  brother 
hood,  called  the  Order  of  the  Cincinnati,1  was  formed 
among  the  officers  of  the  army  and  navy,  to  be  The 
perpetuated  by  their  sons,  for  the  innocent  pur-  Cinclnnatl- 
pose  of  keeping  alive  the  friendships  and  associations  of 
their  service  in  a  common  cause.  Some  sinister  design 
in  the  organization  was  suspected,  especially  that  of 
seeking  to  establish  an  hereditary  aristocracy  ;  and  the 
order  was  so  fiercely  denounced  that  the  hereditary  fea 
ture  of  its  constitution  was  given  up  by  many  state 
societies,  but  not  by  all.  It  has  an  existence  still  in 
several  States. 

New  York  remained  in  the  possession  of  the  British 

1  So  named  to  suggest  the  likeness  of  its  members  to  Cincin- 
natus,  the  Roman,  who  left  his  plough  to  command  the  army  of  his 
country,  and  returned  to  it  when  the  campaign  was  closed. 


238     REVOLUTION  AND  WAR  OF  INDEPENDENCE. 

until  the  25th  of  November,  when  the  last  of  their  troops 
British  sailed  away.  On  the  4th  of  December  Wash- 
rtNewtlon  ington  took  leave  of  his  officers  and  departed 
vemfee?25,  ^or  n*s  nome  at  Mount  Vernon,  receiving 
1783.  proofs  at  every  stage  of  his  journey  that  the 
immeasurable  greatness  of  his  service  to  the  country  was 
well  understood.  At  Annapolis,  where  Congress  was 
then  sitting,  he  resigned  his  commission  and  asked 
leave  to  retire  to  private  life.  He  submitted  a  state- 
washing-  ment  of  moneys  that  he  had  expended  from  his 
tS^rfvS?8  private  fortune  during  the  war,  amounting  to 
$64,315,  for  which  he  desired  reimbursement; 
but  of  pay  for  his  personal  services  he  would  take  none. 
On  Christmas  eve  he  reached  the  home  which  he  had 
seen  but  once  in  eight  years. 

TOPICS    AND    SUGGESTED    READING   AND    RESEARCH. 

1O7.    Lexington  and  Concord.  —  "  The  Shot  heard 
round  the  World." 

TOPICS  AND  REFERENCES. 

i.  Gage's  attempt  to  seize  Adams  and  Hancock  at  Lexington 
and  destroy  stores  at  Concord.  2.  Paul  Revere's  ride.  3.  The 
first  bloodshed  of  the  war  on  Lexington  Green.  4.  Fighting  at 
Concord  and  British  retreat.  5.  The  New  England  rising.  —  Gage 
beleaguered  in  Boston.  6.  Character  of  the  besieging  army.  Froth- 
ingham,  Siege  of  Boston,  ch.  ii. ;  Fiske,  Ant.  Rev.,  i.  120-126; 
Bancroft,  iv.  152-166;  Hosmer,  Adams,  329-331  ;  Sloane,  183-187. 

1O8.    Effect  of  the  News. 

TOPICS  AND  REFERENCES. 

i.  Effect  of  the  news  in  the  middle  colonies.  2.  Uprising  in 
Virginia  and  the  Carolinas.  Bancroft,  iv.  176-181  ;  Hildreth,  iii. 
69-74;  Frothingham,  Rise  of  the  Rep.,  415-418;  Tyler,  Henry, 
ch.  x. ;  McCrady,  ii.  ch.  xli. 


TOPICS,    REFERENCES,   AND    RESEARCH.      239 

1O9.    Capture  of  Ticonderoga  and  Crown  Point. 
TOPICS  AND  REFERENCES. 

i.  Connecticut  origination  and  Vermont  undertaking  of  the  ex 
pedition.  2.  What  it  gave  to  the  patriots.  Robinson,  ch.  vii.; 
Hall,  ch.  vi.-vii.;  Fiske,  Am.  Rev.,  i.  129-132;  Hildreth,  iii.  74- 
76;  Bancroft,  iv.  182-183. 

110.  Second   Continental  Congress.  —  Appointment 
of  Washington  to  Chief  Military  Command. 

TOPICS  AND  REFERENCES. 

i.  Leading  members  of  the  Congress.  2.  Declaration  of  the 
causes  of  armed  resistance,  and  petition  to  the  king  (text  in 
MacDonald,  i.  374-385).  Bancroft,  iv.  190-192,  199-200;  Morse, 
Adams,  87-93. 

3.  Adoption  of  the  forces  in  arms  as  a  "Continental  Army." 
4.  Appointment  of  Washington  to  chief  command.  5.  His  unique 
greatness.  6.  Other  military  appointments.  Washington,  ii.  476- 
493;  Adams,  ii.  415-418;  Lecky,  iii.  465-472;  Bancroft,  iv.  204- 
213;  Fiske,  Am.  Rev.,  133-136;  Morse,  Adams,  93-100;  Lodge, 
Washington,  i.  131-133;  Sloane,  195-199. 

7.  Failure  of  Congress  to  assume  needed  powers.     Hoist,  Const. 
Law,  6-12;   Johnston,   United  States,  56-57;   Frothingham,  Rise 
of  the  Rep.,  421-428. 
RESEARCH.  —  Foreign  estimates  of  Washington.     Guizot,  Essay  ; 

F.  Harrison,  Washington,  3-27 ;  E.  A.  Freeman,  62-103. 

111.    Bunker  Hill. 
TOPICS  AND  REFERENCES. 

i.  Fortification  of  Breed's  Hill.  2.  Unsuccessful  assaults  by  the 
British  troops.  3.  Reasons  for  their  final  success.  4.  Why  the 
American  cause  suffered  no  effect  of  defeat.  Frothingham,  Siege 
of  Boston,  ch.  iv.-vii. ;  Carrington,  Battles,  ch.  xv.-xvii. ;  Fiske, 
Am.  Rev.,  5.  136-146;  Bancroft,  iv.  213-231  ;  Sloane,  199-202. 

112.    Washington's  Task.  —  Expeditions  to  Canada. 
TOPICS  AND  REFERENCES. 

i.  State  of  the  American  army  besieging  Boston.  2.  Washing 
ton's  difficulties,  and  the  primary  cause  of  them.  Washington, 

111.  8-70,  245-249  ;  Carrington,   Washington,  ch.  v. ;  Fiske,  Am. 


240     REVOLUTION  AND  WAR  OF  INDEPENDENCE. 

Rev.,  i.  147-157  ;  Bancroft,  iv.  239-243,  247-250;  Lecky,  iii.  482- 
488  ;  Frothingham,  Siege  of  Boston,  ch.  viii.-xi.;  O.  S.  Leaf.,  47  ; 
Lodge,  Washington,  i.  133-148. 

3.  The  expeditions  to  Canada.  Carrington,  Battles,  xx.,  xxi.  ; 
Robinson,  ch.  viii. ;  Hall,  ch.  x.-xiii. ;  Fiske,  Am.  Rev.,  i.  165-169  ; 
Bancroft,  iv.  291-308;  Washington,  iii.  121-127. 

113.    Ripening  of  the  Public  Mind  for  Independence. 

TOPICS  AND  REFERENCES. 

i.  King  George's  proclamation  of  rebellion.  2.  His  hiring  of 
Hessians  and  the  effect  in  America.  E.  J.  Lowell,  ch.  i.-v. ;  Ban 
croft,  iv.  269-272,  276-279,  347-358;  Fiske,  Am.  Rev.,  \.  172,  173. 

3.  Movements  in  Congress  toward  declared  independence:  Ad 
vice  to  colonies.  —  Correspondence  with  foreign  powers.  4.  Act 
of  Parliament  against  American  commerce.  5.  Paine's  pamphlet 
entitled  "  Common  Sense."  Frothingham,  Rise  of  the  Rep.,  445- 
489;  Lecky,  iii.  494-498  ;  Winsor,  America,  vi.  ch.  iii. ;  Bancroft, 
iv.  310-316,  359-371  ;  Sloane,  211-214;  Hart,  Contempts,  ii.  500- 
504. 
RESEARCH.  —  Life  and  character  of  Thomas  Paine.  Sedgwick, 

Paine j  Fiske,  Am.  Rev.,  i. 

114.    Boston  given  up  by  the  British. 

TOPICS  AND  REFERENCES. 

i.  Washington's  difficulties  in  the  siege.  2.  How  he  forced  the 
British  out.  Washington,  iii.  313,  444-470,475-481  ;  Frothingham, 
Siege  of  Boston,  ch.  xii. ;  Carrington,  Washington,  ch.  viii. ;  Fiske, 
Am.  Rev.,  i.  169-172;  Bancroft,  iv.  322-331  ;  Lodge,  Washington, 
\.  148-151 ;  O.  S.  Leaf.,  86. 

115.    War  in  North  Carolina.  —  Demands  for  a  Decla 
ration  of  Independence. 

TOPICS  AND  REFERENCES. 

i.  Battle  of  Moore's  Creek  with  Tory  Scotch  Highlanders. 
2.  Frustrated  British  plans.  3.  Action  in  the  Carolinas  and 
Georgia  favoring  independence.  4.  Action  in  other  colonies.  — 
Virginia  Declaration  of  Rights  (text  in  Lamed,  Ready  Ref.,  Vir 
ginia).  Bancroft,  iv.  382-397,  412-434;  Hildreth,  iii.  118-120,124- 
127,  131-132;  Frothingham,  Rise  of  the  Rep.,  499-530;  Fiske, 
Am.  Rev.,  i.  175-190  ;  MacLean,  ch.  v. 


TOPICS,  REFERENCES,  AND    RESEARCH.      241 

5.  The    situation    in    New  York. —  Its   military   importance. — 
Strength  of  the  Tories.     Sabine,  i.  ch.  iii.  ;  Flick,  ch.  i.-v. 
RESEARCH. —  Military  importance  of  the  line  of  the  Hudson  River. 

Washington,  vi.  231-232  ;  Mahan,  Sea  Power  in  Hist.,  342-343. 

116.    Independence  Declared. 

TOPICS  AND  REFERENCES. 

i.  The  composition,  adoption,  and  signing  of  the  Declaration  of 
Independence  (text  in  MacDonald,  ii.  1-6  ;  O.  S.  Leaf.,  3  ;  Am. 
Hist.  Leaf.,  11;  Larned,  Ready  Ref.}.  2.  Formation  of  state 
governments.  Higginson,  ch.  xi. ;  Frothingham,  Rise  of  the  Rep., 
532-558;  Morse,  Jefferson,  32-40,  and  Adams,  124-129;  Hildreth, 
iii.  132-138  ;  Bancroft,  iv.  112-125,  435~452- 

117.    British  Repulse  at  Charleston. 

TOPICS  AND  REFERENCES. 

i.  Colonel  Moultrie's  fort.  2.  His  repulse  of  the  British  attack. 
Carrington,  Battles,  ch.  xxviii.;  McCrady,  iii.  ch.  vii.  ;  Bancroft, 
iv-  397-4H  *>  Fiske,  Am.  Rev.,  i.  198-200. 

118.  Battle   of  Long  Island. — Retreat   of  Washing 
ton  from  New  York  and  through  New  Jersey. 

TOPICS  AND  REFERENCES. 

i.  British  capture  of  New  York  and  Washington's  retreat. 
2.  Invasion  from  the  north  checked  by  Arnold.  3.  Criticism  of 
Washington  and  intrigues  against  him.  4.  Washington's  retreat 
through  New  Jersey.  5.  The  "times  that  try  men's  souls." 
Washington,  iv.  362-376,  v.  1-126;  Carrington,  Washington,^. 
ix.-xiii.,  and  Battles,  ch.  xxix.-xxxvii. ;  Winsor,  America,  vi.  275- 
293  ;  G.  W.  Greene,  Greene,  ii.  152-295  ;  Fiske,  Am.  Rev.,  i.  198- 
229,  and  Essays,  78-83 ;  Bancroft,  v.  24-87 ;  Hildreth,  iii.  ch. 
xxxiv. ;  Lecky,  iv.  1-25;  Lodge,  Washington,  i.  154-174;  Hart, 
Contempts,  ii.  559-562 ;  Sloane,  238-250. 

119.  The  Situation  changed.  —  Washington  turning 

upon  his  Pursuers. 

TOPICS  AND  REFERENCES. 

i.  Position  of  the  two  armies  near  the  Delaware.  2.  Washing 
ton  crosses  the  Delaware.  3.  Battles  of  Trenton  and  Princeton. 


242     REVOLUTION  AND  WAR  OF  INDEPENDENCE. 

—  Recovery  of  lost  ground.  4.  Effect  of  the  brief  campaign.  — 
Help  secured  from  France.  Washington,  v.  127-170;  Carrington, 
Washington,  ch.  xiv.-xv.,  and  Battles,  ch.  xxxviii.-xli. ;  Winsor, 
America,  vi.  367-379  ;  Hildreth,  iii.  ch.  xxxv. ;  Fiske,  Am.  Rev.,  i. 
229-241;  Bancroft,  v.  88-110;  Lecky,  iv.  27-56;  Lodge,  Wash 
ington,  \.  174-179;  Morse,  Franklin,  219-239;  Sloane,  251-264. 


120.  Burgoyne's  Invasion.  —  Capture  of  his  Army.  — 

Undeserved  Credit  to  General  Gates. 

TOPICS  AND  REFERENCES. 

i.  Object  of  the  British  invasion  from  the  north.  —  The  two 
lines  of  the  movement.  2.  Burgoyne's  success  in  the  beginning. 
3.  British  employment  of  Indians.  4.  Country  people  in  arms.  — 
Their  victory  at  Bennington.  5.  Failure  of  St.  Leger.  —  Siege  of 
Fort  Stanwix  and  battle  of  Oriskany.  6.  Failure  of  Howe  to 
move  up  from  New  York  and  meet  Burgoyne.  7.  Desperate  situa 
tion  of  Burgoyne.  8.  The  two  battles  on  Bemis  Heights.  —  Bur 
goyne's  surrender.  Carrington,  Battles,  ch.  xliii.-xlviii. ;  Fiske, 
Am.  Rev.,  i.  260-298,  325-343  ;  Bancroft,  v.  157-173,  182-191  ; 
Hildreth,  iii.  196-215  ;  Lecky,  iv.  63-69  ;  Sloane,  265-271,  275-279  ; 
Stone,  i.  ch.  ix.-xiii. ;  Robinson,  ch.  xi.-xii.;  Hart,  Contempts, 
ii.  565-568. 

9.  Unmerited  credit  to  General  Gates  and  its  mischievous  effects. 
Fiske,  Am.  Rev.,  i.  296-297  ;  Hildreth,  iii.  215. 

121.  Why  and  how  General  Howe  was  kept  from 

meeting  Burgoyne. 

TOPICS  AND  REFERENCES. 

i.  What  carelessness  and  want  of  judgment  brought  about. 
2.  Washington's  manosuvring  to  keep  Howe  engaged.  3.  Ameri 
can  defeat  at  Brandywine.  4.  The  British  win  Philadelphia. 
5.  Washington's  frustrated  attack  at  Germantown.  Washington, 
v.  435-438,  444-462,  502-504,  507-508,  vi.  1-29,  45-88,  93-1 03; 
Carrington,  Washington,  ch.  xviii.-xix.,  and  Battles,  ch.  xlix.-lii. ; 
Mahan,  Sea  Power  in  Hist.,  343-344;  Winsor,  America,  vi.  379- 
389  ;  Fiske,  Am.  Rev.,  i.  299-324  ;  Bancroft,  v.  174-181,  192-199; 
Lodge,  Washington,  i.  188-196. 


TOPICS,  REFERENCES,  AND    RESEARCH.      243 

122.    Intrigues  for  Gates  against  Washington. —  The 

Conway  Cabal. 
TOPICS  AND  REFERENCES. 

i.  Shallowness  of  the  criticism  of  Washington.  2.  Declining 
character  of  the  Continental  Congress.  3.  The  "  Conway  Cabal." 
Washington,  vii.  39;  Fiske,  Am.  Rev.,  ii.  ch.  ix. ;  G.  W.  Greene, 
Greene,  ii.  1-40;  Bancroft,  v.  210-212,  214-217;  Hildreth,  iii.  232- 
237;  Lodge,  Washington,  i.  206-221. 

123.   The  Winter  at  Valley  Forge.  —  State  of  the 
Country. 

TOPICS  AND  REFERENCES. 

i.  Position  of  Valley  Forge.  2.  Washington's  report  of  the 
condition  of  the  army.  3.  Causes  of  the  ill  state  of  things.  Wash 
ington,  vi.  252-268,  300-351,  357-360,  379-383  5  Fiske,  Am.  Rev., 
ii.  25-31  ;  Lecky,  iv.  60-63  '•>  Bancroft,  v.  212-221  ;  Tower,  i.ch.  x.  ; 
Carrington,  Washington,  ch.  xx.-xxi. ;  Hart,  Contempts,  ii.  568- 

573- 

4.  The  "  Continental  currency."  —  Financial  state  of  the  coun 
try.     Bolles,  i.  ch.  iii.,  and  ix.-xiii. ;  Sumner,  The  Financier,  ch. 
iv.,  and  Am.  Currency,  43-50. 

5.  Lafayette,    Steuben,    Hamilton.     Tuckerman,    ch.   i.    14-26; 
Kapp,  ch.  v. ;  Lodge,  Hamilton,  14-26;  Fiske,  Am.  Rev.,\\.  50- 
55  ;  Hart,  Contempts,  ii.  485-488  ;   O.  S.  Leaf.,  97-98. 

124.  Treaty  of  Alliance  with  France.  —  Peace  Over 

tures  from  England. 
TOPICS  AND  REFERENCES. 

i.  Alliance  with  France  and  pledges  given.  2.  Peace  over 
tures  from  England.  3.  Demands  in  England  for  peace.  Morse, 
Franklin,  266-285  ;  Winsor,  Westward,  ch.  ix.  ;  Fiske,  Am.  Rev., 
ii.  ch.  viii. ;  Tower,  i.  ch.  ix. ;  Hildreth,  ii.  239-249  ;  Bancroft,  v. 
244-253. 

125.  British  Evacuation  of  Philadelphia. — Battle  of 

Monmouth.  — Treachery  of  Charles  Lee. 
TOPICS  AND  REFERENCES. 

i.  Circumstances  leading  to  the  battle  at  Monmouth.  2.  Treach 
ery  of  Lee  while  Howe's  prisoner.  —  His  conduct  at  Monmouth. 


244     REVOLUTION  AND  WAR  OF  INDEPENDENCE. 

3.  Generalship  and  discipline  shown  in  the  battle.  4.  Lee  court- 
martialed.  Washington,  vii.  66-97 ;  Carrington,  Washington, 
ch.  xxii.,  and  Battles,  ch.  liv.-lvii. ;  Fiske,  Am.  Rev.,  ii.  56-71,  and 
Essays,  \.  83-95  ;  Lodge,  Washington,  ii.  226-233  ;  Bancroft,  v. 
271-278;  Sloane,  295-298. 

126.    Washington  again  guarding  the  Hudson. 

TOPICS  AND  REFERENCES. 

i.  Washington's  main  task  in  the  war.  2.  Unsuccessful  coop 
eration  with  French  fleet  and  troops.  Fiske,  Am.  Rev.,  ii.  72-80; 
Lodge,  Washington,  i.  234-249  ;  Bancroft,  v.  284-285. 

127.    Tory  and  Indian  Raids  on  the  Frontier.  —  Sulli 
van's  Expedition  to  Western  New  York. 

TOPICS  AND  REFERENCES. 

i.  Character  of  the  warfare  waged  by  Tories  and  Indians  on  the 
frontier.  2.  Joseph  Brant  and  the  Butlers.  3.  Wyoming  and 
Cherry  Valley.  4.  Sullivan's  expedition.  Winsor,  America,  vi. 
ch.  viii. ;  Stone,  ii.  ch.  i. ;  Roberts,  ii.  426-432;  Fiske,  Am.  Rev., 
ii.  82-94. 

128.    Clark's  Conquest  of  the  Northwest. 

TOPICS  AND  REFERENCES. 

1.  Progress  of  settlement  in  the  Ohio  valley.  —  Pioneers  of  Ken 
tucky.     Roosevelt,   The  Winning,  i.  ch.  x.  ;  Winsor,    Westward, 
13-21,  and  ch.  iv.,  viii. ;  Drake,  Ohio  Valley  States,  93-130. 

2.  Hostile  plans  of  the  British  commander  at  Detroit.    3.  George 
Rogers   Clark's  campaign.     4.    Importance  of  Clark's  conquests. 
Roosevelt,   The  Winning,  ii.  ch.  i.-iii.  and  viii. ;    Dunn,  ch.   iv. ; 
Hinsdale,   Old  N.   W.,   152-159;   Fiske,  Am.  Rev.,  ii.   101-109; 
O.  S.  Leaf.,  43;  Bancroft,  v.  309-316;  Hart,  Contempts,  ii.  579- 
582. 

1 29.    Stony  Point.  —  British  Subjugation  of  Georgia 
and  South  Carolina. 

TOPICS  AND  REFERENCES. 

i.  Loss  and  recovery  of  Stony  Point.  2.  British  efforts  concen 
trated  on  the  south.  3.  Failure  of  a  second  cooperative  under 
taking  of  American  and  French  forces.  4.  Surrender  of  Ameri- 


TOPICS,    REFERENCES,   AND    RESEARCH.     245 

can  army  at  Charleston.  Carrington,  Battles,  ch.  xli.-lxiii. ;  Mc- 
Crady,  iii.  ch.  xix.-xxiii.;  Winsor,  America,  vi.  469-474;  Lecky, 
iv.  127-130;  Hildreth,  iii.  274-282,  292-295,  304-305;  Bancroft, 
v.  366-379;  Sloane,  312-316. 

130.    Naval  Warfare.  —  Exploits  of  Paul  Jones. 

TOPICS  AND  REFERENCES. 

i.  Weakness  of  the  Americans  at  sea.  2.  Naval  gains  from 
the  French  alliance.  3.  Paul  Jones  and  his  exploits.  Winsor, 
America,  vi.  ch.  vii.;  Cooper,  i.  179-209;  Brady,  ch.  ix.-xi. ;  Hart, 
Contempts,  ii.  587-590. 

131.    Deplorable    State   of    South    Carolina.  —  Disas 
trous  Campaign  of  Gates. 

TOPICS  AND  REFERENCES. 

x.  Partisan  or  guerrilla  warfare.  —  Famous  Carolina  leaders.  2. 
Congress  and  General  Gates.  3.  The  defeat  at  Camden.  Mc- 
Crady,  iii.  ch.  xxv.-xxx. ;  Fiske,  Am.  Rev.  ii.  179-194;  Hildreth, 
111.307-309,313-317;  Bancroft,  v.  380-390 ;  Sloane, 3 16-3 19;  Lecky, 
iv.  131-134;  Winsor,  A merica,  vi.  475-478  ;  Simms. 

132.    Discouraging  Circumstances  of  the  Country. 

TOPICS  AND  REFERENCES. 

i.  Seriousness  of  the  Camden  disaster.  2.  Worthlessness  of 
"  Continental  currency."  3.  State  of  the  army.  4.  Arrival  of 
Rochambeau  and  a  French  army.  —  Disappointed  hopes  from 
them.  Fiske,  Am.  Rev.,  ii.  196-205 ;  Hart,  Formation,  89-92,  and 
Contempts,  ii.  601-603  ;  Bancroft,  v.  439-450  ;  Lecky,  iv.  135-143  ; 
Lodge,  Washington,  i.  264-272  ;  Sloane,  322-324,  327-328 ;  Wash 
ington,  viii.  507. 

133.    Attempted  Treason  of  Benedict  Arnold. 

TOPICS  AND  REFERENCES. 

i.  Arnold's  military  career  and  his  treatment  by  Congress.  2. 
His  attempted  revenge.  3.  Importance  of  West  Point.  4.  Cap 
ture  and  execution  of  Major  Andre.  5.  Arnold  in  the  British 
service.  Washington,  viii.  449~458,  4/2-475,  493~494,  498-502  ; 
Fiske,  Am.  Rev.)  ii.  ch.  xiv.  ;  Bancroft,  v.  423-438 ;  Winsor, 


246     REVOLUTION  AND  WAR  OF  INDEPENDENCE. 

America,  vi.  447-468;  Lecky,  iv.  145-159;  Lodge,  Washington,  i 
273-281. 

134.    The  Southern  Mountaineers  to    the    Rescue. 

TOPICS  AND  REFERENCES. 

i.  Cornwallis's  invasion  of  North  Carolina.  2.  Major  Ferguson 
and  the  mountaineers.  3.  Battle  of  King's  Mountain.  Draper  ; 
Roosevelt,  The  Winning,  ii.  ch.  ix.  ;  Carrington,  Battles,  ch.  Ixv. ; 
Bancroft,  v.  394-401  ;  McCrady,  iii.  ch.  xxxiv.-xxxv. ;  Fiske,  Am. 
Rev.,  ii.  244-249;  Winsor,  America,  vi.  478-480;  Phelan,  ch.  vii. ; 
Sloane,  319-322. 

135.  Greene's  Campaign  in  the  Carolinas. 

TOPICS  AND  REFERENCES. 

i.  Changed  situation  in  the  south.  2.  Greene  and  his  chief  offi 
cers.  —  Battle  of  the  Cowpens.  3.  Battles  of  Guilford  Court  House, 
Hobkirk's  Hill,  and  Eutaw  Springs.  4.  British  situation  at  the 
end  of  Greene's  campaign.  G.  W.  Greene,  Greene,  iii.  b'k  iv. ;  F. 
V.  Greene,  Greene,  ch.  x.-xiii. ;  Carrington,  Battles,  ch.  Ixvii.-lxxi. ; 
\Vinsor,  America,  vi.  480-495  ;  Fiske,  Am.  Rev.,  ii.  249-268;  Ban 
croft,  v.  476-504;  Hildreth,  iii.  327-329,  341-351 ;  Sloane,  330-336. 

136.  Beginning  of  the  End.  —  Yorktown. 

TOPICS  AND  REFERENCES. 

i.  Cornwallis  in  Virginia. —  Lafayette's  movements.  3.  Posi 
tion  of  Cornwallis  at  Yorktown.  —  His  safety  dependent  on  British 
control  of  the  sea.  3.  The  coming  of  the  French  fleet.  4.  The 
trap  which  caught  Cornwallis.  5.  The  Yorktown  siege  and  sur 
render.  Washington,  ix.  336-400,  xi.  293-295  ;  Carrington,  Wash 
ington,  ch.  xxxii.-xxxvi.,  and  Battles,  ch.  Ixxii.-lxxvi. ;  Lecky,  iv. 
211-217;  Fiske,  Am.  Rev.,  ii.  269-286;  Bancroft,  v.  505-522; 
Lodge,  Washington,  i.  296-312;  Sloane,  337-347;  Hildreth,  iii. 
354-35S  5  Tuckerman,  i.  ch.  vi. ;  Tower,  ii.  ch.  xxv.-xxviii. ;  Hart, 
Contempts,  ii.  615-618. 

137.    Peace. 

TOPICS  AND  REFERENCES. 

i.  Consequences  of  Cornwallis's  surrender. —  What  remained 
of  the  war.  2.  Effect  in  England.  —  The  king's  obstinacy. — 


TOPICS,    REFERENCES,   AND    RESEARCH.      247 

Resignation  of  Lord  North.  —  The  new  cabinet.  3.  Opening  of 
peace  negotiations.  —  American  commissioners.  Lecky,  iv.  218- 
232,  243-255  ;  Morse,  Franklin,  357-365  ;  Bancroft,  v.  529-580  ; 
Hildreth,  iii.  411-424. 

4.  Suspected  designs  of  France  and  Spain,  and  private  agree 
ment  with  Great  Britain  as  to  terms.  5.  Preliminary  and  final 
treaty  (text  in  MacDonald,  ii.  15-21).  Winsor,  Westward,  ch. 
xii. ;  Pellew,  ch.  vii.-viii.  ;  Lecky,  iv.  275-284;  Wharton,  i.  ch.  ix. 
sect,  in,  and  ch.  xiii.  sect.  158  ;  John  Adams,  i.  ch.  vii.,  iii.  300- 
358,  and  viii.  5-143. 

138.    Terms  of  the  Treaty  of  Peace. 

TOPICS  AND  REFERENCES. 

i.  Boundaries.  2.  Fisheries.  3.  Treatment  of  American  Loy 
alists.  4.  Debts  to  British  creditors.  5.  Conduct  of  the  States  in 
disregard  of  the  treaty.  —  Powerlessness  of  Congress.  6.  New 
homes  of  exiled  loyalists.  Flick,  ch.  vii.-ix. ;  Lecky,  iv.  273-275, 
284-289;  Curtis,  i.  249-259;  Hart,  Formation,  96-98;  Winsor, 
America,  vii.  185-214;  Sabine,  i.  ch.  ix.-xiii. 

139.     Dissolution    of    the    Continental    Army.  —  Re 
tirement    of    Washington. 
TOPICS  AND  REFERENCES*. 

i.  Cessation  of  hostilities. —  Furloughing  and  discharging  of 
soldiers.  2.  Disaffection  in  the  army  during  its  last  year.  3. 
The  Newburgh  Address.  —  Mischievous  design  foiled  by  Wash 
ington.  4.  Commutation  of  half-pay.  5.  The  "  Order  of  the  Cin 
cinnati."  6.  British  evacuation  of  New  York.  7.  Washington's 
resignation  and  return  to  Mount  Vernon.  Washington,  x.  168- 
184,  225-230,  270-274,  334-339;  Irving,  iv.  ch.  xxxi.-xxxiii  ;  Mc- 
Master,  i.  103-106;  Bancroft,  vi.  70-109;  Curtis,  i.  155-171;  Hil- 
dreth,  iii.  428-443;  Lodge,  Washington,  \.  323-341. 


CHAPTER   VII. 

THE    UNITED    STATES    UNDER    THE    ARTICLES    OF    CON 
FEDERATION.        1781-1789. 

140.  The  "  Critical  Period."  1781-1788.  Neither 
prosperity  nor  any  hopeful  prospect  came  to  the  country 
with  the  advent  of  peace.  On  the  contrary,  the  years 
following  were  a  time  which  Dr.  Fiske  has  described 
correctly  as  being  "  the  critical  period  of  American  his 
tory."  It  was*  made  critical  by  the  want  of  a  general 
government  having  power  to  do  in  and  for  the  States  as 
a  whole  what  they  could  not  do  by  separate  action  each 
for  itself.  They  had  gone  through  the  war,  very  nearly 
to  its  ending,  with  no  more  organization  of  a  general 
government  than  that  with  which  they  began  it  in  1775. 
Until  1781  the  Continental  CongVess  had  continued  to 
act  on  its  own  discretion  alone,  as  to  what  it  might  do 
or  might  not,  and  the  States  had  paid  less  and  less  re 
spect  to  its  orders,  its  advice,  or  its  appeals.  It  had  sought 
from  the  beginning  a  more  definite  organization  of  federal 
government ;  but  five  years  were  consumed  in  the  move 
ment  to  that  end.  On  the  i  ith  of  June,  1776,  the  same 
day  on  which  a  committee  was  appointed  to  draft  the 
Declaration  of  Independence,  another  committee  was 
directed  "  to  prepare  and  digest  the  form  of  a  confedera 
tion  to  be  entered  into  between  these  colonies ; "  but 
it  was  not  till  the  middle  of  November,  1777,  that  Ar 
ticles  of. Confederation  were  agreed  upon  in  Congress 
and  recommended  to  the  States.  Eleven  States  gave 


UNDER   ARTICLES    OF    CONFEDERATION.     249 

assent  to  them  within  the  next  year.     Delaware  delayed 
ratification  until  February,  I77Q,  and  Maryland 

}t     'V  ,    Adoption  of 

was  not  persuaded  to  accept  the  Articles  until   Articles  of 

Confedera- 

February,  1781.     Not  till  then  was  there  a  con-   tion.Marcii, 
stitutional  confederation  of  the  United  States. 

141.  Cession  of  Western  Territory  by  the  States 
claiming  it.  1780-1781. l  The  obstructive  attitude 
of  Maryland  was  justified  by  sound  reasons,  and  it  forced 
a  result  of  great  importance  to  the  future  of  the  Ameri 
can  nation.  That  result  was  the  cession  to  the  United 
States  of  the  wide  expanse  of  unoccupied  western  terri 
tory,  to  which  seven  of  the  thirteen  States  laid  more 
or  less  conflicting  claims.  It  will  be  remembered  that 
Virginia,  by  virtue  of  her  charter  of  1609  (see  sect-  3)» 
strengthened  by  Clark's  conquests  in  1778-79  (see  sect. 
128),  claimed  not  only  the  Kentucky  district,  Clalms0f 
lying  due  west  of  her  old  inhabited  area,  but  Sd^JJJJ 
also  the  whole  northwestern  region  now  cov-  Yorfc 
ered  by  the  States  of  Ohio,  Indiana,  Michigan,  Wiscon 
sin,  and  Illinois.  New  York  disputed  that  claim,  so  far 
as  concerned  the  whole  region  subjugated  by  the  Six 
Nations  of  the  Iroquois.  Their  sovereignty,  it  was  main 
tained,  had  passed  to  the  British  crown,  and  from  the 
crown  to  the  State  of  New  York.  Both  those  claims  were 
disputed  in  part  by  Massachusetts  and  Connecticut, 
whose  ancient  charters  gave  them  zones  of  ter- 

Clalms  of 

ritory  from  sea  to  sea.     They  could  not  deny  Massa- 
that  the  zones  were  broken  into  by  the  Dutch   and  con- 

necticut. 

occupation  of  New  Netherland,  by  the  English 
conquest  from  the  Dutch,  and  by  the  grant  to  the 
Duke  of  York,  nor  deny  that  territory  beyond  the  Missis 
sippi  had  been  given  up  to  Spain  ;  but  they  claimed  all 
that  was  not  thus  taken  out.  As  against  the  grant  to 
1  See  Map  VIII. 


250  THE    MAKING    OF    A    NATION. 

William  Penn,  the  Connecticut  claim  was  maintained 
with  obstinacy  for  many  years,  and  asserted  in  practice  by 
claims  of  a  settlement  of  emigrants  from  Connecticut  in 
iiifasand  tne  Wyoming  region  of  northern  Pennsylvania, 
Georgia.  where  they  suffered  the  dreadful  massacre  of 
1778  (see  sect.  127).  In  the  south,  similar  claims  were 
put  forth  by  the  Carolinas  and  Georgia,  founded  on  simi 
lar  royal  grants. 

Seven  States  were  thus  claiming  the  whole  unoccupied 
territory  in  the  west.  The  six  States  which  had  no  such 
claims  contended  reasonably  that  the  wilderness  in  ques 
tion  should  be  ceded  to  the  proposed  Confederation  and 
become  a  national  domain,  until  peopled  for  new  States. 
Demands  of  Except  Maryland,  however,  all  yielded  to  the 
Maryland.  neecj  of  a  more  definite  general  government 
and  ratified  the  Articles  of  Confederation  without  wait 
ing  for  any  of  the  demanded  cessions  to  be  made. 
Maryland  resisted  until  New  York  had  authorized  its 
delegates  in  Congress  to  "  restrict  its  boundaries  in  the 
western  parts  by  such  line  or  lines  ...  as  they  shall 
deem  expedient ;  "  until  Connecticut  had  offered  a  par 
tial  cession  of  lands,  though  not  of  jurisdiction  ;  and  until 
Virginia  had  signified  her  willingness,  on  certain  condi 
tions,  to  convey  her  title  to  all  lands  northwest  of  the 
cessions,  Ohio  River.  The  New  York  deed  of  cession 
1781-1802.  was  executed  in  February,  1781;  the  Virginia 
cession  was  made  complete  in  1784;  Massachusetts 
ceded  her  claims  in  1785;  Connecticut  compromised 
hers  in  1786,  securing  a  tract  in  northern  Ohio,  long 
known  as  the  Connecticut  or  Western  Reserve,  and  giv 
ing  up  the  rest.  The  cession  of  South  Carolina  was 
executed  in  1787,  that  of  North  Carolina  in  1790,  and 
that  of  Georgia  not  until  1802. 

142.   Weakness  of  the  Confederation.     1781-1789. 


UNDER   ARTICLES    OF    CONFEDERATION.     251 

Hard  and  long  as  it  had  been  striven  for,  the  adoption 
of  the  Articles  of  Confederation  made  little  change  in 
the  structure  or  the  working  of  government.  By  their 
own  declaration,  the  Articles  established  no  more  than 
"a  firm  league  of  friendship  "  between  the  States.  They 
were  framed  to  give  merely  a  legal  form  to  the  loose 
alliance  of  the  past  six  years,  few  people  being  yet  pre 
pared  to  venture  more.  Their  long  difficulties  with  the 
British  government  had  left  the  Americans  with  an  al 
most  unreasoning  fear  of  any  authority  in  government 
superior  to  that  which  they  watched  and  controlled  near 
at  hand,  in  their  several  States.  The  whole  tendency 
of  their  political  situation  had  been  to  give 
their  State  governments  the  first  place  in  all  in  the 
their  political  habits  of  thought.  Their  Confed 
eration  of  "  the  United  States  of  America  "  was  shaped 
accordingly,  with  all  the  energy  of  government  distrib 
uted  among  its  parts,  and  almost  nothing  left  at  the 
centre,  for  its  action  as  a  whole.  It  was  the  States 
that  must  levy  and  collect  all  taxes  and  imposts  ;  the 
States  that  must  raise  all  military  forces,  and  clothe,  arm, 
equip,  and  organize  them  in  regiments,  with  officers,  up 
to  colonel,  of  their  own  appointment ;  the  States  that 
must  (if  they  saw  fit)  provide  the  means  and  the  man 
dates  for  almost  everything  that  the  Congress  of  the 
Confederation  might  undertake  to  do.  Congress  had 
no  revenue  at  its  own  command.  It  stretched  no  arm 
of  authority  to  any  citizen,  through  any  judge  or  court- 
officer  of  its  own,  to  make  itself  felt  and  respected  as 

the  real  government  of  a  real  nation.     It  had 

^i  i         •   i  11  i  Powerless- 

tne    sole   right   to   declare   war,  but    was   de-  ness  of 
pendent  on  State  legislatures  for  money,  men, 
and  arms.     It  had  the  sole  right   to  make  treaties  with 
foreign  powers,  but  was  dependent  on  State  legislatures 


252  THE    MAKING    OF    A    NATION. 

for  an  enforcement  of  the  obligations  of  such  treaties 
when  made.  It  was  authorized  to  contract  public  debts, 
but  was  dependent  on  State  legislatures  for  means  to 
pay  even  the  interest  on  what  it  owed.  It  was  made 
the  tribunal  of  "  last  resort "  in  all  disputes  between 
the  States,  but  had  no  power  whatever  to  enforce  its 
decrees. 

Besides  this  utter  want  of  efficient  powers  in  the 
Congress  of  the  Confederation,  there  were  fatal  weak 
nesses  in  its  make-up  and  its  modes  of  action.  Each 
State  might  send  to  it  not  less  than  two  nor  more 
than  seven  delegates,  who  cast,  however,  but  one  vote 
for  their  State.  These  delegates  were  paid  by  the 
Legislation  States,  and  niggardliness  reduced  the  number 
inCongress.  sent  qufte  generally  to  two ;  sometimes  none 
were  sent.  When  a  majority  of  the  delegates  of  a  State 
agreed  on  a  question  in  Congress,  they  could  cast  its 
vote ;  when  they  disagreed  evenly  and  were  tied,  its 
vote  was  lost.  Yet  no  measure  of  importance  could  be 
adopted  without  the  vote  of  nine  States.  How  small 
an  opposition  might  defeat  any  measure  can  readily 
be  seen.  And  this  feeble  and  fettered  body  was  not 
merely  the  legislature  of  a  general  government,  but  was 
in  itself  the  whole  government,  —  a  government  with 
no  executive  hand  or  head,  and  no  judicial  arm.  We 
cannot  wonder  that  it  lost  prestige  and  respect ;  that 
service  in  it  lost  attraction  for  able  and  ambitious  men  ; 
that  its  meetings  were  neglected,  even  when  grave  mat 
ters  were  in  hand.  We  cannot  wonder  that  the  United 
LOSS  of  States  were  less  like  one  nation  when  the  war 
prestige.  ended  than  when  it  began,  and  grew  less  in 
that  likeness  so  long  as  the  Articles  of  Confederation 
were  in  force. 

143.    Commercial  Depression.     Thus  paralyzed  in  its 


UNDER   ARTICLES    OF    CONFEDERATION.     253 

general  government,  it  was  impossible  for  the  country 
to  recover  prosperity  when  it  recovered  peace.  The 
main  causes  of  depression  in  it  were  causes  which  no 
thing  but  an  efficient  national  government  could  remove. 
It  had  not  suffered  a  ruinous  destruction  of  wealth  or 
population  in  the  war ;  but  the  foreign  com-  Loss  oj  |or_ 
merce  of  the  country  had  been  broken  up,  eign  trade, 
and  nothing  could  restore  it  but  a  responsible  govern 
ment,  capable  of  making  commercial  treaties  with  foreign 
nations,  capable  of  fulfilling  the  terms  of  such  treaties 
when  made,  and  capable  of  regulating  the  conduct  of 
trade  between  the  States.  While  they  remained  un 
der  British  law  the  Americans  had  had  free  and  large 
dealing  with  Great  Britain  and  her  other  colonies,  but 
were  restricted  in  commerce  with  the  remainder  of  the 
world.  Now  they  had  lost  the  advantages  of  the  Brit 
ish  connection,  and  found  no  willingness  in  other  na 
tions,  except  France,  Sweden,  and  the  Netherlands,  to 
arrange  commercial  treaties  with  them,  because  the 
observance  of  such  treaties  by  the  States  could  not  be 
guaranteed. 

The  internal  commerce  of  the  country  was  injured 
even  more  by  the  existing  condition  of  things.  Each 
State  possessed  the  right  to  a  protective  tariff  and  a 
navigation  act  of  its  own,  and  could  tax  the  Commerclal 
passing  of  ships  and  products  from  other  States  JSweentiie 
across  its  boundary  lines.  Some  fierce  out-  states- 
breaks  of  petty  commercial  warfare  were  the  early  result, 
especially  between  New  York  and  its  neighbors  on  both 
sides. 

144.  Ruinous  effects  of  irredeemable  paper  money. 
But  the  ruin  of  trade  by  these  conditions  was  hardly  so 
great  a  cause  of  suffering  as  the  general  economic  break 
down  which  the  flood  of  irredeemable  paper  money, 


254  THE    MAKING   OF   A   NATION. 

issued  by  Congress  and  the  States,  had  brought  about. 
When  the  measurement  of  values  is  lost,  as  it  is  by  the 
use  of  such  fictitious  money,  a  few  shrewdly  speculative 
people  are  sure  to  make  themselves  rich  at  the  expense 
of  the  community  at  large.  The  inevitable  outcome, 
soon  or  late,  is  debt  and  poverty  for  the  mass  ;  and  the 
debt  and  poverty  in  the  United  States,  after 
treatment  the  "  Continental  currency  "  of  the  war  time 

of  debtors. 

had  run  its  course  to  worthlessness,  were  very 
great.  Debt  in  those  days  was  treated  worse  than  we 
now  treat  crime.  Debtors,  no  matter  how  innocent  of 
dishonesty,  were  often  imprisoned  hopelessly  for  years; 
and  most  of  the  prisons  of  the  time  were  in  a  horrible 
state.  The  heartlessness  of  creditors  was  one  of  the 
provoking  causes  of  a  dangerous  outbreak  of  rebellion 

that  occurred  in  Massachusetts  in  1786.  Shays's 
beiiion,  Rebellion  —  so  named  from  its  principal  leader 
—  was  an  attempt  to  stop  proceedings  against 
delinquent  debtors,  by  breaking  up  the  sittings  of  the 
courts.  Another  object  of  the  insurgents  was  to  force  a 
new  issue  of  fictitious  money  in  the  form  of  irredeem 
able  notes.  They  would  not  believe  that  such  so-called 
money  had  been  the  source  of  their  troubles.  They 
Paper  thought  it  had  been  made  worthless  by  con- 
money,  spiracies  against  it,  and  that  sharp  laws  com 
pelling  everybody  to  take  it  were  all  that  could  be  needed 
to  keep  it  good.  This  delusion  was  so  common  that  it 
carried  the  elections  of  1786  in  seven  States,  and  started 
them  again  upon  fatuous  experiments  in  making  money 
with  the  printing-press. 

Of  real  money,  in  valuable  coin,  or  bank  promises 
payable  in  coin,  the  country  had  almost  none.  It  had 
no  coinage  of  its  own,  though  Congress,  in  1785,  ap 
proved  and  adopted  a  plan  of  coinage  devised  mainly  by 


UNDER   ARTICLES    OF    CONFEDERATION.     255 

Gouverneur  Morris,  assistant  to  Robert  Morris  in  the 
superintendency  of  finance.     From  that  plan,  to  which 
Jefferson  contributed  some  features,  came  the  Declmal 
admirable  system  of   decimal  coins,  based  on   colna£e> 
the  Spanish  dollar,  which  this  country  has  enjoyed,  with 
little  change,  ever  since  it  established  a  mint.     But  the 
mint  was  not  created  and  coining  undertaken  until  after 
the  Congress  of  the  Confederation  passed  away  and  a 
new  national  government  took  its  place. 

145.  Dread  of  a  Strong  General  Government.  —  Im 
pending  Dissolution  of  the  Union.  1786.  Of  the  in 
structed  and  thoughtful  people  of  the  States  there  was 
doubtless  a  large  majority  at  all  times  who  could  see 
clearly  that  present  happiness  and  a  hopeful  future  for 
the  country  could  never  be  secured  without  a  more 
national  union  of  its  parts.  There  were  some  pure  pa 
triots  of  shrewd  brain  who  could  not  see  it  so,  Attitude  of 
and  Samuel  Adams  was  one.  Their  dread  of  fdS^ana 
a  strong  government  was  greater  than  their  others- 
dread  of  anything  else,  and  they  would  not  accept  it  as  a 
remedy  for  any  public  ill.  The  popular  majority  was 
with  them  for  years,  against  Washington,  Franklin,  Jef 
ferson,  Madison,  Hamilton,  Jay,  and  most  of  the  great 
leaders  of  the  time.  Three  attempts  to  amend  the  worst 
features  of  the  Articles  of  Confederation  were  made  and 
failed,  no  amendment  being  possible  without  the  concur 
rence  of  every  State. 

By  1786  an  actual  dissolution  of  the  "league  of 
friendship "  appeared  to  have  begun.  Rhode  Island 
recalled  her  delegates  from  Congress,  and  would  send 
no  more.  New  Jersey  refused  flatly  to  pay  any  part  of 
her  quota  of  revenue  needed  for  the  general  Dlssoluti<m 
government,  and  all  the  States  together  paid  **&**• 
in  that  year  but  one  fifth  of  the  $2,000,000  required! 


256  THE    MAKING    OF   A    NATION. 

Several  States  were  raising  troops  in  violation  of  the 
Articles  of  Confederation  ;  in  New  England  there  was 
talk  of  secession  if  an  offer  from  Spain,  of  a  treaty 
of  commerce  in  exchange  for  a  surrender  of  all  claims 
to  the  navigation  of  the  Mississippi  River  below  the 
Yazoo,  should  be  refused ;  while  the  settlers  in  Ken 
tucky  were  threatening  to  put  themselves  under  British 
protection  if  any  such  bargain  were  made.  The  ulti 
mate  crisis  of  the  "  critical  period  "  had  been  reached  ; 
and  yet  there  was  no  visible  chance  of  success  for  any 
open  and  direct  proposition  to  strengthen  the  consti 
tution  of  government  for  the  dissolving  Union  of  the 
States.  But  happy  circumstances  arising  in  that  most 
anxious  year  brought  about  the  needed  action  in  an 
indirect  way. 

146.  The  Circumstances  which  led  to  a  Constitu 
tional  Convention.  1785-1787.  The  circumstances 
which  led  to  the  framing  of  a  constitution  of  really 
national  government  for  the  United  States  had  their 
beginning  in  a  conference  at  Mount  Vernon,  between 
commissioners  from  Virginia  and'  Maryland, 

Conference      .  ,   .    .      .  , 

at  Mount  for  the  purpose  of  jointly  regulating  and  ex 
tending  the  navigation  of  the  Potomac  River. 
The  influence  of  Washington,  Madison,  and  Jefferson 
brought  that  conference  about,  and  it  was  probably  the 
same  influence  which  pushed  further  in  the  same  direc 
tion,  first  to  bring  Delaware  and  Pennsylvania  into  the 
discussion  of  a  common  commercial  system,  and,  finally, 
to  invite  a  convention  of  commissioners  from  all  the 
States  to  consider  the  needs  of  their  trade.  A  resolu 
tion  to  that  end,  drawn  by  Madison,  was  adopted  by  the 
legislature  of  Virginia  in  January,  1786,  and  attempts 
were  made  to  assemble  the  proposed  convention  at 
Annapolis  on  the  I  ith  of  the  following  September. 


UNDER   ARTICLES    OF    CONFEDERATION.     257 

At  the  appointed  time  only  five  States  had  commissioners 
in  attendance,  and  these  thought  it  useless  to  take  up 
the  work  for  which  they  were  convened.  They  A^ap^ 
adopted,  however,  an  address  to  the  country,  September"1 
prepared  by  Hamilton,  urging  the  appoint-  1786< 
merit  of  a  new  body  of  commissioners  from  all  the 
States,  to  meet  at  Philadelphia  in  the  coming  May,  not 
merely  to  consider  the  commercial  situation,  but  to 
"  devise  such  further  provisions  as  shall  appear  to  them 
necessary  to  render  the  constitution  of  the  federal  gov 
ernment  adequate  to  the  exigencies  of  the  Union." 
For  some  time  there  seemed  to  be  no  probability  that 
more  would  come  from  this  endeavor  than  came  from 
the  Annapolis  meeting ;  but  as  signs  of  anarchy  thick 
ened,  people  were  driven  to  regard  it  with  a  desperate 
hope.  Virginia  gave  a  great  lift  to  that  hope  in  De 
cember,  when  Washington  consented  to  be  one  of  seven 
commissioners  to  the  proposed  convention  from  that 
State,  and  Patrick  Henry,1  Madison,  Randolph, 
and  Mason  were  named  with  him  in  the  nota-  giniaand 

Pennsyl- 

ble    list.       New   Jersey  acted   next,   and    then   vania  dele 
gations. 
Pennsylvania   appointed  a  famous  delegation, 

including  Franklin  (home  from  France  in  1785,  when 
Jefferson  went  out  to  take  his  place),  Robert  Morris,  the 
great  financier  of  the  Revolution,  Gouverneur  Morris, 
who  devised  our  decimal  coinage,  and  James  Wilson,  a 
profoundly  able  jurist,  who  took  a  notable  part  in  the 
subsequent  work.  A  convention  bringing  such  men 
together  could  hardly  occur  without  some  important 
result ;  and  Congress  was  moved  by  public  opinion  to 
make  it  an  authorized  body,  which  was  done  on  the  1st 

1  Patrick  Henry  opposed  the  movement,  however,  and  refused 
the  appointment. 


258  THE    MAKING    OF    A    NATION. 

of  February,  1787.  By  that  time  six  States  had  named 
delegates,  and  their  example  was  followed  presently  by 
six  more.  Rhode  Island,  alone,  would  send  none. 

147.  The  Work  of  the  Convention.  May-Septem 
ber,  1787.  The  great  Convention  began  its  sessions  at 
Philadelphia  on  the  25th  of  May,  1787.  Besides  those 
named  already,  the  men  of  most  distinction  in  its  mem 
bership  were  Hamilton  (commissioned  from  New  York, 
but  tied  up  with  two  opposing  associates),  John  Rutledge, 
from  South  Carolina,  and  John  Dickinson,  who  had 
Organiza-  changed  his  residence  to  Delaware.  The  gen- 
tlon-  eral  standard  of  ability  and  character  was  very 

high.  Washington  was  chosen  president  of  the  Conven 
tion,  and  his  wonderful  influence  ranks  first  among  all 
the  causes  of  success  in  its  work.  To  prevent  public 
wrangling  over  troublesome  questions  while  its  own 
discussions  were  going  on,  the  Convention  sat  with 
closed  doors,  and  allowed  no  report  of  its  proceedings 
to  be  published;  nor  was  anything  known  of  its  debates 
or  votes  for  many  years. 

The  differences  of  opinion,  disposition,  and  interest 
among  the  members  were  very  great.  Some  came  for 
the  sole  purpose  of  opposing  any  change  that  might  pos 
sibly  reduce  the  political  independence  of  the  States  ; 
but  these  were  few.  A  large  majority  was  found  to 
be  determined  that  some  structure  of  positive  nation 
ality  should  be  framed.  The  strong  delegation  from 
Virginia  led  proceedings  firmly  to  that  end.  They  gave 
Thevir-  direction  to  the  debate  from  the  beginning, 
giniapian.  ^v  Dringing  forward  a  plan  of  government, 
drafted  mainly  by  Madison,  which  swept  the  Articles 
of  Confederation  out  of  view,  and  turned  the  thought 
of  the  Convention  to  a  work,  not  of  mending  and  patch 
ing,  but  of  new  construction  throughout.  It  was  a  bold 


UNDER    ARTICLES    OF    CONFEDERATION.     259 

project,  since  nothing  in  the  credentials  of  the  dele 
gates  gave  them  authority  to  do  more  than  revise  and 
amend  the  existing  Articles  of  Confederation  ;  but  the 
majority  of  the  Convention  were  not  men  who  would 
enter  on  so  momentous  an  undertaking  with  tied  hands. 
The  day  after  their  discussions  in  committee  of  the 
whole  began,  they  adopted  the  following  :  "  Resolved, 
That  it  is  the  opinion  of  this  committee  that  a  national 
government  ought  to  be  established,  consisting  of  a 
supreme  legislative,  judiciary;  and  executive."  This  de 
termined  and  established  at  the  outset  the  Anatlonai 
foundations  of  the  scheme  of  government  to 
be  framed.  It  was  to  be  a  national  govern-  lected< 
ment ;  it  was  to  be  a  supreme  government ;  it  was  to  be  a 
government  that  should  exercise  all  governing  powers, 
making,  adjudicating,  and  executing  the  laws  within  its 
sphere. 

This  speedy  settlement  of  the  main  question  in  dis 
pute  —  between  a  national  government  'and  a  mere 
"league  of  friendship"  —  did  not  bring  the  Convention 
to  easier  problems  in  its  task.  The  most  troublesome 
conflicts  of  opinion  and  feeling  were  still  to  be  faced. 
First  and  worst  among  them  came  one  from  the  dis 
trust  and  anxiety  which  the  smaller  States  felt  in  con 
templating  a  national  union  with  States  larger  both  in 
population  and  wealth.  How  could  they  be  protected 
from  oppressive  uses  of  national  power  by  a  few  large 
States?  At  first  they  could  see  no  safety  for  them 
selves  unless  the  existing  equal  vote  of  the  States  in 
legislation  should  be  maintained.  But  that 
was  a  concession  which  the  larger  States  could  ate  repr£n 
not  make.  The  latter  insisted,  and  rightly, 
that  there  must  be  representation  in  the  national  legis 
lature  proportioned  to  population,  and  that  it  must 


260  THE    MAKING   OF    A   NATION. 

be  a  representation,  not  of  States,  but  of  the  peo 
ple,  as  citizens  of  the  United  States,  choosing  their 
representatives  by  their  own  direct  votes.  At  last  a 
happy  compromise  was  found.  The  Convention  had 
agreed  already  that  "the  national  legislature  ought  to 
consist  of  two  branches,"  and  it  was  decided  (by  an 
extremely  close  vote)  that  the  members  of  the  first 
branch  should  be  elected  by  the  people  of  the  several 
States,  "  according  to  some  equitable  ratio  of  represen 
tation,"  while  those  of  the  second  branch  should  be 
chosen  by  the  State  legislature,  and  that  in  the  second 
branch  the  States  should  have  equal  votes.1  Thus  our 
Oompro-  two  Houses  of  Congress,  the  House  of  Re 
state  repre-  presentatives,  coming  directly  from  the  people, 
sentation.  ancj  ^Q  Senate,  coming  from  the  States,  were 
made  up.  After  that  agreement  had  been  reached  the 
smaller  States  felt  assured  of  safety  in  the  Union,  and 
most  of  their  delegates  joined  heartily  with  those  who 
labored  to  make  the  new  general  government  a  sub 
stantial  one  in  sovereignty  and  strength. 

The  next  problem  of  great  seriousness  arose  from  the 
fact  that  some  States  contained  large  numbers  of  slaves 
and  others  had  few  or  none.  Were  the  slaves  to  be 
counted  as  part  of  the  population  entitled  to  represen- 
compro-  tation  in  Congress,  or  not  ?  South  Carolina 
Siverepre-  insisted  that  they  must  be  reckoned  so,  and 
sentation.  Would  be  hostile  to  the  new  Constitution  if 
that  were  refused.  North  Carolina  and  Georgia  were 
almost  as  imperative  in  the  same  demand.  The  propo 
sition  seemed  intolerable  to  the  northern  delegates ; 
but  to  save  their  whole  work  from  being  wrecked  on  it, 

1  Constitution,  Art  I.  sect.  2, -clause  3,  and  sect.  3,  clause  i; 
Amendment  14,  clause  2. 


UNDER   ARTICLES    OF    CONFEDERATION.     261 

they  consented  at  last  to  a  representation  in  Congress 
for  three  fifths  of  the  slaves.1 

Another  question  concerning  slavery  was  settled  by 
another  compromise.  Thirteen  years  before  this  time, 
the  First  Continental  Congress  had  declared  with  solem 
nity,  and  with  undoubted  sincerity:  "We  will  neither 
import  nor  purchase  any  slave  imported  after  the  first 
day  of  December  next,  after  which  time  we  will  wholly 
discontinue  the  slave  trade  "  (see  sect.  104).  But  slave 
labor  had  been  growing  more  profitable  to  the  rice  and 
indigo  planters  of  South  Carolina  and  Georgia  since 
that  time,  and  now  they  were  fierce  in  opposition  to  any 
restriction  of  the  traffic  in  slaves.  They  were  likewise 
opposed  to  placing  the  regulation  of  commerce  among 
the  functions  of  the  general  government,  which  New 
England  most  ardently  desired ;  but  were  willing  to 
yield  that  point  if  satisfied  on  the  other.  So  a  really 
shameful  bargain  was  struck  between  the  New  England- 

ers  and  the  planters  of  the  far  South,  which 

A  r  •  c  Compro- 

left  the  African   slave  trade  open  for  twenty  miseon 

years  —  until   i8o8.2     This  mercenary  bargain 
in  dealing  with  a  great  moral  question  was  bitterly  con 
demned,  and  by  no  people  more  severely  than  by  the 
illustrious  Virginians  of  that  day. 

A  third  concession  to  the  slave-holding  interest,  des 
tined  in  future  times  to  be  a  dangerous  cause  p^gjtive 
of  irritation  in  the  country,  was  embodied  in  a  slaves- 
provision  for  the  recovery  of  persons  "  held  to  service  or 
labor  in  one  State"  and  "escaping  into  another."3 

The  greater  difficulties  encountered  in  framing  the 
new  constitution  were  overcome  by  the  three  important 

1  Constitution,  Art.  I.  sect.  2,  clause  3. 

2  Constitution,  Art.  I.  sect.  9,  clause  i. 

8  Constitution,  Art.  IV.  sect.  2,  clause  3. 


262  THE    MAKING    OF   A    NATION. 

compromises  :     (i)  representing   the   States,  small  and 

large,  equally    in    the    Senate   of  the  United 

great  com-     States  ;  (2)  counting  three  fifths  of  the  slaves  in 

promises.  .    '  .  .  .    TT  .. 

apportioning  seats  in  the  national  House  of 
Representatives ;  (3)  prohibiting  importation  of  slaves, 
but  not  until  1808.  Stubborn  differences  of  opinion 
appeared  on  many  other  points,  but  none  that  were  se 
riously  threatening  to  the  success  of  the  Convention  in 
its  task.  In  this  brief  history  we  cannot  trace  its  work 
in  detail,  nor  dwell  upon  the  features  of  the  incompara 
ble  structure  of  federative  national  government  which  it 
designed  and  perfected  for  this  republic  of  many  united 
states.  That  is  a  political  study  that  will  need  to  be 
pursued  elsewhere. 

148.  The  Struggle  and  the  Victory  for  the  New 
Constitution.  September,  1787-July,  1788.  The  work 
of  the  Convention  was  finished  on  the  i/th  of  Septem 
ber,  1787.  It  was  made  a  provision  of  the  Constitution 
that  it  should  be  submitted  to  conventions  specially 
elected  in  each  State,  and  that  when  ratified  by  nine 
States  it  should  become  the  Constitution  of  a  general 
government  for  those  States,  even  if  rejected 

Submission    ?      .,  .     .         r  „,,  r 

to  the  by  the  remaining  four.  Then,  for  ten  months, 
the  advocates  of  the  Constitution,  who  took 
the  name  of  Federalists,  fought  desperately  with  its  op 
ponents  to  win  acceptance  for  it  in  the  States.  Rea 
sonable  argument  was  overwhelmingly  on  their  side ; 
but  prejudices,  local  jealousies,  petty  views  of  local  in 
terest,  trivial  fears,  were  enlisted  easily  on  the  other 
side  and  hard  to  overcome.  Nothing  less  than  unspar 
ing  and  prodigious  exertion  on  the  part  of  the  strongest 
men  in  the  country  could  have  achieved  the  victory 
that  was  won.  The  highest  honors  of  that  victory  be 
long  to  Alexander  Hamilton  and  James  Madison,  who 


UNDER   ARTICLES    OF    CONFEDERATION.     263 

explained   the  provisions   of  the  pending  Constitution, 

and  showed  what  their  working  would  be,  in  a 

f  ill  i  i-  i      -i    r          •       Hamilton 

series  01  remarkable  essays,  published  first  in   andMadi- 

a  newspaper  between  October,  1787,  and  June, 
1788,  and  collected  a/terward  in  a  famous  book  entitled 
"  The  Federalist,"  which  is,  to  this  day,  the  best  exposi 
tion  of  the  American  Constitution,  and  one  of  «'TheFe(1. 
the  ablest  treatises  on  the  principles  of  gov-  eraUst" 
ernment  that  has  ever  been  produced.     Of  85  essays  that 
make  up  "The  Federalist,"  Hamilton  wrote  51,  Madison 
29,  and  John  Jay  5.     The  influence  of  these  writings  in 
bringing  about  the  adoption  of  the  Federal  Constitution 
was  very  great. 

Little  Delaware  was  the  first  State  to  ratify,  on  the 
7th  of  December,  1787.  Pennsylvania  followed  on  the 
1 2th  of  the  same  month,  and  New  Jersey  on  the  i8th. 
Georgia  opened  the  new  year  by  a  unanimous  Ratijica. 
ratification,  January  2,  and  Connecticut  came  tions- 
next,  on  the  9th.  A  sharper  contest  ensued  in  Massa 
chusetts,  where  the  Federalists  carried  a  ratifying  vote, 
on  the  6th  of  February.  Samuel  Adams,  who  opposed 
the  Constitution  at  first,  yielded  assent  to  it  in  the  end. 
Maryland  was  carried  more  easily  on  the  28th  of  April, 
-and  South  Carolina  with  some  difficulty  on  the  23d  of 
May.  One  State  more  would  create  a  federal  union  of 
nine  and  give  the  Constitution  effect;  but  the  Federal 
ists  were  battling  with  little  hope  in  all  the  remaining 
five.  They  did  win  two  of  the  five  in  June,  —  New 
Hampshire  on  the  2ist,  Virginia  on  the  25th, — and 
they  added  New  York  on  the  26th  of  July.  The  hard 
est  fight  of  all  was  in  New  York,  where  Hamilton,  by 
sheer  force  of  argument,  during  weeks  of  debate,  turned 
a  hostile  majority  of  two  thirds  into  a  finally  favoring 
majority  of  three. 


264  THE   MAKING   OF   A   NATION. 

So  the  Union  under  a  national  constitution  was 
formed  by  eleven  States.  North  Carolina  held  aloof 
from  it  until  November,  1789,  and  Rhode  Island  until 
June,  1790. 

149.  The  Ordinance  of  1787.  14The  old  Continental 
Congress,  now  about  to  disappear  from  history,  had 
lately  clothed  itself  with  an  unexpected  final  dignity  by 
one  really  sovereign  and  greatly  important  act.  That 
act  was  an  ordinance,  passed  in  July,  1787,  for  the 
organization  and  government  of  the  northwest- 

The  north 
western        ern  territory  which  the  Confederation  had  ac- 
territory 

quired  from  the  States  (see  sect.  141).  The 
measure  was  pressed  by  a  company  organized  in  the 
interest  of  a  large  number  of  the  officers  and  soldiers 
of  the  late  war,  who  wished  to  make  new  homes  for 
themselves  in  the  west.  General  Rufus  Putnam,  Gen 
eral  Samuel  Parsons,  and  Rev.  Manasseh  Cutler,  of 
Massachusetts,  were  the  leading  promoters  of  this  Ohio 
Company,  as  it  was  named,  and  negotiations  with  Con 
gress  were  conducted  by  the  gentleman  last  named. 
He  and  his  associates  are  credited  with  some  of  the 
wisest  provisions  of  the  ordinance,  affecting  the  future 
of  five  great  States.  It  was  provided  that 
"  schools  and  the  means  of  education  shall  for 
ever  be  encouraged  ;  "  that  "no  person  demeaning  him 
self  in  a  peaceable  and  orderly  manner  shall  ever  be 
Guarantees  molested  on  account  of  his  mode  of  worship 
of  freedom.  Or  religious  sentiments;"  that  "there  shall  be 
neither  slavery  nor  involuntary  servitude  in  the  said 
territory,  otherwise  than  in  the  punishment  of  crimes  ;  "  1 

1  The  exclusion  of  slavery  had  been  proposed  by  Jefferson,  in 
1784,  when  he  drafted  an  ordinance  of  government  for  the  whole 
western  territory,  both  north  and  south  of  the  Ohio,  which  Con 
gress  did  not  adopt. 


UNDER   ARTICLES    OF    CONFEDERATION.    265 

and  that  "  the  said  territory  and  the  States  which  may 
be  formed  therein  shall  forever  remain  a  part  of  this 
confederacy  of  the  United  States."  These  and  other 
provisions  were  declared  to  be  "  articles  of  compact 
between  the  original  States  and  the  people  and  States 
in  the  said  territory,  and  forever  remain  unalterable, 
unless  by  common  consent."  It  was  stipulated  in  the 
ordinance  that  not  less  than  three  nor  more  Flvegtates 
than  five  States  should  be  formed  in  the  ter-  loraed- 
ritory  described.  The  result  has  been  the  formation  of 
five,  namely,  Ohio,  Indiana,  Michigan,  Wisconsin,  and 
Illinois. 

In  the  beginning  this  Western  Territory,  as  it  was 
named,  was  placed  under  a  single  government,  and  its 
first  governor  was  General  Arthur  St.  Clair.  In  Octo 
ber  and  November,  1787,  a  million  and  a  half  acres  of 
land  on  the  Muskingum  and  Ohio  rivers  were  sold  to 
the  Ohio  Company,  three  and  a  half  millions  to  an 
associated  organization  of  speculators,  and  two  p^t  sales 
millions  to  a  private  buyer,  at  two  thirds  of  a  ofland- 
dollar  an  acre.  A  great  movement  of  emigration  to 
these  lands  began  at  once,  and  settlements  arose  rap 
idly  along  the  northern  banks  of  the  Ohio.  Marietta  and 
Cincinnati  (named  Losantiville  at  first)  were  the  towns 
of  quickest  growth. 

150.  Election  of  George  Washington  for  the  First 
President  of  the  Reconstituted  United  States.  Before 
its  dissolution,  the  old  Congress  made  provision  for 
bringing  the  new  Federal  Constitution  into  operation, 
by  directing  that  presidential  electors  should  be  chosen 
in  January,  1789 ;  that  the  electors  should  meet  and  cast 
their  votes  in  February ;  that  the  votes  should  be 
counted  by  the  two  Houses  of  the  new  Congress  (to  be 
elected  meantime  in  the  several  States)  on  the  first 


266  THE    MAKING    OF    A    NATION. 

Wednesday  in  March  (which  fell  that  year  on  the  4th), 
and  that  the  meeting  place  of  the  Congress  for  that  pur 
pose  should  be  the  city  of  New  York.  It  was  the  6th 
of  April,  however,  before  a  quorum  of  the  House  and  the 
Senate  reached  New  York.  On  that  day  the  electoral 
votes  were  counted,  and  Washington  was  found  to  be 
the  unanimous  choice  for  President,  while  John  Adams 
had  received  a  majority  of  the  second  votes  cast  and 
was  chosen  Vice-President  thereby.1 

TOPICS    AND    SUGGESTED    READING    AND    RESEARCH. 

14O.  The  "  Critical  Period." 

TOPICS  AND  REFERENCES. 

1.  How  the  period  following  the  war  was  made  critical.     Fiske, 
Critical  Period,  55-63. 

2.  Preparation  and  adoption  of  the  Articles  of  Confederation 
(text    in    MacDonald,    ii.    6-15).      Curtis,  i.    124-141;    Am.    Hisf. 
Ass'n,  1894,  227-236;  Fiske,  Critical  Period,  90-94;  Am.  Hist. 
Leaf.,  7,  20,  28  ;  O.  S.  Leaf.,  2. 

RESEARCH.  —  The   Confederation  compared   with  other  federal 
unions,  before  and  since.     Hart,  Introduction,  1-86. 


141.   Cession  of  "Western  Territory  by  the  States  Claim 
ing  it. 

TOPICS  AND  REFERENCES. 

i.  Claims  of  seven  States  to  western  territory.  2.  Demand  of 
other  States  for  its  cession  to  the  Confederation.  3.  Maryland's 
persistence  in  that  demand.  4.  Dates  of  the  several  cessions. 

1  As  the  Constitution  provided  then,  two  candidates  were  to  be 
voted  for  by  each  presidential  elector,  without  designating  President 
and. Vice-President.  The  largest  number  of  votes  (if  a  majority  of 
the  whole) elected  the  President;  the  next  largest  elected  the  Vice- 
President.  This  was  changed  by  a  constitutional  amendment  in 
1804. 


TOPICS,    REFERENCES,   AND    RESEARCH.      267 

Hinsdale,  Old  N.  W.,  ch.  xi.-xiii. ;  Donaldson,  ch.  iii. ;  Roosevelt, 
The  Winning,\\\.  243-251  ;  Fiske,  Critical  Period,  187-196;  King, 
161-173;  Hart,  Contemns,  iii.  138-142;  Am.  Hist.  Leaf.,  22. 
RESEARCH.  —  Views  of  the  time  as  to  the  future  of  the  valley  of 
the  Mississippi.     Madison,  Letters,  i.  136-140. 

142.    Weakness  of  the  Confederation. 

TOPICS  AND  REFERENCES. 

i.  Cause  of  defectiveness  in  the  Articles  of  Confederation.  2. 
Dependence  of  the  general  government  on  the  States.  3.  The 
weakness  of  Congress.  4.  The  slight  opposition  that  might  defeat 
any  measure.  5.  Resulting  loss  of  character  in  Congress  and  the 
Confederation.  Madison,  Letters,  i.  320-328  ;  The  Federalist,  No. 
15,  21-22;  Fiske,  Critical  Period,  94-105  ;  McMaster,  i.  130-139; 
Lodge,  Hamilton,  36-46;  Hart,  Contempts,  iii.  120-122.  125-137, 
177-182,  195-197- 

143.    Commercial  Depression. 

TOPICS  AND  REFERENCES. 

i.  The  causes  of  commercial  depression.  2.  Loss  of  British 
trade,  and  lack  of  power  in  the  general  government  to  establish 
commercial  arrangements  with  other  nations.  3.  Commercial  war 
fare  between  different  States.  Curtis,  i.  276-290;  Fiske,  Critical 
Period,  134-147;  Bancroft,  vi.  47-49,  136-153  ;  Sumner,  The  Finan 
cier,  ii.  ch.  xxiv.  ;  Weeden,  ii.  816-819,  836-839,  843;  McMaster, 
i.  205-208;  Morse,  Jefferson,  77-84;  Gay,  48-55- 
RESEARCH.  —  The  slight  general  distress  in  the  country  during  the 

war.     Sumner,  The  Financier,  ii.  ch.  xxix. 

144.   Ruinous  Effects  of  Irredeemable  Paper  Money. 

TOPICS  AND  REFERENCES. 

i.  Effects  of  losing  a  measure  of  values.  2.  Treatment  of  debt 
and  debtors  in  those  days.  3.  Sfoays's  Rebellion  in  Massachu 
setts.  —  Its  main  objects.  4.  Extent  of  the  paper-money  delusion. 
Madison,  Letters,  i.  243-245,  255-256;  Fiske,  Critical  Period,  162- 
186;  Bancroft,  vi.  167-176;  McMaster,  i.  281-355,  400-404;  Sum 
ner,  Am.  Currency,  50-54;  Weeden,  ii.  843-847;  Hart,  Contempts, 
iii.  183-184,  191-194. 


268      UNDER   ARTICLES    OF    CONFEDERATION. 

5.    Scarcity  of  coined  money.     6.    Origin  of  our  decimal  system 
of  coins.     Roosevelt,  Morris,  103-108;   McMaster,  i.  187-200. 
RESEARCH.  —  Services  of   Robert    Morris   as    Superintendent  of 

Finance,  1781-85.  Sumner,  Morris,  ch.  iii.,  and  The  Financier,  ii. 

ch.  xxiii.  , 

145.  Dread  of  a  Strong  General  Government.  —  Im 

pending  Dissolution  of  the  Confederation. 

TOPICS  AND  REFERENCES. 

1.  Dread  of  a  central  government  felt  by  Samuel  Adams  and  his 
followers.     Hosmer,  Adams,  381-392  ;  Hoist,  United  States,  i.  30- 
39;  Roosevelt,  Morris,  128-132. 

2.  Leading  men  who  strove  for  a  government  of  national  author 
ity  and  power.     3.    Unsuccessful  efforts  to  amend  the  Articles  of 
Confederation.     4.    Signs  of  an  impending  dissolution  of  the  Con 
federation.    McMaster,  1.356-389  ;  Lodge,  Hamilton,  50-53 ;  Wash 
ington,  x.  345-346,  xi.  1-3,  12,  80-82;  Hoist,  Const.  Law,  13-14  ; 
Madison,  Letters,  i.  169-173,  195-198,  201-202,  205-208,  229-230. 
RESEARCH.  —  i.  Advances  in  religious  freedom  during  this  period. 

—  Action  in  Virginia.  Bancroft,  vi.  154-159;  Hunt,  ch.  ix. 
2.  Conflicting  views  of  New  England  and  the  western  settlements 
on  the  question  of  the  navigation  of  the  Mississippi.  Roosevelt, 
The  Winning,  iii.  ch.  iii. 

146.  The   Circumstances  which  led   to    a    Constitu 

tional  Convention. 
TOPICS  AND  REFERENCES. 

i.  The  conference  at  Mount  Vernon.  2.  The  convention  at 
Annapolis  and  its  appeal  for  a  constitutional  convention.  3.  Re 
sponse  of  Virginia  and  other  States.  —  Action  of  Congress.  Hunt, 
ch.  x.;  Bancroft,  vi.  182-203;  Fiske,  Critical  Period,  212-222; 
McMaster,  i.  389-399;  Elliot,  i.  92-120;  Gay,  55-63;  Curtis,  i. 
340-368  ;  Schouler,  i.  32-39. 

147.    The  Framing  of  the  Constitution. 

TOPICS  AND  REFERENCES. 

i.  Distinguished  members  ol  the  Constitutional  Convention. 
2.  Influence  of  Washington,  its  president.  3.  Privacy  of  the  pro 
ceedings.  4.  Determination  of  the  majority,  Virginia  in  the  lead. 


TOPICS,    REFERENCES,   AND    RESEARCH.      269 

5.  The  first  and  fundamental  resolution.  6.  The  question  of  re 
presentation,  between  large  and  small  States :  how  compromised. 
7.  The  same  question  between  slave  States  and  free  States:  how 
compromised.  8.  Questions  relative  to  the  slave  trade  and  the  gen 
eral  regulation  of  commerce  :  how  dealt  with.  9.  Concession  rela 
tive  to  fugitive  slaves.  Madison,  Papers,  ii.-iii.  685-1624  (or  the 
same  in  Elliot,  v.  5),  and  Letters,  i.  343-355  ;  Washington,  xi.  128- 
156;  Bancroft,  vi.  207-276,  292-367  ;  Curtis,  i.  374-488,  ii.  3-487; 
Federalist  •  Hoist,  Const.  Law,  16-24;  Fiske,  Critical  Period, 
222-305  ;  McMaster,  i.  438-453  ;  Hunt.  ch.  xiii.-xiv. ;  Gay,  ch.  vii.- 
viii. ;  Roosevelt,  Morris,  133-165  ;  Stille,  ch.  vii. ;  Lodge,  Hamilton, 
57-65  ;  Schouler,  i.  39-51  ;  Hart,  Contempts,  iii.  ch.  x.  ;  O.  S.  Leaf., 
70. 

RESEARCH.  —  i.  The  method  devised  for  the  election  of  President 
and  Vice-President :  its  failure  in  working  to  realize  the  expec 
tations  with  which  it  was  planned.  Hoist,  Const.  Law,  86-90; 
Bryce,  i.  35-41 ;  Madison,  Papers,  1119-1124,  1141-1150,  1152, 
1188-1211;  federalist,  68.  2.  The  fundamental  difference  be 
tween  the  English  system  of  government  and  that  framed  in  the 
American  Constitution.  Bryce,  i.  32-34,  237-238,  and  ch.  xxv. 
3.  Hamilton's  plan  of  a  constitution.  Madison,  Papers,  iii.  ap 
pendix,  xvi.-xxviii. 

148.    Struggle  and  Victory  for  the  New  Constitution. 

TOPICS  AND  REFERENCES. 

i.    Opposition  to  the  Constitution.     2.    The  great  and  victorious 
struggle  for  it  in  the  States.     3.    Exertions  of  Hamilton,  Madison, 
Jay,  and  others.  —  The  essays  of  "  The  Federalist."    4.    The  States 
which  ratified  and  when.     5.    The  States  which  held  aloof.    Elliot, 
i-  3!8-338;  Bancroft,   vi.  371-438,  452-462;    Curtis,  ii. '491-604; 
Fiske,  Critical  Period,  ch.  vii. ;   McMaster,  i.  454-501;  Hunt,  ch. 
xv.-xvii. ;  Gay,  ch.  ix. ;  Tyler,  Henry,  ch.  xviii. ;  Hosmer,  Adams, 
392-401 ;  Lodge,  Hamilton,  65-80 ;  Schouler,  i.  60-78  ;  Hart,  Con- 
temp's,  iii.  ch.  xi. ;  Johnston,  Am.  Orations,  i.  24-43. 
RESEARCH.  —  i.  Grounds  and  motives  of  the   opposition  to  the 
Federal  Constitution.     Ford,  ed.,  Pamphlets,  1-23,  91-115,  272- 
275,  277-322  ;  Madison,  Papers,  ii.  662-663  5    Washington,  xi. 
183-186.     2.  Importance  of  the  fact  that  the  Constitution  was 
ratified  by  special  conventions,  and    not   by  state    legislatures. 
Hoist,  Const.  Law,  28. 


270       UNDER   ARTICLES    OF   CONFEDERATION. 

149.    The  Ordinance  of  1787. 

TOPICS  AND  REFERENCES. 

i.  Character  and  purpose  of  the  ordinance,  passed  by  the  old 
Congress  (text  in  O.  S.  Leaf.,  13;  Lamed,  Ready  Ref.;  Mac- 
Donald,  ii.  21-29).  2-  The  Ohio  Company  and  its  influence.  3. 
Important  provisions  of  the  ordinance.  4.  The  five  States  de 
veloped  under  it.  5.  First  land  sales  and  beginnings  of  settlement. 
Hinsdale,  Old  N.  W.,  ch.xv. ;  Cutler,  i.  ch.  iv.-xii. ;  Winsor,  West 
ward,  ch.  xiv.  ;  AT.  A.  Rev.  (Poole),  April,  1876;  Drake,  Ohio  Val 
ley  States,  153-172;  Dunn,  ch.  v. ;  King,  ch.  viii.;  Hart,  Contempts, 
iii.  154-158;  Donaldson,  149-159. 

15O.    Election  of  George  Washington,  First  President 
of  the  Reconstituted  United  States. 

TOPICS  AND  REFERENCES. 

i.  Action  of  the  old  Congress,  providing  for  the  presidential 
election.  2.  Election  of  Washington  and  John  Adams.  Irving, 
iv.  ch.  xxxvii.  ;  Bancroft,  vi.  466-472  ;  McMaster,  i.  502-503,  525- 
535;  Hildreth,  iv.  38-56;  Schouler,  i.  79-82. 


CHAPTER  VIII. 

THE    FOUNDING    OF    A    NATIONAL    GOVERNMENT. 

1801.1 

151.  Inauguration  of  President  Washington.  —  Or 
ganization  of  Government  under  the  Federal  Consti 
tution.  1789.  On  the  23d  of  April  President  Washing 
ton  arrived  at  New  York  from  Mount  Vernon,  and  the 
ceremony  of  his  inauguration  was  performed  on  the  last 
day  of  the  month.  The  ability  and  industry  of  Congress 
were  taxed  at  once  by  the  need  of  many  important  laws 

for  organizing  the  new  government  and  giving 

.    &^     5    Madison's 
authority  and  direction  to  its  acts.      Ine  Con-   leadership, 

gress  proved  to  be  a  highly  capable  body,  con 
taining  many  experienced  and  strong  men,  foremost 
among  them  James  Madison,  of  Virginia,  who  sat  in  the 
House  of  Representatives  and  exercised  the  leading  influ 
ence  in  its  work.  Before  its  first  session  ended,  in  Sep 
tember,  this  hard-working  Congress  passed  tariff  and  ton 
nage  acts,  to  provide  revenue  for  the  national  treasury ; 
instituted  three  departments  of  administration  Workofthe 
for  the  executive  branch  of  government,  defin- 
ing  their  duties  and  powers  ;  planned  and  organ-  1789- 
ized  the  judicial  branch  of  government,  establishing  a 
system  of  federal  courts  ;  confirmed  the  territorial  legis 
lation  of  the  Continental  Congress,  by  reenacting  the 
great  Ordinance  of  1787  (see  sect.  149),  and  agreed 
upon  twelve  constitutional  amendments  for  submission 
to  the  States. 

1  See  Map  IX. 


2/2  THE    MAKING   OF   A   NATION. 

On  most  of  these  measures  there  were  spirited  debates, 
and  nearly  every  issue  that  has  risen  since  in  American 
politics,  between  opposing  interests  in  different  parts  of 
the  country  or  opposing  ideas,  came  to  the  surface  then. 
The  scheme  of  duties  discussed  in  framing  the  first 
national  tariff  was  so  moderate  as  to  seem  insig- 
nationai  nificant  now  ;  but  it  raised  at  once  the  question 

tciriff . 

between  duties  levied  solely  for  revenue  and 
duties  applied  with  a  view  to  giving  some  substantial 
advantage,  or  "  protection,"  to  commodities  produced  at 
home  against  competing  articles  brought  in  from  abroad. 
The  theory  of  " protection"  carried  the  day,  but  the 
practical  application  of  it  was  exceedingly  mild. 

A  motion  to  tax  the  importation  of  slaves  by  a  duty  of 

ten  dollars  on  each  kindled  instantly  the  feeling 

slavery        that  grew  more  passionate  in  American  politics 

question. 

until,  after  more  than  seventy  years,  the  cause 
of  it  perished  in  the  flames  of  civil  war. 

The  three  executive  departments  instituted  were  that 
of  foreign  affairs,  called  the  State  Department,  the  Trea- 
First  sury  Department,  and  the  Department  of  War. 

depart-1™  For  his  secretaries  in  these  departments  Wash- 
ments.  ington  appointed  Alexander  Hamilton  to  the 
Treasury,  Thomas  Jefferson  to  the  Department  of  State, 
and  General  Henry  Knox  to  that  of  War.  As  the  coun 
try  was  then  situated,  nothing  else  in  its  government 
was  so  important  as  a  wise  and  strong  handling  of  finan 
cial  affairs.  In  choosing  Hamilton  for  that  trust  Wash 
ington  picked,  without  doubt,  the  one  man  in  America 
who  had,  not  only  the  grasp  of  needed  knowledge,  but 
the  boldness,  the  energy,  the  convincing  power 
to  carry  others  with  himself  and  accomplish 
what  should  lay,  from  the  beginning,  a  sure  foundation 
of  credit  and  prosperity  for  the  young  republic  of  the 


FOUNDING   OF   A    NATIONAL   GOVERNMENT.     273 

United  States.     Congress  left  the  gravest  financial  prob 
lems  of  the  hour  to  be  studied  by  the  Secretary  of  the 
Treasury,  and  when  it  reassembled  in  January,  1790,  he 
submitted  a  report  on  the  public  debt  and  public  credit 
which  is  monumental  as  a  work  of  statesmanship  in  pub 
lic    finance.     Jefferson,   coming    from  France   near  the 
end  of   1789,  did  not  enter  on  the  duties  of  his  JeHerson 
office    until    the   following    March ;    meantime  and  Jay< 
John  Jay,  already  named  for  Chief  Justice  of  the  Supreme 
Court,  conducted  the  Department  of  State. 

Of   the   twelve    constitutional  amendments  proposed 
by  this  first  Congress,  ten  were  ratified  within  the  next 
two  years.    Nine  of  them  were  in  the  nature  of  Firstcon- 
a  guarantee  of  certain  fundamental  rights, —  lmeUnd°nal 
free  speech,  religious  freedom,  jury  trial,  and   ments- 
the  like, — which  the  framers  of  the  Constitution   had 
omitted  intentionally,   believing    it   to    be   unnecessary. 
The   tenth   amendment  was  a  concession  to  the  wide 
spread  feeling  that  stood  guard  over  "state  rights."     It 
declared  that  "the  powers  not  delegated  to  the  United 
States  by  the  Constitution,  nor  prohibited  by  it  to  the 
States,  are  reserved  to  the  States  respectively  or  to  the 
people." 

152.  Hamilton's  Report  on  the  Public  Debt  and  on 
Public  Credit.  179O.  Simply  stated,  the  whole  argu 
ment  of  Hamilton's  famous  report  on  the  public  debt 
was  to  demonstrate  the  sound  policy  of  a  plain,  unflinch 
ing,  unquibbling  honesty  in  the  payment  of  every  dollar 
of  the  public  debt,  however  incurred  and  by  whomsoever 
claimed.  The  debt  of  the  late  Confederation  was  found 
to  be  something  more  than  $^4,000.000.  of 

...  r       1  i      •       Debt  of  the 

which  nearly  $12,000,000  was  tor  loans  made  in   confedera- 

Holland,  France,  and  Spain.     Nobody  opposed 

a  full  payment  of  the  foreign  debt ;  but  concerning  the 


274  THE    MAKING    OF   A   NATION. 

payment  of  large  parts  of  the  $42,000,000  claimed  by 
creditors  at  home,  there  were  specious  objections  raised. 
Much  of  it  was  represented  by  certificates  which  had 
sunk  in  market  value,  as  the  prospect  of  their  final  pay 
ment  seemed  to  fade,  and  which  speculators  had  been 
and  were  still  buying  up  for  small  sums.  Another  con 
siderable  part  was  in  Continental  currency,  the  latest 
holders  of  which  obtained  it,  probably,  for  some  petty 
fraction  of  its  nominal  worth.  Considering  these  facts, 
many  people  saw  no  reason  for  paying  the  Continental 
notes  and  certificates  in  full,  according  to  the  promise 
that  they  bore  on  their  face.  At  the  same  time  nobody 
could  propose  a  practicable  plan  for  determining  how 
much  of  the  promise  should  be  repudiated  and  how  much 
fulfilled.  Hamilton's  powerful  reasoning  prevailed.  His 
plans  for  "funding"  the  whole  debt,  by  an  issue  of 
Funding  United  States  bonds  bearing  interest,  payable 
thedeut.  at  Definite  times,  with  a  "sinking  fund"  of 
moneys  set  apart  for  the  payment  of  the  bonds,  and 
with  a  due  provision  of  additional  revenues  to  guarantee 
the  whole,  was  approved  and  the  necessary  measures 
were  passed. 

But,  besides  the  debts  of  the  Confederation,  there  were 
$25,000,000  or  more  of  debts  which  the  several  States 

had  contracted  in  the  prosecution  of  the  War 
ofSstateP  c  a  of  Independence ;  and  Hamilton  contended 

that  those  should  be  assumed  by  the  general 
government,  because  they  represented  expenditures  for 
the  common  national  cause.  This  part  of  his  recom 
mendation  was  violently  opposed.  The  bitterest  hos 
tility  came  from  those  who  saw  that  the  assumption  of 
these  state  debts  would  tend  to  strengthen  and  na 
tionalize  the  general  government,  and  who  regarded  such 
a  consequence  as  one  to  be  feared.  On  the  other  hand, 


FOUNDING    OF   A    NATIONAL   GOVERNMENT.     275 

in  Hamilton's  mind,  and  in  the  minds  of  those  who 
shared  his  political  views,  that  undoubted  effect  of  the 
Assumption  Bill  gave  the  weightiest  of  reasons  for  carry 
ing  it  through.  On  the  merits  of  the  argument,  however, 
it  could  not  be  passed,  and  its  final  success  was  gained 
by  a  bargain  which  secured  the  needed  votes.  Oppor 
tunity  for  the  bargain  was  given  by  a  lively  struggle 
then  in  progress  over  the  question  of  locating 
the  national  government  in  a  capital  subject  to  the nafiona! 
its  own  control.  Certain  southern  Congress 
men,  opposed  to  the  assumption  of  state  debts,  were  so 
eager  to  plant  the  projected  capital  city  on  the  Potomac 
that  they  arranged  with  the  assumption  party  for  an  ex 
change  of  votes  which  accomplished  the  desires  of  both. 
The  whole  war  indebtedness  of  the  country,  both  general 
and  local,  was  taken  in  hand,  for  unhesitating  payment, 
and  American  credit  rose  instantly  high  ;  while  the  fed 
eral  union  was  powerfully  cemented  and  nationalized  by 
that  sovereign  act.  From  the  other  side  of  the  transac 
tion  there  came  a  board  of  commissioners  who  acquired 
the  soil  of  the  District  of  Columbia  and  planned  the 
beautiful  city  that  bears  Washington's  name.  Both  re 
sults  were  eminently  good  ;  but  the  method  of  attaining 
them  was  bad.  It  was  denounced,  and  justly,  at  the 
time ;  for  great  dangers  in  legislation  are  opened  and 
corruptions  encouraged  by  such  trafficking  of  votes. 

153.  The  Slavery  Question.  —  First  Abolition  Me 
morials.  179O.  The  grim  "  slavery  question,"  breeding 
an  "  irrepressible  conflict  "  in  the  nation  already,  had  its 
hearing  in  Congress  again.  Memorials  received  "from 
the  people  called  Quakers,"  and  from  a  "Pennsylvania 
Society  for  Promoting  the  Abolition  of  Slavery,"  of  which 
Franklin  was  president,  stirred  up  a  passionate  debate, 
and  called  out  a  committee  report,  which  the  House  of 


2/6  THE    MAKING    OF   A    NATION. 

Representatives  adopted,  affirming  the  powerlessness  of 
Death  of  Congress  to  interfere  with  slavery  in  the  States. 
Franklin.  Franklin's  signature  to  the  Pennsylvania  memo 
rial  was  one  of  his  last  acts.  He  died  on  the  i/th  of 
April,  1790. 

154.  First  Census.  —  First  Patent  Law,  etc.     1790. 
At  the  second  session  of  the  First  Congress,  the  first  act 
to  provide  for  a  national  census  of  population,  the  first 
naturalization  act,  the  first  patent  act,  and  the  first  copy 
right  act,  were  passed.     The  policy  embodied  so  early 
in  the  patent  act,  of  giving  a  wise  stimulation  to  the 
inventive  genius  of  the  people,  and  thus  cultivating  a 
keen  attentiveness  to  economies  of  labor  and  time,  has 
been  of  immeasurable  influence  in  advancing  the  welfare 
of  the  country  along  material  lines.     The  union  of  thir 
teen  States  became  complete  while  this  session  was  in 
progress,  by  the  tardy  action  of  Rhode  Island,  which 
ratified  the  Constitution  in  June.     North  Carolina  had 
done  the  same  in  the  previous  November. 

The  census  taken  in  1790  showed  a  total  population 
of  3,929,000,  of  whom  3,172,000  were  white,  698,000 
were  negro  slaves,  and  59,000  were  free  blacks.  Of  the 
white  population,  1,900,000  were  resident  north  and 
1,271,000  south  of  "Mason  and  Dixon's  line."  All  but 
40,000  of  the  slaves  were  held  in  the  States  south  of 
Pennsylvania. 

155.  The  National  Bank  Question.    179O-1791.     A 
third  session  of  the  First  Congress  was  opened  in  De 
cember,  in  Philadelphia,  which  became  the  seat  of  gov 
ernment  for  ten  years,  while  the  federal  capital  on  the 
Potomac  was  being  prepared.     Again  the  leading  sub 
jects  of  debate  and  legislation  were  introduced  by  the 
fertile  Secretary  of  the  Treasury,  who  brought  forward 
plans,  (i)  for  a  necessary  enlargement   of  revenue  by 


FOUNDING    OF    A    NATIONAL   GOVERNMENT.     277 

increased  customs-duties  and  by  an  internal  tax,  called 
excise,  and  (2)  for  strengthening  the   organiza 
tion  of  capital  and  credit  in  the  country,  besides 
aiding  the  financial  operations  of  government,  through 
the  creation  of   a  national    bank.     Legislation  for  the 
proposed  excise  tax,  which  touched  nothing  but  distilled 
spirits,  was  adopted  without  much  debate ;  but  the  pro 
ject  of  a  national  bank,  to  be  connected  in  interest  with 
the   government,   to  be   employed    by  it,   and   to  be  a 
moneyed  power,  more  or  less  under  its  control, 

.   ,        i  ITT-  •      i  •     r  Objects  of 

was  violently  opposed.     In  this,  as  in  his  former  a  national 
proposals,   Hamilton  aimed  at   the    solidifying 
of  the  Union  as  a  fabric  of  real  nationality,  and  he  roused 
again  the  hostility  of  those  who  thought  it  better  to  in 
vigorate  the  local  governments  of   the   States  than  to 
raise  over  them  a  more  sovereign  government  and  unify 
them  by  its  strong  embrace. 

156.  The  Doctrine  of  "  Implied  Powers  "  in  the  Con 
stitution.  That  antagonism  between  two  political  views, 
in  which  state  sovereignty  and  national  sovereignty  were 
the  opposing  aims,  took  on  a  new  phase  from  Hamilton's 
argument  in  support  of  his  project  of  a  national  bank. 
Madison,  Jefferson,  and  others  contended  that  the  Con 
stitution  gave  Congress  no  authority  to  charter  banks, 
and  cited  the  tenth  article  of  the  recent  amendments, 
which  declares  that  "the  powers  not  delegated  to  the 
United  States  by  the  Constitution,  nor  prohibited  by  it 
to  the  States,  are  reserved  to  the  States  respectively  or 
to  the  people."  In  reply  Hamilton  pointed  to  the  eighth 
section  of  the  first  article  of  the  Constitution, 

The 

which    sets    forth,    in   seventeen    clauses,    the   "elastic 

.         .  „,  clause "  In 

powers  expressly  given  to  Congress,  and  adds   the  con- 
an  eighteenth  clause  (known  since  as  the  "elastic 
clause"),  giving  it  the  broad,  undefined  power  "to  make 


278  THE    MAKING   OF  A   NATION. 

all  laws  which  shall  be  necessary  and  proper  for  carrying 
into  execution  the  foregoing  powers."  The  proposed 
bank,  he  argued,  is  a  necessary  and  proper  instrument  for 
government  use  in  borrowing  money,  paying  debts,  hand 
ling  revenue,  and  providing  for  the  general  welfare. 
Hence  the  power  to  create  it  is  implied. 

This  doctrine  of  "implied  powers"  in  the  Constitu 
tion —  a  doctrine  that  gives  elasticity  to  that  funda 
mental  code,  making  it  capable  of  indefinite  stretching, 
by  free  interpretation  —  opened  a  new  breach  between 
the  men  who  wanted  a  strong  nation  and  the  men  who 
cared  most  for  strong  States.  The  division  then  begun 
has  run  through  American  politics  ever  since,  ranging 
"strict"  on  one  side  tnose  whose  opinions  tend  toward 
construe66"  a  "  strict  construction  of  the  Federal  Constitu- 
Uon<  tion,"  to  limit  the  powers  it  confers,  against 

those  on  the  other  side  who  construe  it  with  partiality 
for  strong  claims.  The  latter  were  successful  with  the 
bank  bill  in  Congress  and  successful  in  satisfying  the 
scruples  of  the  President,  who  signed  the  bill  after  care 
fully  weighing  the  constitutional  arguments  on  both 
sides.  Chartered  for  twenty  years,  the  bank 

The  first  ,     .       .  .     .      J.    J, 

National  was  founded  with  a  capital  of  $20,000,000,  the 
government  holding  $2,000,000  of  its  stock. 
Its  principal  seat  was  in  Philadelphia,  but  eight  branches 
were  placed  in  other  cities,  and  the  helpfulness  expected 
from  the  bank  by  the  business  interests  of  the  country 
was  given  in  full. 

The  country,  in  fact,  was  realizing  already  immense 

effects  of  good  from  the  great  political  change 

oitne8new     it    had  undergone.       The    steadying    influence 

system,         of  the   new  system  of  government  on  all  gen- 

1789-1792.  ,  ,.   •  T        j        •    J         T    .  i 

era!  conditions  was  not  to  be  denied.     Internal 
trade,  no  longer  troubled   at   state  boundary  lines,  was 


FOUNDING   OF   A    NATIONAL   GOVERNMENT.     279 

beginning  to  flow  in  beneficent  streams.  Foreign  com 
merce  was  reviving  in  the  atmosphere  of  public  and 
private  credit  which  Hamilton's  wise  measures  had  dif 
fused  ;  shipping  enterprise  was  active  again  ;  production 
of  every  kind  was  finding  fresh  encouragements,  and 
prosperity  was  reaching  all  districts  and  every  class. 
But  a  speculative  spirit  was  wakened,  also,  that  would 
do  mischief  in  the  end. 

157.  Vermont  and  Kentucky  admitted  to  the 
Union.  1791.  At  this  time  the  Union  received  its 
first  accession  of  new  States.  Vermont  and  Kentucky 
were  admitted  as  its  fourteenth  and  fifteenth  members 
in  February,  1791.  Since  1777  Vermont  had  maintained 
an  independent  existence  as  a  politically  foreign  State. 
Its  territory  had  been  in  dispute  between  the  royal  pro 
vinces  of  New  Hampshire  and  New  York,  but 
mostly  settled  under  what  were  known  as  "  the  claimants 

AT  i  •  j,        A  i     i      •   •         •       t°  Vermont. 

New  Hampshire  grants.  A  royal  decision  in 
1764  gave  the  disputed  district  to  New  York,  and  the 
government  of  that  province  undertook  to  set  aside  the 
New  Hampshire  grants.  This  provoked  the  "  Green 
Mountain  boys"  to  resist.  In  1777  they  organized  the 
government  of  an  independent  State  and  named  it  Ver 
mont.  The  new  State  applied  repeatedly  to  the  Con 
tinental  Congress  for  admission  to  the  Confederation, 
and  was  kept  out  by  the  influence  of  New  York.  Not 
withstanding  these  rebuffs,  and  though  tempted  by  the 
British  authorities  in  Canada,  the  Vermonters  cooperated 
with  the  States  of  the  Confederation  throughout  the 
Revolutionary  War.  Terms  were  arranged  finally  with 
New  York,  in  October,  1790,  and  Vermont  was  received 
into  the  union  of  States. 

Kentucky  had  been  governed  hitherto  as  a  district  of 
Virginia,  but  its  settlers,  now  multiplying  rapidly,  had 


280  THE    MAKING    OF  A   NATION. 

obtained  the  consent  of  that  State  to  their  political  sepa 
ration,  and  were  to  organize  their  distinct  government 
in  June,  1792.  Congress,  in  advance,  decreed  their  ad 
mission,  to  take  place  at  that  time. 

158.  Hamilton   and   the  policy  of   "  Protection  to 
Home  Industries."    1791.      The  Second  Congress,  as 
sembled  in  October,   1791,  took  no   measures   of   great 
moment  in   hand.     Hamilton  wished   to   round   out   his 
economic   policy  by  a  systematic   measure   of   "  protec 
tion,"   for  the    upbuilding   of  home   manufactures,   and 
urged   his   project  in   an   elaborate   report.     It   contem 
plated  not  only  a  thoroughgoing  "protective  tariff,"  but 
likewise  a  system  of  bounties  to  encourage  productive 
enterprise  ;  of  premiums  for  useful  inventions  ;  of  liberal 
appropriations  for  the  building  and  improvement  of  roads 
and  canals  ;  and,  generally,  of  governmental  stimulation 
to   productive   industries  wherever  it   could   be   applied 
with   effect.     For   the  needed    authority   Hamilton   ap 
pealed  again  to  what   he  held   to  be  "implied"  in   the 
Constitution,  though  not  expressed.      In  this  use  of  it, 
the  doctrine  of  implied  powers  became  more  obnoxious 
than  ever  to  "strict  constructionists,"  especially  as  lead- 
internal  im-  m£  t°ward  a  policy  of  "  internal  improvements  " 
provements.  ^^  might  ke  of  illimitable  scope.     Congress 
took  no  action  on   this   report ;  but  a  complete  set   of 
policies  for  future  political  parties,  and  of  arguments  for 
future  politicians,  was  stored  up  in   the   document  and 
came  finally  into  use. 

159.  Indian   War.  —  Harmar's    and  St.   Glair's  de 
feats.     1790-1791.      Some    increase    of    the  small  fed 
eral  army  was  made  necessary  at  this  time  by  a  war  with 
the  northwestern  Indians,  conducted  so  badly  that  two 
appalling  disasters  had  occurred.     In  the  first  instance 
an  expedition  commanded  by  General  Harmar  suffered 


FOUNDING    OF   A    NATIONAL   GOVERNMENT.     281 

defeat  with  terrible  slaughter  in  a  fight  on  the  Maumee 
(October,  1790)  ;  in  the  second,  a  larger  force,  of  some 
1400  militia  and  regulars,  led  by  the  governor  of  the 
Territory,  General  St.  Clair,  into  the  depths  of  the  wil 
derness,  was  surprised  and  overwhelmed  by  the  savages 
(November  4,  1791),  as  Braddock's  had  been,  and  was 
more  than  half  destroyed.  Fresh  forces  were  now  raised, 
and  the  command  was  given  to  General  Anthony  Wayne, 
who  subdued  the  hostile  tribes  in  the  course  of  the  next 
three  years. 

160.  Reelection    of    President  Washington.    1792. 
The  term  of  President  Washington  would  expire  in  the 
spring  of  1793,  and  he  longed  to  be  released  from  the 
cares  of  his  office,  but  yielded  to  appeals  from  all  sides 
and    allowed  himself  to  be   named  for  a   second    term. 
Again  he  was  chosen  unanimously,  and  again  the  next 
highest  number  of  votes  was  given  to  John  Adams,  re- 
electing  him  Vice-President,  over  George  Clinton,  of  New 
York. 

161.  The  Arraying  of  Political    Parties,  Federalist 
and  Anti-Federalist    (afterwards  called   Republican). 
1793.     There  were  two  political  parties  in  the  country 
now,    still    called     Federalist    and    Anti -Federalist,    but 
arrayed  with  more  distinctness  than  hitherto,  and  mainly 
on  lines  which  divided  Americans  in  their  politics  for  half 
a  century  to  come.     Washington  had  tried  to  conduct 
a  non-partisan  administration  ;   but  even  he  could  only 
hold  himself  above  partisan  feelings,  while  his  two  chief 
ministers  and  advisers,  Hamilton  and  Jefferson,  led  the 
rallying  of  political  opinion  in  the  country  on  opposing 
sides.     Hamilton's  measures,  aims,  and  doctrines  brought 
the  cleavage  about,  as  we  have  seen.     The  Constitution 
was  no  longer  in  question  ;  its  acceptance  by  everybody 
was  complete.     Disputes  in  politics  now  were  over  the 


282  THE    MAKING    OF    A   NATION. 

meanings  of  its  language,  —  the  constructions  to  be  put 
on  it,  — the  powers  that  it  gave  to  the  general 

The  new  .     *    , 

disputes  in    government  and  the  functions   that  it  lett  to 

politics. 

the  States.  In  these  disputes  many  former 
Federalists  became  Anti-Federalists,  Madison,  the  very 
"  Father  of  the  Constitution,"  as  he  has  been  called, 
being  one.  Jefferson,  who  was  in  France  during  the 
framing  of  the  Constitution,  was  foremost  of  all  in  op 
posing  the  course  given  to  the  government  by  Hamilton's 
strong  hand. 

The  opposition  was  not  only  to  Hamilton's  measures 
and  to  his  constitutional  doctrines,  but  to  a  monarchical 

inclination  that  was  believed  to  be  lurking  in 

Hamilton's 

distrust  oi     rederalist  minds.     Hamilton   never  concealed 

democracy.  .        .  IT-TI/- 

his  admiration  for  the  English  Constitution  ;  but 
he  knew  that  the  government  of  the  United  States  could 
never  take  on  a  monarchical  form,  and  there  is  no  reason 
to  suppose  that  he  aimed  at  that  result.  He  was  distrust 
ful  of  democracy,  however,  —  afraid  to  have  the  govern 
ment  of  the  country  fall  under  the  control  of  the  people 
at  large,  —  and  wished  to  strengthen  as  much  as  possible 
the  influence  of  certain  classes,  whose  wealth,  or  busi 
ness  interests,  or  education  would  make  them  careful  in 
political  affairs.  Those  classes  formed  the  bulk  of  the 
party  that  rallied  round  him,  and  its  spirit  was  essen 
tially  aristocratic,  without  doubt.  It  was  natti- 

Jeffer  son's  , ,  ..  111-1  T    r 

faith  in  the  rally  antagonistic  to  those  who  believed,  as  Jef 
ferson  believed,  in  the  rightful  sovereignty  of 
the  whole  people,  and  who  had  faith  in  the  training 
of  the  whole  people  to  prudent  and  wise  action  in  public 
affairs. 

The  antagonism  between  the  two  parties  heated  more 
animosity  than  ever  appears  in  politics  now.  The  coun 
try  was  trying  a  momentous  experiment  in  government, 


FOUNDING   OF   A    NATIONAL   GOVERNMENT.     283 

never  tried  on  so  large  a  scale  before.  The  statesmen 
who  formed  and  led  opposing  political  parties  were  grop 
ing  nearly  in  the  dark,  guided  mostly  by  theories,  and 
they  were  constantly  alert  with  suspicions  and  fears. 
Their  judgment  of  motives  was  warped  by  their 

Unjust  sus- 

nervous  alarms.     It  was   believed  seriously  by  picionson 

both  sides. 

Jefferson  and  his  followers  that  Hamilton  and 
John  Adams  and  the  Federalists  generally  were  a  band  of 
conspiring  monarchists,  who  worked  insidiously  to  break 
the  republic  down  and  make  lords  of  themselves.  In  turn, 
the  Hamiltonians  were  convinced  that  Jefferson  and  his 
leading  associates  were  mere  demagogues,  striving  reck 
lessly  for  power  as  the  leaders  of  a  mob.  We  know  now, 
from  the  private  correspondence  of  these  men,  and  from 
other  revelations  of  them,  that  such  notions  were  utterly 

unjust.     Hamilton,  Jefferson,  Adams,  Madison, 

Patriotism 

and  their  colleagues  in  the  lead  of  the  contend-  on  both 
ing  parties  were  all  patriotic  statesmen,  of  the 
high  class  in  ability  and  character  ;  but  they  represented 
two  orders  of  mind,  and  they  looked  at  public  questions 
from  two  points  of  view. 

Even  those  who  reject  the  main  political  doctrines  of 
Hamilton  may  think  it  was  best  for  the  country  that  his 
view,  and  not  Jefferson's,  prevailed  in  the  beginnings  of 
the  government.  The  effect  of  his  measures,  which 
tended  powerfully  to  consolidate  and  nationalize  our  fed 
eral  union  at  the  outset,  and  to  make  the  supremacy  of 
its  general  government  felt,  would  seem  to  have  been  a 
need  at  the  time.  The  state  jealousies  and  the  theories 
of  "  State  rights  "  and  "  State  sovereignty,"  which  op 
posed  those  measures,  did  mischief  in  later  times,  but 
they  never  again  had  power  to  do  such  harm  to  the 
nation  as  they  might  have  done  if  carried  into  practice 
and  precedent  then. 


284  THE    MAKING  OF   A    NATION, 

At  the  same  time,  it  can  be  seen  that  there  were  and 
are  serious  dangers  in  Hamilton's  doctrines,  pressed,  as 
Dangers  on  ne  was  disposed  to  press  them,  to  the  extreme, 
both  sides.  They  can  easily  be  carried  so  far  as  to  make  too 
much  of  government,  —  assign  too  many  duties  and 
powers  to  it,  —  make  it  what  is  called  a  "  paternal  govern 
ment,"  undertaking  things  that  ought  to  be  done  by  the 
people  for  themselves.  Hamilton  would  probably  have 
carried  them  too  far  in  those  paternal  directions,  if  he 
had  had  his  way  fully  ;  and  he  would  have  centralized  the 
government  too  much,  taking  local  matters  out  of  local 
control  much  more  than  is  good  for  the  political  train 
ing  of  the  people.  Jefferson  and  the  Jeffersonians  were 
right  in  discerning  those  tendencies,  and  right  in  their 
distrust  of  the  anti-democratic  spirit  of  the  Federalist 
party.  Hamilton  and  the  Hamiltonians  were  equally 
right  in  fearing  that  the  policy  advocated  by  their  oppo 
nents  would  cause  a  dangerous  slip  backward  toward  the 
feebleness  of  the  old  Confederation,  from  which  they  had 
just  escaped.  There  was  reason  and  right  in  the  opin- 
The  parties  i°ns  anc^  feeling  of  both  parties  ;  there  was  dan- 
oheSft*  Ser  m  both  when  they  ran  their  inclinations  to 
each  other.  ^Q  extreme.  They  were  a  needed  check  upon 
each  other,  and  the  same  checking  and  counter-checking 
of  the  same  opposing  tendencies  has  been  a  natural 
necessity  in  American  politics  ever  since. 

162.  The  French  Revolution  in  American  Politics. 
1789-1793.  Antagonism  between  the  two  parties  was 
intensified,  soon  after  the  beginning  of  Washington's 
second  term,  by  excitements  rising  out  of  the  terrible 
revolution  then  maddening  France.  A  warm  sympathy 
with  the  revolutionary  movement  had  been  universal  in 
the  United  States  at  first.  There  was  a  certain  Ameri 
can  exultation  in  it,  because  it  came  as  a  sequel  to  the 


FOUNDING   OF   A    NATIONAL    GOVERNMENT.     285 

American   Revolution,  and   that   feeling  was  increased 
by  the  prominence  of  the  part  taken  by  Lafayette.    But, 
as  the  Revolution  ran  its  awful  course  and  La-  American 
fayette  was  driven  to  flight,  and  as  the  ruthless-  {JwSS 
ness  of  the  rising  Jacobin  party  was  more  and  France- 
more  displayed,  a  strong  reaction  was  produced  in  con 
servative  minds.     To  Federalists,  generally,  the  revolu 
tionists  seemed  to   be  dragging    France   into  hopeless 
anarchy,  while  Anti-Federalists  were  still  able  to  look 
upon  them  as  heroic  champions  of  the  rights  of  man. 

163.  France  and  England  at  War.  —  "  Citizen  Ge 
net."  1793.  News  came  in  the  spring  of  1793  that  the 
French  revolutionists  had  declared  war  with  England, 
and  this  was  followed  by  the  arrival  of  a  new  minister 
from  France,  sent  to  demand  aid  from  the  United  States. 
Our  government  then  had  troublesome  questions  to  face, 
because  the  treaty  of  1778  with  the  king  of  France 
pledged  help  to  him  in  defending  his  possessions  on  this 
side  of  the  sea.  Was  that  treaty  binding  now,  Wasti1e 
since  the  royal  government  that  made  it  had  j5J[Jewith 
been  overthrown,  and  since  France  was  not  de-  Wndin&? 
fensively  but  aggressively  at  war  ?  Washington  and  his 
advisers  decided,  after  considering  these  questions  with 
care,  that  they  wrere  justified  in  taking  a  neutral  stand. 
Jefferson,  as  Secretary  of  State,  seems  to  have  acquiesced 
in  that  decision  ;  but  the  mass  of  his  party  was  so  en 
thusiastic  in  friendship  for  France,  and  so  hostile  to 
England,  that  the  neutrality  proclaimed  by  the  President 
was  hard  to  preserve.  "  Citizen  Genet,"  as  the  new 
French  minister  was  styled,  received  such  extravagant 
demonstrations  of  welcome  that  he  was  badly  misled, 
imagining  that  the  people  would  overrule  their  govern 
ment,  and  allow  him  to  push  them  into  war.  He  took 
a  defiant  attitude  toward  the  government ;  commis- 


286  THE    MAKING    OF   A    NATION. 

sioned  privateers  ;  established  prize  courts  in  French 
conduct  of  consulates  ;  enlisted  seamen  and  troops  ;  bought 
Geiieve>n  munitions  of  war  ;  and,  finally,  was  said  to  have 
1793.  threatened  to  appeal  to  the  people  against  the 
action  of  the  President.  This  latter  insolence  he  denied  ; 
.but  there  seems  to  be  good  evidence  that  the  charge 
was  true.  His  conduct  angered  all  Americans  of  proper 
feeling,  and  the  government  was  supported  by  public 
opinion  in  demanding  his  recall.  He  never  returned  to 
France,  however,  but  married  and  was  settled  quietly  in 
New  York  for  the  remainder  of  his  life,  after  being 
superseded  early  in  1794. 

164.  Enmity    between    Jefferson     and    Hamilton. 
1793.     Jefferson  was  then  no  longer  Washington's  Sec 
retary  of  State,  having  resigned  at  the  end  of  1793.    The 
opposition  between    him   and    Hamilton   had  grown  to 
enmity,  and,  as  the  latter  prevailed  oftenest  in  the  cab 
inet    counsels,    Jefferson   found   himself   uncomfortably 

placed.  He  retired  to  private  life,  but  still  ex- 
of  Jetter-  ercised  the  leading  influence  in  his  party  —  the 

"  Democratic-Republican "  party,  as  the  Anti- 
Federalists  were  now  named.  For  many  years  their 
organization  was  spoken  of  commonly  as  the  Republican 
party,  and  its  distinctness  from  the  later  political  party 
of  that  name  must  be  kept  carefully  in  mind.  In  after 
years  it  preferred  to  be  called,  as  it  is  now,  the  Demo 
cratic  party. 

Hamilton  remained  in  the  government  for  more  than 
Retirement  a  year  after  Jefferson's  retirement  ;  then  he, 
ton1]1?^  ^00,  withdrew ;  but  continued  to  exercise  a 

powerful  influence  in  public  affairs. 

165.  Impending  War  with   England.  —  Peace  Mis 
sion  of  Chief  Justice  Jay.     1793-1794.     The  situation 
of  the  country,  between  the  powers  at  war,  was  made 


FOUNDING  OF   A   NATIONAL   GOVERNMENT.     287 

difficult  by  the  conduct  of  both.  England  seemed  de 
termined  to  regard  the  United  States  as  practically  the 
ally  of  France,  while  the  French  were  angry  because 
that  alliance  was  refused.  The  rights  of  neutrals  in 
trade  with  countries  at  war  was  not  denned  then  by  gen 
eral  agreement  as  it  has  been  since,  and  many 

v  TU      T?       r  i_    t   •          Disputed 

questions  were  in  dispute.  The  English,  being  rights  of 
masterful  at  sea,  endeavored  always  to  put  nar 
row  limits  on  neutral  rights,  and  the  French  followed 
their  practices  as  far  as  they  could.  But  the  naval  weak 
ness  of  the  latter  compelled  them  to  invite  neutral  ships 
to  undertake  the  commerce  of  their  West  India  colonies, 
which  they  had  jealously  kept  to  themselves  in  times  of 
peace.  This  opened  to  the  Americans  an  immensely 
profitable  and  extensive  trade ;  but  England  maintained 
that  war  could  not  create  a  commercial  privilege  not 
existing  before,  and  numerous  American  vessels  engaged 
in  the  French'  West  Indian  trade  were  caught  by  her 
cruisers  and  condemned  by  English  courts. 

This,    however,   provoked    less    feeling  than    another 
English  practice  of  the  time.     The  activity  of  American 
shipping  was  causing  a  great  demand  for  sailors  in  Amer 
ican  ports,  at  higher  wages  than  the  English  Britlsh 
paid,  with  better  treatment,  and  numerous  de-  ?£prrce*san(1 
sertions    from     English    ships   were    induced.   ment 
Complaining  that   American   courts  and  American  law 
gave  them  no  proper  help  to  recover  such  deserters,  the 
English  government  directed  its  naval  officers  to  search 
American  ships  for  them  and  take  them  wherever  found. 
Many  who  claimed  to  be  American  citizens  were  "  im 
pressed  "  in  this  exasperating  manner;  for  nativity  was 
hard  to  prove,  as  between   Englishmen  and  Americans, 
and  England  had  never  conceded  the  right  of  a  born 
subject  to  cast  off  his  allegiance  to  her  crown. 


288  THE    iMAKING   OF   A    NATION. 

It  had  been  hard  enough  before  for  Americans  to 
endure  the  continued  holding  of  their  western  forts 
by  British  garrisons,  and  to  bear  what  they  believed  to 
be  malicious  tampering  with  western  Indians  by  some  of 
the  officers  at  those  forts.  Now  that  a  new  cause  of 
bitter  feeling  was  added  to  the  old,  there  seemed 
ton's  effort  to  be  little  possibility  of  avoiding  war.  Wash 
ington,  however,  made  one  last,  earnest  effort 
for  peace.  With  authority  from  Congress,  he  commis 
sioned  the  Chief  Justice,  John  Jay,  as  a  special  envoy,  to 
negotiate  with  the  British  government  for  more  friendly 
relations  ;  and  Jay  departed  on  his  mission  in  May,  1794. 

166.  "  Whiskey  Rebellion  "  in  Pennsylvania.     1794. 
At  that  time  peace  at  home  was  threatened  by  rebellious 
opposition  in  western  Pennsylvania  to  the  excise.    There, 
and  in  western  North  Carolina  and  Virginia,  the  conver 
sion  of  grain  into  whiskey  afforded  to  the  farmers,  in 
and  beyond  the  mountains,  the  best  means  of  marketing 
their  crops.     Hence  the  tax  on  distilled  spirits  was  espe 
cially  resented  in  those  parts  of  the  country.     In  the 
summer  of  1794  the  riotous  demonstrations  in  Pennsyl 
vania  became  so  rebellious  that  Washington,  by  procla 
mation,  called  out  about  13,000  militia,  placed  them  under 
General  Henry  Lee,  then  governor  of  Virginia,  and  sent 
them  to  the  scene  of  trouble,  along  with  commissioners 
appointed  to  deal  with   the  insurgents  and  investigate 
their  grounds  of  discontent.     This  strong  measure  was 
effective  ;  the  whiskey  rebellion  collapsed  ;  the  authority 
of  the  government  was  vindicated,  and  respect  for  it  was 
notably  raised. 

167.  The  Jay   Treaty  with   England.     1794-1796. 
Mr.  Jay's  negotiations  resulted  in  a  treaty,  signed  at  Lon 
don  November  19,  1794,  which  did  not  reach  the  United 
States  till  the  following  March.     Its  provisions  (except- 


FOUNDING    OF    A    NATIONAL    GOVERNMENT.     289 

ing  one  article,  relative  to  West  India  trade)  were  not 
known  to  the  public  till  after  it  had  been  ratified  by  the 
Senate,  at  a  special  session  held  in  June.  Then  a  tem 
pest  of  rage,  in  every  part  of  the  country,  but  especially 
at  the  south,  burst  on  all  who  had  to  do  with  the  making 
of  the  treaty  or  accepting  its  terms.  It  was  not  such  an 
arrangement  with  England  as  any  American  statesman 
of  the  time  would  have  made  if  the  circumstances  of 
the  country  had  not  been  what  they  were.  Washington 
signed  it  after  long  hesitation ;  for,  though  it  did  not  go 
near  to  the  bottom  of  the  causes  of  quarrel  between  Eng 
land  and  the  United  States,  it  was  a  first  step  toward 
that  end.  It  secured  the  surrender  of  the  western  forts 
in  June,  1/96.  It  provided  for  a  payment,  on  one  hand,  of 
the  disputed  debts  to  British  creditors,  and  of  indemnity, 
on  the  other  hand,  for  recent  'illegal  captures 

...   .       .  Provisions 

of   American    ships.1     It  established  a  solemn   of  the 

treaty, 
agreement  between  the  two  nations  that  private 

debts  should  never  thereafter  be  sequestered  in  war.      It 
provided  for  joint  commissions  to  determine  the  disputed 
boundaries  in  America.     But  it  did  not  bind  England  to 
stop   impressments  from  American    ships.     It 
opened  the  ports  of  the  United  States  to  British   to  the 
ships,  in  return  for  privileges  in  the  British  West 
Indies  that  were  thought  to  have  no  worth.     It  secured 
no  compensation  for  slaves  set  free  by  the  British  in  the 
War  of  Independence  and  taken  with  them  when  they 
left.     For  these  and  other  shortcomings  the  treaty  was 
raged  against,  as  a  piece  of  cowardly  truckling  to  Great 
Britain,  worse  in    effect  than   any  consequence   of  war. 

1  Under  these  provisions  the  United  States  ultimately  received 
about  $6,000,000  in  indemnity  for  illegal  captures,  and  paid  less 
than  $3,000,000  on  British  debts  owed  at  the  outbreak  of  the 
Revolution.  Schouler,  ii.  27. 


290  THE    MAKING    OF   A    NATION. 

Gradually  a  reaction  of  opinion  took  place,  and  many  of 
those  who  had  denounced  the  treaty  came  to  see  that  its 
acceptance  was  wise. 

168.  Important  Events  in  the  West.     1795-1796. 
The   Jay   treaty   gave   deep    offence    to    France ;    and 
Spain,  too,  complained.     After  long  efforts,  a  treaty  with 
the   latter  country  had   just    been   concluded  (October, 

1795),  which  would  free  the  navigation  of  the 

Navigation        '       .      . 

of  the  Mis-  Mississippi  and  give  important  privileges  to 
American  merchants  at  New  Orleans.  Spain 
now  threatened  to  repudiate  it,  because  of  what  she 
claimed  to  be  inconsistent  agreements  with  England  ; 
but  in  the  end  the  important  Spanish  treaty  came  into 
effect. 

On  the  ist  of  June,   1796,  Tennessee,  the  sixteenth 
State  —  the  second  formed  in  the  great  interior  valley  - 
was  admitted  to  the  American  Union,  and  An- 

Admisslon  . 

ofTennes-  drew  Jackson,  its  first  federal  representative, 
came  to  Congress  in  the  fall  of  that  year.  On 

that  same  ist  of  June,  British  garrisons  marched  out  and 

American  garrisons  marched  in  to  the  western  forts  of  the 
United  States.  Soon  afterward  the  Mississippi 

wester?0  was  opened  to  free  navigation  by  the  flatboats 
of  traders  from  the  Ohio  and  its  tributaries, 

and  they  could  market  their  products  from  the  Spanish 

town    of    New    Orleans.      The   west   was    coming    into 

American  history  with  quick  strides. 

169.  Retirement  of  Washington. —  Election  of  John 
Adams.      1796-1797.     Washington   was    now    making 
glad  preparations  to  quit  the  presidential  seat.     He  could 
not  yield  again  to  the  appeals  that  were  made  to  him 
for  another  term  of  public  service,  and  his  positive  deci 
sion  was  announced  on  the  I7th  of  September,  1796,  by 
the  publication  of  his   "  Farewell  Address,"  —  a  noble 


FOUNDING    OF    A    NATIONAL   GOVERNMENT.     291 

utterance   of   wise    counsel    to    his    countrymen,    which 
can  never  lose  its  impressive  weight  and  force  Washlng. 
in  the  minds  of  the  American  people  so  long   «?F^.eweU 
as  they  do  not   lose  their   sense  of  truth  and  Address-" 
right.     It  is  especially  a  most  solemn  admonition  to  the 
country  to  beware  of  factiousness  and  violence  in  party 
spirit ;   to   discourage    sectional    jealousies    and   antago 
nisms  ;  to  avoid  entanglement  in  the  policies  and  politics 
of  the  Old  World  ;  —  every  one  of  which  warnings  bears 
all    the    wisdom   now   that    it    bore   when    Washington 
wrote. 

In  the  presidential  election  that  followed,  John  Adams 
and  Thomas  Pinckney  were  the  understood  candidates 
of  the  Federalists  (no  formal  nominations  being  made  in 
those  days),  while  the  Republicans,  or  Democrats,  were 
united  in  desiring  to  elect  Thomas  Jefferson,  but  divided 
somewhat  in  their  second  choice.  W7hen  the  electoral 
votes  were  counted,  Adams  was  found  to  have  received 
71,  and  Jefferson  68,  which  made  Adams  President  and 
Jefferson  Vice-President. 

170.  Quarrel  and  Hostilities  with  Prance.  1797- 
1798.  President  Adams,  inaugurated  March  4,  1797, 
kept  the  cabinet  of  his  predecessor,  which  proved  to  be 
a  mistake.  Its  members  could  not  throw  off  the  power 
ful  influence  of  Hamilton,  even  after  the  retire-  Continua. 
inent  of  that  masterful  statesman  from  public  Hamilton's 
life,  and  troublesome  frictions  in  the  govern-  ^H™1106- 
ment  and  in  the  Federalist  party  were  produced.  At 
the  outset,  the  new  administration  had  serious  ill-feelings 
in  France  to  face.  Our  minister  there,  from  1794  until 
late  in  1796,  had  been  James  Monroe,  a  Republican, 
warm  in  friendship  with  the  French  republicans  and 
strongly  opposed  to  the  treaty  with  England  negotiated 
by  Mr.  Jay.  His  course  had  not  been  satisfactory  to 


2Q2  THE    MAKING    OF   A    NATION. 

President  Washington,  and  he  had  been  recalled,  General 

C.   C.   Pinckney  being  sent  in  his  place.     The  French 

government,  already  bitter  in  feeling  toward  this  country, 

resented  the  change,  and  refused  to  receive  the 

Minister  .    .  *V  .  ,  .  .     „ 

Pinckney      new    minister,    ordering    him    out    of    trance. 

ordered  out     _.        .  .  A    ,  ,     .  .        rr 

of  France,     President  Adams  had  news  of  this  affront  be- 

1*797 

fore  the  middle  of  the  month  (March,  1797) 
in  which  his  presidency  began,  and  called  a  special 
session  of  Congress  to  take  such  measures  as  it  seemed 
to  demand.  Hostile  acts  on  the  part  of  the  French 
authorities,  in  lawless  seizures  of  ships  and  goods,  were 
increasing  from  day  to  day,  and  war  appeared  inevitable ; 
but  the  President  and  the  more  sober-minded  of  his  party 
friends  sought  anxiously  for  means  to  avoid  a  resort  to 
arms.  Congress  sanctioned  the  appointment  of  three 
envoys  extraordinary,  who  should  convey  to  France  the 
wish  of  the  American  government  to  deal  fairly  with  its 
complaints.  John  Marshall  and  Elbridge  Gerry  were 
associated  with  Pinckney,  the  rejected  minister,  in  this 
important  mission,  and  the  three  reached  Paris  in  the 
fall  of  the  year. 

Unofficially,  the  envoys  were  treated  courteously,  but 
no  official  hearing  was  given  to  them  for  months.     Mean 
while  they  were  beset  by  three  emissaries  from 
rand's  em-     Talleyrand,  the  French  minister  for  foreign  af- 
x.  Y.  z'.,       fairs,  who  gave  them  to  understand  that  they 

1797-1798. 

could  hope  for  nothing  unless  they  placed  a 
large  gift  of  money  in  Talleyrand's  hands  for  the  men 
who  were  then  at  the  head  of  the  French  government 
(styled  the  Directory),  besides  making  a  loan  of  some 
millions  to  the  public  treasury  of  France.  As  they 
spurned  such  overtures,  their  mission  was  futile,  and 
their  reports  of  the  rascally  proposals,  and  of  the  treat 
ment  they  had  undergone,  roused  intense  feeling  in  the 


FOUNDING   OF   A   NATIONAL   GOVERNMENT.     293 

United  States  when  published,  in  April,  1798.  In  the 
publication  of  their  despatches  the  three  emissaries  of 
Talleyrand  were  not  named,  but  designated  as  X.  Y.  Z. 

That  a  serious  war  did  not  follow  was  only  because  the 
French  government  soon  manifested  a  different  state  of 
mind.  It  had  been  intoxicated  for  two  years  past  by  the 
prodigious  achievements  of  its  young  general,  Napoleon 
Bonaparte  ;  but  Bonaparte  had  led  his  army  on  a  wild 
expedition  to  Egypt  and  Syria,  and  appeared  more  than 
likely  to  lose  it  there.  A  formidable  coalition  of  Euro 
pean  powers  was  armed  against  the  dreaded  republic,  and 
it  had  enough  fighting  in  prospect  on  the  other  side  of 
the  Atlantic  without  pushing  its  quarrel  in  America. 
But  the  war  spirit  kindled  by  the  "  X.  Y.  Z.  Correspond 
ence  "  raged  fiercely  in  the  United  States  for  some  time. 
The  tide  of  public  feeling  was  with  the  Federalists ;  the 
Republicans  were  borne  down.  Military  preparations 
were  hurried  on,  and  Washington  was  appointed  Mmtary 
commander-in-chief,  with  Hamilton  next  in  SoSfaad 
command.  For  its  navy  the  country  had  three  JJhts, 
lately  finished  frigates,  the  Constitution,  the  1798< 
Constellation,  and  the  United  States ;  but  vessels  were 
bought  and  adapted  to  naval  use,  and  four  small  squad 
rons  were  formed,  while  a  swarm  of  privateers  was  let 
loose  on  French  merchant  ships.  The  Constellation 
fought  sharp  battles  with  two  French  frigates,  one  of 
which,  L'Insurgente,  she  captured,  while  the  other  es 
caped.  These  were  the  only  important  engagements  of 
the  war. 

171.  The  Alien  and  Sedition  Acts.  1798.  The 
Federalists,  now  strong  in  popular  favor,  were  puffed  up, 
as  we  may  say,  with  too  much  of  a  sense  of  power,  and 
adopted  high-handed  measures  against  their  opponents, 
as  parties  in  such  circumstances  are  apt  to  do.  On  both 


2Q4  THE    MAKING    OF   A    NATION. 

sides,  the  political  press  of  those  days  was  indecent  in 
abuse  and  slander  of  public  men,  and  some  foreigners 
employed  on  Republican  newspapers  were  especially 
venomous  in  the  use  of  their  pens.  In  exasperation,  the 
Federalists,  controlling  Congress,  passed  acts  which  struck 
with  blind  rage  at  the  freedom  of  the  press  and  other 
sacred  rights.  One,  known  as  the  Alien  Act  (June  25, 
1798),  empowered  the  President,  for  two  years,  to  expel 
from  the  country  any  alien  whom  he  judged  to  be  "  dan 
gerous  to  its  peace  and  safety,"  and  to  imprison  any  who 
refused  to  obey  his  order  to  depart.  The  power  was 
never  used,  but  the  creation  of  it  was  justly  alarming  to 
the  public  mind.  Another  startling  and  dangerous  mea 
sure  was  the  Sedition  Act  (July  14,  1798),  which  made  it 
a  crime  to  combine  and  conspire  in  opposition  to  any  mea 
sure  of  the  government  "  directed  by  proper  authority  ;  " 
and  which  also  made  it  criminal  to  "  write,  print,  utter,  or 
publish"  "any  false,  scandalous,  and  malicious  writing 
or  writings  against  the  government  of  the  United  States, 
or  either  House  of  the  Congress  of  the  United  States,  or 
the  President."  Under  these  acts  there  were  several 
prosecutions,  which  harmed  the  authors  of  the  law  more 
than  its  victims. 

172.  The  Kentucky  and  Virginia  Resolutions. 
1798.  If  the  Federalists  were  carried  in  one  wrong  di 
rection  by  an  evil  party  spirit,  to  a  serious  threatening  of 
civil  liberty,  the  Republicans,  in  their  opposition,  went  at 
least  equally  far  on  another  vicious  line.  Jefferson  and 
Madison  prompted  some  of  their  party  to  advance  the 
constitutional  theory  that  each  State  has  a  right  to  judge 
for  itself  whether  acts  of  the  general  government  are  or 
are  not  within  the  limit  of  the  powers  delegated  to  that 
government,  and  the  consequent  right,  when  such  acts, 
in  its  judgment,  are  wanting  in  authority,  to  declare  them 


FOUNDING   OF   A   NATIONAL   GOVERNMENT.     295 

"void  and  of  no  force."     Resolutions  applying  this  doc 
trine  to  the  Alien  and  Sedition  laws,  and  pro- 

.  ,  ,  i  i         i       i       •        Doctrine  oi 

nouncmg  them  void,  were  adopted  by  the  legis-  nuiimca- 
lature  of  Kentucky  in  November,  1798.  Their 
authorship  was  not  known  at  the  time,  but  Jefferson, 
some  years  afterward,  acknowledged  them  to  be  his.  At 
nearly  the  same  time  the  Virginia  legislature  adopted  a 
series  of  resolutions,  drawn  by  Madison,  which  set  forth 
a  somewhat  similar  but  more  guarded  view  of  state  rights. 
Madison  lived  long  enough  to  see  the  Union  brought  into 
great  peril  by  the  "nullification"  doctrine  of  the  Ken 
tucky  resolutions,  and  he  then  disclaimed,  for  Jefferson 
as  well  as  for  himself,  any  purpose  to  do  more  than  force 
attention  to  the  dangerous  character  of  the  Federalist 
laws. 

173.  Overthrow  of  the  Federalist  Party.  180O. 
The  Federalists  suffered  most  from  their  errors,  and 
went  down  in  the  presidential  election  of  1800,  never  to 
have  power  in  the  national  government  again.  Their 
legislation  had  been  wanting  in  respect  for  the  most 
cherished  of  rights.  Their  disposition  was  not  demo 
cratic  ;  they  felt  and  expressed  distrust  of  the  common 
mass  of  people,  whom  Jefferson  and  the  statesmen  of  his 
school  trusted  most  for  the  guarding  of  the  welfare  of 
the  nation  as  a  whole.  By  the  death  of  Wash- 

,  ,       ,  .      ,        .      ,      .        Death  of 

ington,  which  came  suddenly  and  shocked  the  washing- 

ton  1799 

country  on  the  I4th  of  December,  1799,  the 
Federalist  party  suffered  an  irreparable  loss.  Though 
he  tried  to  be  of  no  party,  the  "Father  of  his  Country" 
was'  plainly  drawn  in  opinion  toward  Federalist  views, 
and  his  great  influence  over  the  party  gave  it  strength. 
It  was  torn  by  factious  quarrels  among  its  leaders  after 
that  restraining  influence  had  been  withdrawn.  Further 
weakening  came  from  the  cooling  of  war  excitements, 


296  THE    MAKING   OF   A    NATION. 

after  peace  negotiations,  invited  by  France,  were  re- 
Treaty  with  opened  in  the  spring  of  1800.  From  those 
France.  negotiations  came  a  treaty  which  cancelled  the 
treaty  of  1778,  with  all  its  obligations  of  alliance,  but 
left  the  United  States  to  indemnify  its  own  citizens  for 
French  tne  French  spoliations  of  the  late  war.  The 
Smsf°n  claims  then  arising  were  shamefully  neglected 
for  almost  a  century,  no  provision  for  their  set 
tlement  being  made  until  1885. 

174.  John  Marshall,  Chief  Justice.     1801-1835.     In 
two  branches  of   the   government    the   Federalists  lost 
power  in  the  elections  of  1800.     In  the  third  branch  — 
the  Judicial  —  they  left  a  great  jurist,  John  Marshall,  of 
Virginia,  appointed  Chief  Justice  of  the  Supreme  Court 
of  the  United  States  by  President  Adams,  in  January, 
1801.     Mr.   Marshall  held  that   high   office   until    1835, 
during  which  long  term  his  profound  decisions  on  ques 
tions   of  constitutional    law  had   a   measureless  effect. 
They  went  far  toward  establishing  the  Federal  Union 
on  that  bed-rock  of  sovereign  nationality  which  the  Fed 
eralists  sought.      Marshall  succeeded  Hamilton  in  the 
true  Federalist  work. 

175.  Election  of  Jefferson  and  Burr.      1800.     For 
reelection,  Adams  received  but  65  electoral  votes,  against 
73  cast  for  Jefferson  and  the  same  number  for  Aaron 
Burr.     The  tie  between  Jefferson  and  Burr  carried  the 
election  into  the  House  of  Representatives,  which  chose 
the  former  for  President  and  the  latter  for  Vice-Presi- 
dent,  as  the  voters  of  their  party  had  intended ;  though 
some  of  the   Federalists  attempted  to  give  the  higher 
office  to  Burr. 


TOPICS,    REFERENCES,   AND    RESEARCH.      297 


TOPICS    AND    SUGGESTED    READING    AND    RESEARCH. 

151.  Inauguration    of    President   "Washington.  —  Or 
ganization  of  Government  under  the  Federal  Con 
stitution. 

TOPICS  AND  REFERENCES. 

i.  Inauguration  of  President  Washington.  2.  Character  of  the 
First  Congress.  3.  Leading  measures  of  the  First  Session.  Hunt, 
168-169;  Schouler,  i.  81-105;  McMaster,  i.  533-534,  540-544; 
Hart,  Formation,  141-143. 

4.  The  first  tariff  law.     McMaster,  i.  544-552;  Hunt,  169-174; 
Hildreth,    iv.    65-91,    96-99;  Schouler,    i.    87-92,   Johnston,   Am. 
Politics,  21-22. 

5.  Debate  on  the  slave  trade.     Hildreth,  iv.  91-96  ;  McMaster, 
i-  552~555  5  Schouler,  i.  142-145;  Hart,  Formation,  146-147. 

6.  The   three   executive   departments   first   instituted.     7.   The 
Constitutional   Amendments.      Schouler,    i.  93-96;     Hildreth,    iv. 
101-108  ;  McMaster,  i.  555  ;  Lodge,  Washington,  ii.  61-72;  Hart, 
Formation,  143-145  ;  Johnston,  Am.  Politics,  20-21. 
RESEARCH.  —  i.  The  President's  Cabinet.    Hoist,  Const.  Law,  90- 

95  ;  Bryce,  i.  ch.  ix.  2.  The  executive  departments  of  the  Federal 
Government  as  now  organized.  Congressional  Directory  for  the 
current  year.  3.  Reasons  for  the  omission  originally  of  a  declara 
tion  of  rights  in  the  Constitution.  Madison,  Letters,  i.  423-427; 
Hamilton,  The  Federalist,  No.  84.  4.  The  Federal  judicial  sys 
tem.  Bryce,  i.  ch.  xxii.-xxiii. 

152.  Hamilton's  Report  on  the  Public  Debt  and  on 

Public  Credit. 

TOPICS  AND  REFERENCES. 

i.  The  argument  of  the  report  (text  in  MacDonald,  ii.  46-58 ; 
Hamilton,  iii.  1-45).  2.  The  debt  of  the  late  Confederation. — 
Where  owed  and  in  what  forms  and  amounts.  3.  Grounds  of  ob 
jection  to  full  payment  of  claims  at  home.  4.  Hamilton's  plans 
and  their  success.  Hunt,  179-182  ;  Lodge,  Hamilton,  85-96,  117- 
120;  Gordy,  i.  118-121;  McMaster,  i.  567-579;  Schouler,  i.  130-136; 
Hildreth,  iv.  152-171,  206,214-216;  Hoist,  United  States,  i.  83-85. 


298      FOUNDING  OF  A  NATIONAL  GOVERNMENT. 

5.  The  state  debts.  —  Reasons  for  and  against  the  assumption 
of  them.  6.  The  bargain  by  which  the  assumption  bill  was  carried 
through.  7.  The  just  denunciation  of  it.  Hunt,  182-200  ;  Morse, 
Jefferson,  97-106;  Lodge,  Hamilton,  121-129;  Hildreth,  iv.  171- 
174,206-216;  Schouler,  i.  136-142;  Gordy,  i.  121-128 ;  Hoist,  United 
States,  \.  85-89;  Johnston,  Am.  Politics,  23-24;  Jefferson,  vi.  172- 
174;  Madison,  Letters,  i.  507-522. 

153.    The  Slavery  Question.  —  First  Abolition 
Memorials. 

TOPICS  AND  REFERENCES. 

i.  Memorials  against  slavery  and  the  slave  trade.  —  Report 
adopted  by  the  House  of  Representatives  (text  in  MacDonald,  ii. 
58-60).  2.  Death  of  Franklin.  Hoist,  United  States,  i.  89-94;  Hil 
dreth,  iv.  174-205  ;  Schouler,  i.  145-150  ;  Hart,  Formation,  151-152. 

154.    First  Census. —  First  Patent  Law,  etc. 

TOPICS  AND  REFERENCES. 

1.  Acts  mentioned.  —  Policy  of   the  Patent  Act. —  Its   impor 
tance.     Hildreth,  iv.  220-221  ;  McMaster,  i.  582-583;   Schouler,  i. 
129-130. 

2.  Ratification  of  the  Federal  Constitution  by  North  Carolina  and 
Rhode  Island.     Hildreth,  iv.  147-150,  209;  Schouler,  i.  127-128. 

3.  Population  shown  by  the  census  of  1790.     Hildreth,  iv.  301. 
RESEARCH. —  How  have  the   patent  laws   stimulated  invention? 

Important  results  of  American  invention.  Celebration  of  the 
Beginning  of  the  2d  Century  of  the  American  Patent  System, 
1891 :  Addresses. 

155.    The  National  Bank  Question. 
TOPICS  AND  REFERENCES. 

i.  Philadelphia  the  temporary  seat  of  government.  2.  Ham 
ilton's  proposal  of  excise  (text  in  MacDonald,  ii.  61-66;  Hamil 
ton,  iii.  95-105).  3.  His  project  of  a  national  bank,  and  his  objects, 
financial  and  political  (text  in  MacDonald,  ii.  67-76;  Hamilton, 
iii.  106-146;  Hart,  Contemp's,  abr'g'd,  iii.  276-281).  4.  Its  oppo 
nents  and  their  objections.  Madison,  Letters,  i.  528  ;  Lodge,  Ham. 
ilton,  96-104, 131-132  ;  McMaster,  ii.  25-32  ;  Hoist,  United  States, 


TOPICS,    REFERENCES,    AND    RESEARCH.      299 

1.  104-106;  Schouler,  i.  158-160;  Gordy,  i.  129-131  ;  Hildreth,  iv. 
251-262;  Hart,  Formation,  150-151. 

RESEARCH.  —  How  would  the  national  bank  strengthen  the  or 
ganization  of  capital  and  credit  in  the  country?  White,  Money 
and  Banking,  bk.  ii.  ch.  i.  and  iv. 

156.    The  Doctrine  of  "Implied  Powers"  in  the 
Constitution. 

TOPICS  AND  REFERENCES. 

i.  The  constitutional  argument  against  the  national  bank  pro 
ject.  2.  Hamilton's  reply  to  it.  3.  His  doctrine  of  "implied 
powers "  and  the  division  produced  by  it.  4.  The  "  elastic 
clause  "  of  the  Constitution.  5.  Results  from  the  establishment  of 
the  bank.  6.  Prosperity  of  the  country.  Jefferson,  v.  284-289  ; 
Hamilton,  iii.  249-251,  iv.  104-138;  Madison,  Letters,  i.  528,  546; 
Hunt,  201-204;  MacDonald,  ii.  76-98;  Lalor,  i.  199-200;  Hil 
dreth,  iv.  262-267  ;  Lodge,  Hamilton,  104-106,  133-135  ;  Gordy, 
i-  J35~l37'i  Schouler,  i.  160-162. 

RESEARCH.  —  Chief  Justice  Marshall  on  the  rule  by  which  the 
Constitution  is  to  be  construed.  Marshall,  Writings  (case  of 
Gibbons  v.  Ogden),  288-291  ;  Magruder,  172-179. 

157.    Vermont  and  Kentucky  admitted  to  the  Union. 

TOPICS  AND  REFERENCES. 

i.  Previous  history  of  Vermont.  2.  Separation  of  Kentucky 
from  Virginia.  Hildreth,  iv.  267-272;  Schouler.  i.  149-150. 

158.    Hamilton  and  the  Policy  of  "Protection"  to 
Home  Industries. 

TOPICS  AND  REFERENCES. 

i.  Hamilton's  report  on  manufactures :  its  recommendations 
(text  in  Hamilton,  iii.  192-284;  MacDonald,  abr'g'd,  ii.  98-112). 

2.  His  renewed  appeal  to  "  implied  powers  "  in  the  Constitution. 

3.  The  policy  of  "  internal  improvements  "  toward  which  it  led. 

4.  Outcome  of  the    report.     Elliott,  93-112;    Lodge,   Hamilton, 
108-114;  Schouler,  i.  186-187  ;  Hildreth,  iv.  307-309. 
RESEARCH.  —  Summarize  the  recommendations  and  argument  of 

Hamilton's  report. 


300     FOUNDING  OF  A  NATIONAL  GOVERNMENT. 

159.    Indian    War.  —  Harmar's    and    St.    Glair's    De 
feats. 

TOPICS  AND  REFERENCES. 

i.  The  two  disasters.  —  General  Wayne's  ultimate  success. 
McMaster,  i.  593-603  ;  ii.  43-47,  69-72;  Schouler,  i.  151-158,  191- 
197;  Hildreth,  iv.  281-287. 

16O.    Reelection  of  President  Washington. 

TOPICS  AND  REFERENCES. 

i.  Unanimity  of  the  reelection  of  Washington.  —  The  opponent 
of  Adams.  McMaster,  ii.  85-88;  Schouler,  i.  212-213;  Lodge, 
Washington,  ii.  230-231. 


161.    The  Arraying  of  Political  Parties. 

TOPICS  AND  REFERENCES. 

i.    Washington's  non-partisan  endeavor.    2.  The  measures  which 

first  divided  parties,  rallying  them  round  Hamilton  and  Jefferson. 

3.    Changes  from  the  former  "  Federalist  "  and  "  Anti-Federalist " 

parties.     4.   The  new  subjects  of  contention.     5.    Character  of  the 

Hamiltonian  party.  —  Suspicions  of  its  monarchical  inclinations. 

6.    Democratic  beliefs  of  Jefferson  and  his  party.     7.    Causes  of 

the  animosity  between  the  two  parties.     Hoist,  United  States,  i. 

80-82,   108-112;    Gordy,  i.    103-117,    132-158;  Johnston,    26-28; 

Hunt,  204-214;  Schouler,  i.  165-177,  241-242;  Hildreth,  iv.  291- 

300,   331-357;    Hart,   Formation,   155-157;    Hart,   Contempts,  iii. 

296-298;  Lodge,  Hamilton,  136-142;  Lodge,  Washington,  ii.  216- 

220;  Morse,  Jefferson,  111-123  »  Lalor,  i.  612-613;  Bryce,  i.  638- 

643- 

8.    Injustice  of  the  two  parties  to  each  other.     9.    Tendencies 

and  dangers  in    the  extreme   views  of   both.     10.    Their  needed 

checking  and  counter-checking  of  each  other. 

RESEARCH.  —  i.  The  continued  tendency  in  party  politics  to  divi 
sion  on  similar  lines.  Brown,  Defence  of  Political  Parties  (At 
lantic,  November,  1900).  2.  Estimates  of  Hamilton  and  Jefferson 
as  statesmen.  Fiske,  Essays,  1.99-181  ;  Trent,  49-86;  Bryce, 
i.  641 ;  Ames,  ii.  256-264.  3.  Differences  between  the  two  par 
ties  as  defined  by  Jefferson  in  1798  and  1813.  Am.  Hist.  Rev.,  iii. 


TOPICS,    REFERENCES,    AND    RESEARCH.      301 

488-489,  and  Jefferson,  Writings  (Ford  ed.),  ix.  373-376.  4.  Dif 
ference  between  a  centralized  government  and  a  centralized  ad 
ministration.  Tocqueville,  i.  107-112. 


162.    The  French  Revolution  in  American    Politics. 

TOPICS  AND  REFERENCES. 

i.  Early  and  later  feeling  in  the  United  States  concerning  the 
French  Revolution.  McMaster,  11.89-97,308-310;  Lodge,  Wash 
ington,  ii.  136-144;  Morse,  Jefferson,  146-147;  Gordy,  i.  176-179; 
Hildreth,  iv.  41 1-412  ;  Hart,  Formation,  157  ;  Hoist,  United  States, 
i.  107. 

163.  France  and  England  at  War. — "  Citizen 

Genet." 

TOPICS  AND  REFERENCES. 

i.  Obligations  of  the  United  States  under  the  alliance  treaty  of 
1778  with  France.  2.  The  difficult  preservation  of  neutrality.  3. 
Attitude  of  the  Anti-Federalists  or  Republicans,  and  conduct  of 
"  Citizen  Genet."  Hamilton,  iv.  357-390,  393-406  ;  Jefferson,  Writ 
ings  (Ford  ed.),  vi.  218-231,  371-393,  396-39$ ;  McMaster,  ii.  97- 
141;  Gordy,  i.  179-200;  Schouler,  i.  242-256;  Hildreth,  iv.  412- 
440,  477-478;  Hoist,  United  States,  i.  112-118;  Lodge,  Washing 
ton,  ii.  144-161;  Lodge,  Hamilton,  161-175;  Morse,  Jefferson, 
147-165;  Johnston,  Am.  Politics,  30-33;  Hart,  Formation,  158^ 
160;  Hart,  Contempts,  iii.  305-312;  MacDonald,  ii.  112-114. 
RESEARCH.  — Did  the  United  States,  in  this  case,  fairly  fulfil  its 

treaty  obligations  to  France?     Madison,  Letters,  i.  651-654. 

164.  Enmity  between  Jefferson  and  Hamilton. 

TOPICS  AND  REFERENCES. 

i.  Resignation  of  Jefferson  from  the  cabinet.  2.  His  party, 
newly  named.  3.  Retirement  of  Hamilton.  Schouler,  i.  202-212, 
286-287;  Hildreth,  iv.  357~373,  453-457,  53$;  Morse,  Jefferson, 
162-165;  Hamilton,  iv.  293-305;  Jefferson,  Writings  (Ford  ed.), 
vi.  101-109.  See,  also,  references  under  sect.  161. 


302      FOUNDING  OF  A  NATIONAL  GOVERNMENT. 

165.  Impending  War  with  England.  —  Peace  Mission 
of  Chief  Justice  Jay. 

TOPICS  AND  REFERENCES. 

i.  Exasperating  conduct  of  England  and  France  in  their  war 
with  one  another.  2.  Rights  of  neutrals  in  dispute.  3.  The  right 
of  search  and  impressment  claimed  by  England.  4.  Other  causes 
of  bitter  feeling  in  the  United  States.  5.  Washington's  last  effort 
for  peace.  McMaster,  ii.  165-188;  Schouler,  i.  260-272  ;  Gordy, 
i.  ch.  xiv. ;  Hildreth,  iv.  481-489  ;  Lodge,  Washington,  ii.  165-176  ; 
Johnston,  Am.  Politics,  33-36;  Hamilton,  iv.  519-532,  536-539, 
549-557;  Hart,  Contempts,  iii.  312-314. 

166.    "Whiskey  Rebellion"  in  Pennsylvania. 

TOPICS  AND  REFERENCES. 

i.  Causes  of  special  hostility  to  the  excise  in  the  mountain 
regions.  2.  Vigorous  suppression  of  the  rebellion  and  the  effect. 
Hamilton,  iv.  575-604;  v.  1-12,  16-26,  31-33,  38-54;  McMaster, 
11.41-43,189-203;  MacDonald,  ii.  130-135;  Hildreth,  iv.  498-516  ; 
Hoist,  United  States,  i.  94-104;  Gordy,  i.  ch.  xiii. ;  Lodge,  Ham 
ilton,  180-185;  Schouler,  i.  275-280;  Hart,  Formation,  163-164; 
MacDonald,  ii.  130-135. 

167.    The  Jay  Treaty  with  England. 

TOPICS  AND  REFERENCES. 

i.  Main  provisions  of  the  treaty  (text  in  MacDonald,  ii.  114- 
1 30).  —  Its  inadequacy.  2.  The  rage  against  it  in  the  United  States. 
3.  Later  reaction  in  its  favor.  Pellew,  301-317;  McMaster,  ii. 
21 2-235,  245-256,  263-284 ;  Hunt,  ch.  xxiii. ;  Lodge,  Washington,  ii. 
176-207;  Hoist,  United  States,  ii.  122-128;  Hildreth,  iv.  539-564, 
584-616;  Johnston,  Am.  Politics,  37-39  ;  Gordy,  i.  ch.  xv.  ;  Schou 
ler,  i.  289-305,  307-314;  Hart,  Formation,  162-163;  Hart,  Con- 
temp's,  iii.  315-319;  Hamilton,  v.  106-137. 
RESEARCH.  —  The  speech  of  Fisher  Ames  in  advocacy  of  the  Jay 

Treaty.     Ames,  ii.  37-71. 


TOPICS,   REFERENCES,   AND   RESEARCH.      303 

168.    Important  Events  in  the  "West. 

TOPICS  AND  REFERENCES. 

i.    Treaty  with  Spain.     2.    Admission  of  Tennessee.     3.    Eng 
lish    delivery   of    western   forts   and    opening  of  the   Mississippi. 
Schouler,  i.  307,   314-317;  McMaster,  ii.   284-287;  Hildreth,  iv. 
569-570. 
RESEARCH. —  Importance  to  the  western  settlements  of  the  free 

navigation  of  the  Mississippi.     Roosevelt,  The  Winning,  iii.  ch. 

iii. ;  F.  A.  Walker,  The  Making  of  the  Nation,  110-112. 

169.    Retirement  of  Washington.  —  Election  of  John 

Adams. 

TOPICS  AND  REFERENCES. 

i.  Washington's  Farewell  Address  (text  in  Larned,  Ready  Ref.}. 
2.  Circumstances  of  the  election  of  Adams  from  one  party,  for 
President,  and  Jefferson  from  the  other,  for  Vice-President.  Mc 
Master,  ii.  289-307  ;  Hildreth,  iv.  685-691  ;  v.  25-30,  42-45  ;  Schou 
ler,  i.  327-335;  Lodge,  Washington,  ii.  243-254,  270-274;  Hoist, 
United  States,  i.  132-137;  Morse,  Adams,  257-268;  Johnston, 
Am.  Politics,  40-43  ;  Hart,  Formation,  164-165. 
RESEARCH.  —  Summarize  the  topics  of  Washington's  Farewell 

Address. 

17O.    Quarrel  and  Hostilities  with  France. 

TOPICS  AND  REFERENCES. 

1.  Mistake  of  President  Adams  in  keeping  Washington's  cabi 
net.     Hart,  Formation,  165 ;  Schouler,  i.  341-344. 

2.  Ill-feeling    in   France    toward   the    United    States.  —  Affront 
given.  —  Hostile  acts.     3.    Treatment  of  American  envoys  extraor 
dinary. —  The    "X.  Y.  Z.    Correspondence."     4.    War   feeling   in 
the  United  States,  but  checked  in  France.  —  Naval  engagements. 
Morse,   Adams,    273-287,    291-305;    Morse,  Jefferson,    179-193; 
Schouler,  i.  344-358,   373-392,   428-435,   439-444;  McMaster,    ii. 
3IJ-323,  344,  367;    Hoist,    United  States,    5.    128-132,    138-142; 
Hildreth,  iv.  645-684,  702-704,  v.  45-63,  94-95,  125-159,  191-213, 
220-223,  250-267,    304;    Johnston,  Am.  Politics,   44-46;    Gordy, 
i.  265-312;  Hart,  Formation,  166-168;  Hart,  Contempts,  iii.  322- 
326. 


304      FOUNDING  OF  A  NATIONAL  GOVERNMENT. 

171.    The  Alien  and  Sedition  Acts. 

TOPICS  AND  REFERENCES. 

i.  Violence  of  party  newspapers  and  pamphleteers.  2.  High 
handed  measures  of  the  Federalists  (texts  in  MacDonald,  ii.  137- 
148;  Lamed,  Ready  Ref^.  3.  Cherished  rights  and  liberties 
assailed.  Gordy,  i.  ch.  xix. ;  McMaster,  ii.  389-403,  417-419,  424- 
427;  Schouler,  i.  392-403,  420-421;  Hildreth,  v.  213-217,  225- 
232;  Lalor,  i.  56-58;  Hart,  Formation,  168-170;  Johnston,  Am. 
Politics,  47-48;  Hoist,  United  States,  i.  142-143. 

172.    The  Kentucky  and  Virginia  Resolutions. 

TOPICS  AND  REFERENCES. 

i.  Dangerous  doctrine  of  "  nullification  "  advanced  by  the  Re 
publicans.  2.  Its  expression  in  Kentucky,  and  more  moderately 
in  Virginia  (texts  in  MacDonald,  ii.  149-157;  Larned,  Ready  jRef'). 
Hoist,  United  States,  i.  143-167;  Lalor,  ii.  672-677;  Gordy,  i.  ch. 
xx.;  Hunt,  ch.  xxvi.-xxvii.  ;  Hildreth,  v.  232-235,  272-277,  296- 
301  ;  Johnston,  Am.  Politics,  48-50;  Hart,  Formation,  170-171  ; 
Hart,  Contempts,  iii.  329-331  ;  Morse,  Jefferson,  193-195;  Schou 
ler,  i.  422-425  ;  Benton,  View,  i.  ch.  Ixxxvii.,  Ixxxix. 

173.    Overthrow  of  the  Federalist  Party. 

TOPICS  AND  REFERENCES. 

i.  Causes  of  defeat  to  the  Federalist  party  in  1800.  2.  Effect 
of  the  death  of  Washington.  3.  New  treaty  with  France. 
4.  u  French  Spoliation  Claims."  Morse,  Adams,  305-321  ;  Schou 
ler,  i.  500-501  ;  Hoist,  United  States,  i.  179-182;  Gordy,  i.  ch. 
xxi.;  Hildreth,  v.  337-34°,  32I-331*  353~357,  386-389,  398-399, 
414-418;  Hart,  Formation,  171-175;  Hart,  Contempts,  iii.  333- 
343 ;  McMaster,  ii.  452~454,  428-430,  527~529- 
RESEARCH.  — The  "  French  Spoliation  Claims."  Wharton,  Digest, 

ii.  714-728;  Webster,  iv.  152-178;  Benton,  View,  i.  487-521. 

174.    John  Marshall,  Chief  Justice. 

TOPICS  AND  REFERENCES. 

i.  Appointment  of  John  Marshall,  Chief  Justice  of  the  Supreme 
Court,  and  the  influence  of  his  constitutional  decisions.  Ma- 


TOPICS,    REFERENCES,    AND    RESEARCH.      305 

gruder,  ch.  x. ;    Cooley,  et  at.,  ch.  ii.  ;  Morse,  Adams,  321-322; 
Schouler,  i.  480. 

RESEARCH.  —  The  constitutional  decisions  of  Chief  Justice  Mar 
shall.     Magruder,  182-201. 

175.    Election  of  Jefferson  and  Burr. 
TOPICS  AND  REFERENCES. 

i.  Circumstances  of  the  election.  Morse,  Jefferson,  19^-208; 
McMaster,  ii.  497-527;  Hoist,  United  States,  i.  168-177;  Schouler, 
i.  480-488  ;  Hildreth,  v.  389-392,  402-408  :  Johnston,  Am.  Politics, 
52-54- 


EXPANSION    IN   THE    GREAT    VALLEYS. 
18OO-184O. 


CHAPTER  IX. 

THE    YOUNG     NATION     HARASSED     BY     OLDER     POWERS. 
1801-1809. 

176.  The  United  States  at  the  Beginning  of  the 
Nineteenth  Century.  The  census  of  1800  showed  the 
population  of  the  United  States  to  be  35  per  cent,  greater 
than  in  1790,  numbering  5,306,000,  almost  equally  divided 
by  the  southern  boundary  line  of  Pennsylvania  —  the 
"Mason  and  Dixon's  Line,"  so  called,  which  came  to  be 
the  line  of  division  between  free  and  slave  States.  But 
the  white  people  of  the  north  numbered  2,600,000, 
Free  and  against  i,7OO,ooo  in  the  south.  The  south  had 
iatu>nP°pu  added  200,000  to  its  slaves  in  ten  years,  while 
i8oo.  the  north  held  4000  fewer  blacks  in  slavery  than 
when  the  decade  began.  Of  36,000  -slaves  in  northern 
States,  20,000  were  in  New  York. 

Pennsylvania  was  the  most  populous,  and,  on  the  whole, 
the  most  prosperous  State.  Philadelphia  was  the  lar 
gest  and  finest  city ;  but  New  York  was  making  a  rapid 
advance.  In  Washington,  the  new  seat  of  federal  gov 
ernment,  just  buildings  enough  had  been  erected  to  give 
Congress  an  unfinished  place  of  meeting,  and  to  shelter 
the  officials  and  servants  of  the  government  in  a  rather 
comfortless  way. 


THE   YOUNG    NATION    HARASSED.  307 

Something  less  than  half  a  million  people  were  now 
making  homes  in  the  wilderness  west  of  the  Alleghany 
Mountains,  mostly  spread  along  the  banks  of  the  Ohio 
and  its  southern  branches,  the  greater  number  in  Ken 
tucky  and  Tennessee.  The  vast  Northwestern  Territory 
had  received  no  more  than  50,000  inhabitants 

Northwest- 

at  this    time,  and  none   of    their    settlements  era  Terri 
tory, 
touched  the  lakes,   except  at   the  old   French 

post  of  Detroit.  It  had  been  divided  (May,  1800)  be 
tween  two  territorial  governments,  one  extending  over 
what  became,  two  years  later,  the  State  of  Ohio,  the 
other  organized  for  the  Territory  of  Indiana,  which 
embraced  what  remained.  Census-takers  in  the  latter 
found  less  than  5000  white  people  to  count.  In  the 
southwest  a  third  Territory,  named  Mississippi,  had  been 
formed  in  1798,  in  the  region  west  of  Georgia,  claimed 
by  that  State. 

Between  the  communities  growing  up  in  the  valley  of 
the  Ohio  and  the  older  ones  east  of  the  mountains  the 
intercourse,  in  trade  or  otherwise,  was  very  slight ;  the 
interests  common  to  them  were  few  ;  there  was  little  to 
bind  them  together,  and  much,  apparently,  to  jnterestsof 
force  them  apart.  Nature,  by  her  channelling  thewest- 
of  their  waterways  (see  Map  I.),  drew  the  valley  people 
away  from  the  east  and  the  Atlantic,  to  seek  their  outlets 
of  trade,  their  means  of  development,  the  satisfying  of 
their  ambitions,  in  the  southwest  and  on  the  Gulf,  where 
the  Spaniards  ruled.  The  roads,  canals,  and  railways  that 
would  in  time  check  this  natural  detachment  of  the  val 
ley  from  the  coast  were  yet  to  come. 

Those  natural  forces  by  the  help  of  which  man  is  now 
overcoming  natural  obstacles  were  scarcely  known  when 
the  nineteenth  century  began.  Steam  was  a  servant 
just  mastered  and  little  tried.  Watts  had  been  building 


308       EXPANSION    IN    THE    GREAT    VALLEYS. 

steam  engines  of   his    final  pattern  for  a  dozen  years ; 
but,  even  in  1803,  only  fiye  engines  were  known 

Steam  en 
gines  and      to    be  working   in    the  whole  United    States.1 
steamboats. 

William  Henry,  John  Fitch,  James  Rumsey, 
Oliver  Evans,  and  other  inventive  mechanics  in  America 
and  Europe  had  been  experimenting  for  a  quarter  of  a 
century  or  more  with  boats  propelled  by  steam  ;  but  six 
years  were  yet  to  pass  before  Fulton  would  realize  their 
dream,  by  establishing  a  steamboat  on  the  Hudson  River 
(1807),  making  regular  trips  between  Albany  and  New 
York. 

A  much  simpler  invention,  but  one  of  momentous  con 
sequence  to  the  United  States,  had  been  perfected  in 
Whitney's  r793>  when  Eli  Whitney  constructed  his  ma- 
cotton  gin.  chine,  called  a  "gin,"  for  separating  the  fibre 
of  cotton  from  the  seed.  Cotton  culture  had  been  dis 
couraged  by  the  expensiveness  of  that  necessary  separa 
tion  when  done  by  hand.  At  the  same  time  an  almost 
unlimited  demand  for  the  fibre  had  been  created  in  Eng 
land,  by  inventions  of  machinery  for  spinning  and  weav 
ing,  by  the  organizing  of  the  factory  system,  and  by  the 
use  of  steam  power.  Instantly,  Whitney's  "cotton  gin" 
made  it  possible  for  southern  planters  in  the  United 
States  to  respond  to  the  English  demand.  In  1790  there 

had  been  no  exportation  of  cotton  ;  in  1800  the 
tureani  value  of  the  export  was  $5,700,000.  From  that 

time  the  production  rose  as  fast  as  slave  labor 
could  spread  it  over  the  extreme  southern  States,  and 
the  value  of  slave  labor  was  correspondingly  raised. 
This  not  only  rooted  the  institution  of  slavery  with  new 

1  Mr.  Henry  Adams  cites  this  statement  from  a  report  made  in 
1803  by  Benjamin  H.  Latrobe,  an  eminent  engineer.  Hist,  of  the 
United  States  during  the  First  Administration  of  Thomas  Jeffer 
son,  i.  70. 


THE    YOUNG    NATION    HARASSED.  309 

fixity  in  those  "  Cotton  States,"  as  they  came  to  be  called, 
but  gave  it  a  new  hold  upon  their  neighbors,  which  pro 
fited  by  the  rise  in  the  price  of  slaves.  As  agreed  in  the 
framing  of  the  Constitution,  the  importation  of  slaves 
from  outside  of  the  Union  was  to  cease  in  1808.  There 
after  the  plantations  would  depend  for  their  labor  on  the 
home  supply.  Virginia,  Maryland,  and  Kentucky  would 
then  become  sources  of  such  supply,  and  a  fresh  interest 
in  the  perpetuation  of  slavery  was  given  thereby  to  those 
States.  The  sentiment  favorable  to  emancipation,  which 
had  been  growing  in  them,  was  overcome,  and  the  de 
plorable  division  of  the  States  on  the  slavery  question 
into  two  disputing  and  angry  sections,  marked  off  from 
each  other  by  "  Mason  and  Dixon's  Line"  and  by  the 
Ohio  River,  was  soon  a  menacing  fact. 

The  sectional  division  had  another  cause ;  for  industrial 
differences,  between  the  agricultural  south  and  ^4^^.^ 
the  manufacturing,  mercantile,  maritime  north,   sectional 
had  been  leading  toward   political   differeYices   dlvlsl011- 
since  early  colonial  times.     The  northern  States,  espe 
cially  those  of  New  England,  were  drawn  by  their  leading 
interests   toward   the    doctrines    of    government    which 
Hamilton  and  the  Federalists  worked  out ;  while  the  very 
different  interests  of  the  southern  States  bent  opinion  in 
politics  the  contrary  way. 

177.  The  Political  Change  brought  about  by  Jeffer 
son's  Election.  18OO-18O1.  In  Mr.  Jefferson's  view, 
the  political  change  brought  about  by  the  defeat  of  the 
Federalist  party  and  his  own  election,  in  1 800,  "  was  as 
real  a  revolution  in  the  principles  of  our  government  as 
that  of  1776  was  in  its  form."  In  taking  direction  of  the 
government  he  wished  to  make  it,  as  he  set  forth  in  his 
inaugural  address,  "  a  wise  and  frugal  government,  which 
shall  restrain  men  from  injuring  one  another,  which  shall 


310       EXPANSION    IN    THE    GREAT   VALLEYS. 

leave  them  otherwise  free  to  regulate  their  own  pursuits 
of  industry  and  improvement,  and  shall  not  take  from 
the  mouth  of  labor  the  bread  it  has  earned."  "This,"  he 
Jefferson's  sa^'  "  *s  tne  sum  °f  good  government."  In  a 
Sectional  letter  written  the  summer  before  his  election  he 
government.  had  defined  his  theory,  as  concerned  the  Con 
stitution,  thus  :  "  That  the  States  are  independent  as  to 
everything  within  themselves,  and  united  as  to  everything 
respecting  foreign  nations.  Let  the  general  government 
be  reduced  to  foreign  concerns  only,  and  let  our  affairs 
be  disentangled  from  those  of  all  other  nations,  except  as 
to  commerce,  which  the  merchants  will  manage  the  better 
the  more  they  are  left  free  to  manage  for  themselves, 
and  our  general  government  may  be  reduced  to  a  very 
simple  organization,  and  a  very  unexpensive  one."  To 
conform  the  general  government  to  this  theory  would 
assuredly  have  been  a  revolutionary  change ;  but  it  was 
not  brought  about,  as  we  shall  learn,  because  of  circum 
stances  and  dispositions  in  men  that  were  too  strong  to 
be  overcome. 

In  the  management  of  those  foreign  concerns  to  which 
he  would  restrict  the  general  government,  Jefferson  ex 
pected  to  dispense  with  war,  except  in  a  com- 
peaceabie     mercial    form.       He    believed    that    we   could 

coercion. 

compel  other  countries  to  rectify  wrongs  done 
to  us  by  withholding  trade  from  them  till  they  did  so. 
"Our  commerce,"  he  said,  "is  so  valuable  to  them  that 
they  will  be  glad  to  purchase  it,  when  the  only  price  we 
ask  is  to  do  us  justice.  I  believe  we  have  in  our  hands  the 
means  of  peaceable  coercion."  This  theory  of  the  prac 
ticability  of  "peaceable  coercion"  was  brought  to  trial 
presently  by  President  Jefferson,  and  disappointed  his 
hopes. 

178.     The  Tripolitan  War.     1801-1805.    Disbeliev- 


THE   YOUNG  NATION   HARASSED.  311 

ing  in  the  necessity  for  war,  the  President  took  measures 
to  cut  down  military  and  naval  expenditure,  and  his  cabi 
net  officers,  among  whom  were  Madison  in  the  State 
'Department  and  Albert  Gallatin  in  the  Treasury,  gave 
him  hearty  assistance  to  that  end.  But  he  and  they  were 
soon  taught  that  they  could  not  rid  themselves  of  war 
and  naval  expenditure  so  readily  as  they  had  planned. 
The  country  was  struck  by  an  enemy  who  had  no  trade 
to  be  embargoed,  and  who  could  feel  nothing  but  hard 


THE    BARBARY    STATES. 


blows.     This  was  the  Pacha  of  Tripoli,  one  of  the  so- 
called  Barbary  States  of  north  Africa,  all  of  which  states 
had  been  practising  piracy  and  levying  black 
mail  on  the  rest  of  the  world  for  four  hundred  Barbary 

pirates. 

years.  Europe  had  been  willing  to  pay  the 
pirates  for  letting  its  commerce  alone,  rather  than  unite 
in  an  undertaking  to  break  up  their  nests.  So  far,  the 
United  States  had  followed  the  European  example ;  but 
the  demands  of  Tripoli  became  insolent  beyond  endur 
ance  in  the  spring  of  1801,  and  Commodore  Dale  was 
sent  out  to  the  Mediterranean  with  a  squadron  of  three, 
frigates  and  a  schooner,  to  fight  the  corsairs  and  block 
ade  their  ports.  He  did  both  with  good  effect ;  but  the 
war  he  opened  went  on  for  four  years,  keeping  the  small 
American  navy  in  active  and  expensive  use. 


312       EXPANSION    IN    THE    GREAT   VALLEYS. 

179.    The    Louisiana    Purchase.       18O1-18O3.      In 

the  summer  of  1801  it  was  discovered  that  Napoleon, 
ruling  France  with  the  title  of  First  Consul,  had  obtained 
from  Spain,  in  the  previous  October,  a  secret  treaty  ced 
ing  back  to  France  that  great  territory  west  of  the  Mis 
sissippi  called  Louisiana  (including  also  New 
cession  of  Orleans  on  the  eastern  side  of  the  river),  which 

Louisiana         ,        ^         .   ,  .       ,     . 

to  France,  the  Spanish  crown  acquired  in  the  peace  ar 
rangements  of  1763  (see  sect.  86).  Napoleon 
was  then  projecting  a  restoration  of  the  colonial  em 
pire  of  France,  and  his  scheme  was  most  alarming  to  the 
United  States.  If  Spanish  control  of  the  mouth  of  the 
Mississippi  and  Spanish  occupation  of  the  western  bank 
of  the  river  had  seemed  intolerable  to  the  American  in 
habitants  of  the  valley  dependent  on  it,  how  much  more 
so  must  the  transfer  of  that  control  from  decaying  Spain 
to  an  aggressive  power  like  France  appear  ? 

Jefferson  realized  the  seriousness  of  the  situation,  and 
when  the  time  came  to  make  plain  declarations,  he  did 
not  hesitate  to  say  that  the.  United  States  would  never 

submit  to  the  presence  of  French  authority  in 
Jefferson's 
plain  New  Orleans.     "The  day  that    France   takes 

possession  of  New  Orleans,"  he  wrote  in  April, 
1802,  "seals  the  union  of  two  nations  who  in  conjunc 
tion  can  maintain  exclusive  possession  of  the  ocean. 
From  that  moment  we  must  marry  ourselves  to  the  Brit 
ish  fleet  and  nation."  This  he  wrote  to  Livingston,  our 
minister  to  France,  and  Napoleon  was  to  be  told  what  he 
had  said.  For  Jefferson  to  meditate  an  alliance  with 
England  against  France  was  no  trifling  thing. 

It  happened  at  the  moment  that  France  and  England 
were  at  peace,  and  the  warning  had  no  effect ;  but  peace 
lasted  for  only  a  year.  Within  that  year  Napoleon  failed 
disastrously  in  an  undertaking  to  subjugate  and  reenslave 


THE    YOUNG    NATION    HARASSED.  313 

the  revolted  negroes  in  Hayti,  and  his  colonial  schemes 
wore  no  promising  look.  Now  that  he  had  determined 
to  reopen  war  with  England,  he  threw  those  schemes 
suddenly  aside.  President  Jefferson  had  been  pressing 
proposals  for  the  purchase  of  New  Orleans,  and  of  the 
Floridas,  which  were  supposed  to  have  been  included  in 
the  cession  from  Spain  to  France,  and  Mr.  Monroe  had 
been  sent  to  assist  Mr.  Livingston  in  negotia-  Thel)ar. 
tions  on  that  line.  When  Monroe  reached  Paris,  f 
in  April,  1803,  he  found  the  First  Consul  al-  1 
ready  treating  with  Livingston  for  the  sale  of  all  Louisi 
ana,  including  New  Orleans.  As  for  the  Floridas,  they 
were  still  held  by  Spain.  The  bargain  was  closed  quickly, 
at  a  price  about  equivalent  to  $15,000,000,  and  a  treaty 
signed  on  the  2d  of  May  (but  dated  April  30),  which  con 
veyed  to  the  United  States  all  that  France  had  ceded  to 
Spain  in  1763  and  that  Spain  had  ceded  back  to  France 
in  1 80 1  (see  Map  XV.). 

By  nothing  else  ever  done  in  the  name  of  the  United 
States,  from  the  presidency  of  Washington  to  the  elec 
tion  of  Abraham  Lincoln,  was  the  Federal  Union  so  im 
pressed  with  the  stamp  of  sovereign  nationality  as  it  was 
by  this  act,  which  expanded  the  bounds  of  its  government 
from  the  Mississippi  to  the  Rocky  Mountains  ; 
and  yet  it  was  the  act  of  a  party  which  ques-  inconsis- 
tioned  nationality  in  the  Union  and  sovereignty 
in  its  government,  and  it  was  opposed  by  a  party  which 
had  never  lost  an  opportunity  before  to  magnify  both. 
Jefferson  did  not  shut  his  eyes  to  the  inconsistency  of  the 
transaction  with  his  theories  of  the  Federal  Constitution, 
nor  hesitate  on  that  account  to  do  what  every  practical 
consideration  of  public  interests  required.  He  confessed 
frankly  that  he  could  not  find  authority  in  the  Constitu 
tion  for  a  purchase  of  territory,  and  his  wish  was  to  have  it 


314       EXPANSION    IN    THE    GREAT   VALLEYS. 

sanctioned  by  a  constitutional  amendment ;  but  his  polit 
ical  friends  dissuaded  him  from  raising  the 
tutionai  '  question,  lest  the  fickle  and  faithless  master 
of  France  should  change  his  mind  before  the 
transfer  of  territory  had  been  made.  Generally,  on  their 
part,  they  found  -authority  for  what  they  wished  to  do 
as  readily  as  the  Federalists  had  done.  They  argued  as 
eagerly  for  "implied  powers"  in  the  Constitution  and 
against  "  strict  constructions  "  as  they  had  argued  to  the 
contrary  a  dozen  years  before.  All  except  the  Presi 
dent  ;  he  was  unconvinced ;  but  he  yielded  to  his  party. 

With  like  contradiction  of  their  own  doctrines,  the 
Federalists  in  general  opposed  the  ratification  of  the  treaty 
and  the  legislation  needed  to  carry  it  out.  Hamilton  ap- 
Attitude  of  proved  the  acquisition  ;  but  most  of  the  Feder- 
Federaiists.  ajjsts  of  New  England  —  the  remaining  strong 
hold  of  the  party —  were  alarmed  by  the  prospective  loss 
of  weight  and  influence  for  their  own  small  section  in  an 
expanded  Union,  and  fought  the  treaty  with  all  their 
power.  They  maintained  that  new  territory  could  not  be 
incorporated  in  the  Union,  not  even  by  an  ordinary  con 
stitutional  amendment,  if  a  single  State  withheld  assent. 
Some  of  them  emphasized  their  opposition  with  threats 
of  secession,  and  attempted  afterward  to  make  the  threat 
good. 

The  treaty  was  ratified  and  the  needed  legislation  for 
organizing  government  in  the  new  domain  passed.     The 
latter  created  a  "  Territory  of  Orleans,"  embracing  what 
is  now  the  State  of  Louisiana,  and  a  "  District  of  Loui 
siana,"  covering  the  whole  remainder  of  the  pur- 

ticXgov-    chase.     The  District  was  first  attached  in  gov 
ernment.  . 

ernment  to  the  1  erntory  of  Indiana,  tnen  organ 
ized  as  the  Territory  of  Louisiana,  and  finally  had  its 
name  changed  to  the  Territory  of  Missouri,  in  1812.  The 


THE    YOUNG     NATION    HARASSED.  315 

boundaries  of  the  Louisiana  Purchase  were  ill-defined, 
and  the  American  government,  for  many  years,  pressed 
claims  to  West  Florida,  as  forming  a  rightful"  part  of  it. 
Lately  the  French  archives  have  shown  that  that  Undefinea 
claim  was  not  good,  but  that,  according  to  the  bounilaries- 
understanding  between  France  and  Spain,  which  they 
concealed,  the  southwestern  boundary  of  the  Purchase 
should  have  gone  beyond  the  watershed  of  the  Missis 
sippi  and  taken  in  the  Texas  region,  to  the  Rio  Grande. 

180.  Secession  plotting.  —  Aaron  Burr's  Intrigues. 
-  Burr  and  Hamilton  Duel.  1803-1804.  The  extreme 
Federalists  of  New  England,  who  had  threatened  seces 
sion,  were  not  slow  in  starting  a  plot  to  that  end.  Ap 
parently  there  were  few  who  took  part  in  the  plot ;  but 
it  had  one  most  deplorable  result.  The  project  of  the 
conspirators  aimed  at  a  separate  union  of  northern  States, 
of  which  it  was  necessary  that  New  York  should  be  one. 
To  secure  New  York,  they  conspired  with  Vice-  Separate 
President  Aaron  Burr,  an  adroit  and  unscrupu-  JJ^SfeJi 
lous  politician,  who  had  won  his  way  to  impor-  states- 
tance  by  disreputable  schemes.  In  the  presidential  elec 
tion  of  1800  Burr  had  been  guilty  of  base  intrigues  to 
cheat  Jefferson  out  of  the  presidency,  and  the  leading 
Republicans  were  now  treating  him  in  consequence  as 
he  deserved.  To  revenge  himself,  he  entered  into  a  secret 
arrangement  with  the  New  England  secessionists  to  help 
them  carry  New  York  into  a  league  of  northern  States. 
He  was  to  be  brought  forward  for  governor  of  New  York 
by  the  Republicans  of  his  own  faction,  and  the  conspira 
tors  were  to  give  him  what  they  could  of  the  Federalist 
vote.  All  went  well  as  planned,  except  the  election  ; 
Burr  failed  to  receive  the  needed  votes.  Hamilton  had 
opposed  him  strenuously,  and  was  reported  to  have  ex 
pressed  opinions  which  gave  Burr  a  pretext  for  demand- 


316       EXPANSION    IN    THE    GREAT   VALLEYS. 

ing  the  barbarous  satisfaction  of  the  duel.     As  duelling 
was  then  sanctioned  by  much  influential  opin- 

Death  of         .  TT        .. 

Hamilton,  ion,  Hamilton  felt  called  upon  to  meet  him, 
though  determined  to  fire  his  own  pistol  in  the 
air.  The  meeting  took  place  at  Weehawken,  July  1 1, 
1804,  ar>d  Hamilton  received  a  wound  from  which  he  died 
the  next  day.  One  of  the  greatest  of  men  in  American 
history  had  been  slain  by  one  of  the  meanest  and  worst. 

181.  Presidential    Election.     18O4.     The   discomfi 
ture  of  Burr  and  its  dreadful  sequel  stopped  the  plotting 
of  the  secessionists  for  some  years,  and  the  Federalist 
party  was  weakened  further  by  what  came  to  light.     In 
the  presidential  election  of  1804  Jefferson  was  reflected 
by  162  electoral  votes  against  14,  and  George  Clinton,  of 
New  York,  for  Vice-President,  received  the  same  vote. 
The  mode  of  election  had  been  changed  by  a  constitu 
tional  amendment  which  came  into  force  in  September 
of  that  year,  and  the  votes  of  the  electors  for  President 
and  Vice-President  were  then,  for  the  first  time,  distinc 
tively  cast. 

182.  Burr's  Conspiracy  in    the    Southwest.     18O5- 
1807.      Though  indicted  in  New  Jersey  for  murder  and 
shunned  almost  universally,  Burr  served  out  his   vice- 
presidential  term,  which  ended  March  4,  1805.     In  those 
last  months  of  his  official  stay  in  Washington  it  has  been 
found  that  he  opened  treasonable  conferences  with  the 
British  minister  there,  and  with  certain  delegates  from 
New   Orleans,  who   had  been   sent   to   complain  of  the 
form  of  government  under  which  they  were  placed.     To 
both',   it   seems,  he   proposed  a  scheme   for  separating 
the  western  States  and  Territories  from  the  American 
Union,  and  making  a  conquest  of  Mexico,  to  form  an 
empire,  of  which  he  intended,  no  doubt,  to  be  the  head. 
In  a  cautious  way  his  project  was  discussed  that  winter 


THE    YOUNG    NATION    HARASSED.  317 

with  others,  and  there  appears  to  be  little  doubt  that  he 
won  some  important  adherents,  among  them  Qenerai 
General  James  Wilkinson,  general-in-chief  of  wilklnson- 
the  army  and  lately  made  governor  of  Louisiana.  Wil 
kinson  was  a  life-long  intriguer,  —  a  man  of  Burr's  own 
kind.  He  had  been  of  the  Gates  coterie  in  the  Re 
volution,  and  was  prominent  in  the  Conway  Cabal  (see 
sect.  122). 

In  a  long  journey  made  during  the  summer  and  fall  of 
1805,  through  Kentucky  and  Tennessee  and  down  the 
Mississippi  to  New  Orleans,  Burr  appears  to  have  found 
many  who  were  ready  to  promise  help  to  his  scheme. 
The  inhabitants  of  New  Orleans  and  its  district,  mostly 
French,  were  dissatisfied  with  their  arbitrary  transfer  to 
the  United  States,  and  more  so  because  re 
fused  immediate  citizenship  and  self-govern-  in  New 

....  .    .         ,         .         .     .       .    ,  T       Orleans. 

ment,  which  they  claimed  to  be  their  right.  In 
Kentucky  and  Tennessee  there  was  much  jealousy  of 
eastern  influence  in  the  government,  and  the  spirit  of 
lawless  adventure  was  easily  roused.  Altogether,  there 
was  enough  to  encourage  an  adventurer  as  desperate  as 
Burr.  In  the  summer  of  1806  he  went  west  again,  and 
soon  afterward  there  was  a  mustering  of  men  and  boats, 
provisions  and  munitions,  at  points  on  the  Ohio  and  Cum 
berland  rivers,  supposedly  in  preparation  for  a  filibuster 
ing  attack  on  the  Spanish  colonies  of  Florida  or  Mexico, 
or  both.  Something  at  this  juncture  alarmed  Wilkinson, 
and  he  became  suddenly  active  against  Burr,  sending 
information  to  Washington  and  taking  measures  at  New 
Orleans  to  frustrate  his  plans.  Thereupon  (November 
27,  1806)  the  President  issued  a  proclamation  Burr,s 
commanding  the  arrest  of  all  concerned,  and  tr™i8oe- 
Burr  fled  into  the  wilds  of  the  Mississippi  180^ 
Territory,  attempting  to  reach  the  Gulf  coast.  He  was 


31-8       EXPANSION    IN   THE   GREAT  VALLEYS. 

captured  in  February,  and  brought  to  trial  for  treason, 
at  Richmond,  in  August,  1807.  On  technical  grounds 
he  escaped  punishment  by  law,  but  he  suffered  as  Cain 
suffered  during  the  remainder  of  a  long  life.  Some  of 

Burr's  confederates  were  ruined  by  the  con- 
sienner-  sequences  of  their  folly ;  the  one  most  pitied 

was  Harman  Blennerhasset,  an  Irish  gentleman 
of  wealth  and  culture,  who  had  a  beautiful  home  on  an 
island  in  the  Ohio  River,  near  Marietta,  which  he  allowed 
to  become  the  rendezvous  and  centre  of  Burr's  plot. 

183.  End  of  the  Tripolitan  War.     1805.     The  war 
with   Tripoli    (often  referred  to  as  "the  Barbary  war," 
and  sometimes  as  "  the  Algerine  war  ")  was  ended   in 
the  summer  of  1805,  by  a  treaty  under  which  the  United 
States  paid  a  moderate  ransom  for  American  captives  in 
the  Pacha's  hands.     It  was  not  a  triumphant  conclusion  ; 
but  a  creditable  example  of  resistance  to   the  insolent 
pirates  had  been  set.     For  four  years  the  war  had  been 
giving   a  training  to  officers  and    seamen  in    the   small 
American  navy  which  proved  valuable  at  a  little  later 
time,  and  it  furnished  an  effective  warning  to  the  neigh 
boring  Barbary  despots  in  Morocco,  Tunis,  and  Algiers. 

184.  Renewed    Offensiveness    of   British   Conduct. 
18O3-1805.     Renewal  of  war  between  Great  Britain  and 
France   had    renewed   the  overbearing  conduct    of   the 
British    government,    in    its    treatment  of   neutrals  and 
neutral  trade  and  in  its  impressment  of  seamen  from  Amer 
ican  ships.     Formerly  its  admiralty  courts  had  conceded 
that  goods  actually  imported  from  a  French  or  Spanish 
colony  into  the  United  States,  with  an  actual  landing  and 
payment  of  American  duties,  must  be  treated  as  neutral 
goods  and  exempted  from  capture  if  reshipped  to  France. 
Now,  early  in  1805,  it  reversed  that  rule,  and  began  cap 
tures  which  exceeded  a  hundred  in  number  before  the 
year  closed. 


THE   YOUNG    NATION    HARASSED.  319 

185.  Prosperity  of  the  Country.  —  Expansion  of  Na 
tional  Sentiment.  1803-1 8O6.  Notwithstanding  the 
enormous  losses  thus  inflicted,  the  ocean  trade,  almost 
wholly  in  American  hands,  was  richly  profitable  ;  the 
shipping  interests  of  New  England  and  New  York  were 
having  a  prodigious  development ;  foreign  capital  was 
flowing  into  the  country,  to  share  the  advantages  offered 
by  its  position,  its  productive  resources,  and  its  neutral 
flag ;  and  general  prosperity  prevailed.  The  recent  ex 
pansion  of  national  territory  was  awakening  a  livelier 
sentiment  of  nationality  than  had  existed  before.  The 
founding  of  claims  for  a  further  expansion,  to  the  Pacific, 
was  already  under  way  ;  for  the  Rocky  Mountains  were 
being  crossed,  in  1805,  by  an  expedition  which  Exploratlon 
President  Jefferson  had  sent,  two  years  before,  JiJeo2Jk> 
to  explore  the  Missouri  to  its  source.  The  ex-  1804-1805- 
plorers,  Captains  Lewis  and  Clark,  pushed  on  and  planted 
their  flag  in  that  Oregon  region  which  no  other  nation 
could  claim  on  valid  grounds. 

The  revenue  of  government  in  this  flush  time  of  trade 
rose  far  above  its  frugal  expenditure,  and  promised  an 
extinguishment  of   public  debt   much   sooner  than   had 
been  planned.     In  his  annual  message  of  1806  the  Presi 
dent    set   forth  the   happy  condition    of    the   treasury, 
managed  with  rare   ability  by   Secretary  Gallatin,   and 
recommended  measures  of  Congress  to  apply  the  expected 
surplus  "  to  the  great  purposes  of  the  public  education, 
roads,  rivers,  canals,  and  such  other  objects  of  public  im 
provement  as  it  may  be  thought  proper  to  add  to  the 
constitutional  enumeration  of  federal  powers." 
He  ended  his  recommendation  by  saying  :    "  I   enlarge? S 
suppose  an  amendment  of  the  Constitution,  by  govern? 
consent  of  the  States,  necessary,  because  the 
objects  recommended  are  not  among  those  enumerated 


320      EXPANSION    IN    THE    GREAT   VALLEYS. 

in  the  Constitution,  and  to  which  it  permits  the  public 
moneys  to  be  applied."  This  was  a  conception  very  differ 
ent  from  that  expressed  five  years  before,  when  he  wrote  : 
"  Let  the  general  government  be  reduced  to  foreign 
concerns  only."  That  he  should  have  been  brought  to 
contemplate  so  great  an  enlargement  of  the  functions  of 
the  general  government,  even  by  constitutional  amend 
ment,  gives  us  interesting  evidence  of  the  rapid  nation 
alizing  of  political  ideas  that  was  going  on  in  the  American 
mind. 

186.  Abolition  of  the  African  Slave  Trade.    1807. 
In  the  same  message  to  Congress   President  Jefferson 
called  attention  to  the  approach  of  the  time  (1808)  when 
the  Constitution  required  the  importation  of  slaves  from 
foreign  sources  to  be  stopped,  and  recommended  legisla 
tion  to  that  end.     It  was  accordingly  made  unlawful  to 
bring  any  slave  into  the  country  from  abroad  after  the 
last  day  of  the  year  1807,  and  heavy  penalties  were  laid 
upon  violations  of  the  act. 

187.  Destruction  of  Neutral  Trade.  —  British  Orders 
in  Council  and  Napoleonic  Decrees.    1806-18O7.     The 
pleasant  prospect,  contemplated  in  1806,  of  surplus  reve 
nues  to  become  applicable  to  purposes  of  education  and 
improved  means  of  communication  in  the  country,  was 
not  enjoyed  long.     It  depended  on  the  keeping  of  some 

,  part  of  the  profitable  advantages  of  neutrality, 
EnWfiid's  *n  *ke  deadly  struggle  between  England  and 
wiSfhim  t^e  ru^er  °f  France ;  and  that  struggle  was 
1805-1807.  reaching  a  stage  where  no  real  neutrality  would 
be  suffered  to  exist.  Napoleon  (now  a  self-crowned  em 
peror)  had  become  absolutely  the  master  of  France  and 
of  half  Europe  besides,  and  he  used  them  as  he  pleased, 
for  his  merciless  purposes  of  war.  The  end  of  1806  found 
Spain,  Italy,  Austria,  all  Germany,  and  the  Netherlands 


THE   YOUNG    NATION    HARASSED.  321 

obeying  his  commands,  and  Russia  being  humbled  to 
alliance  with  him  by  dreadful  defeats.  England  alone  of 
the  great  powers  had  been  able  to  withstand  the  terrible 
warrior,  and  she  only  because  his  armies  could  not  reach 
her  island  while  her  navies  kept  possession  of  the  sea. 
His  last  hope  of  crossing  the  narrow  Strait  of  Dover 
perished  in  1805,  when  the  combined  fleets  of  France  and 
Spain  were  destroyed  by  Lord  Nelson  at  Trafalgar.  Then 
the  conflict  became  a  strange  one,  between  land  power 
and  sea  power,  each  beyond  the  other's  reach.  How  could 
they  pursue  their  war  ?  Only  by  striking  at  the  com 
merce  on  which  both  depended  for  all  that  gave  Commerclal 
them  their  power.  So  they  began,  with  naval  wariare- 
blockading  on  one  side  and  military  coast-guarding  on  the 
other,  to  do,  if  possible,  by  ruin  and  starvation,  what  they 
could  not  do  with  bullets  and  shells.  A  double  motive 
impelled  England  to  this  system  of  commercial  warfare. 
While  weakening  Napoleon,  it  would  likewise  check  the 
startling  growth  of  the  American  carrying  trade,  in  rivalry 
with  her  own.  She  opened  her  undertaking  in  May,  1806, 
by  an  "  order  in  council "  which  declared  that  all  the  coasts, 
ports,  and  rivers  of  western  Europe,  from  Brest  to  the 
Elbe,  should  be  considered  as  in  a  state  of  blockade,  with 
the  consequence  that  any  vessel  bound  for  any  part  of 
that  coast  and  intercepted  at  sea  by  British  cruisers 
would  be  subject  to  capture  as  prize  of  war.  Paper 
This  was  what  came  to  be  known  as  a  "  paper  *locl£adlne- 
blockade,"  there  being  little  or  no  attempt  to  block  the 
entrance  to  ports  and  rivers  by  naval  forces  actually  on 
the  watch.  The  sole  object  was  to  multiply  the  prizes 
which  British  cruisers  might  catch  at  sea.  Napoleon, 
then  lording  it  at  the  Prussian  capital,  retaliated  in  No 
vember  by  an  edict,  styled  the  Berlin  Decree,  which  not 
only  declared  the  British  islands  to  be  similarly  blockaded, 


322      EXPANSION    IN    THE   GREAT   VALLEYS. 

—  on  paper,  —  but  forbade  all  commerce  in  British  mer- 
chandise,  and  commanded  the  seizure  of  such 
merchandise  wherever  found  within  the  wide 
stretcn  of  his  authority,  from  the  Mediterranean 
1805-1807.  to  the  Baitic  sea  His  power  was  so  great  that 
he  planned  a  " continental  system"  of  commercial  war, 
for  the  ruin  of  British  manufactures  and  trade.  The 
British  government  retorted  in  January  and  November, 
1807,  by  new  orders,  aimed  at  the  suppression  of  all 
maritime  commerce  of  France  and  her  allies,  except  as  it 
might  be  licensed  and  taxed  at  British  ports.  Napoleon 
met  this  by  a  decree  from  Milan,  in  December,  command 
ing  the  seizure  of  any  vessel  that  had  submitted  to  the 
orders  of  his  foe. 

So  far,  then,  as  the  warring  powers  could  enforce  their 
orders  and  decrees,  neutral  commerce  —  which  had  come 
to  be  mainly  American  commerce  —  was  destroyed  ;  but 
the  evasion  was  extensive,  and  American  shipping  was 
not  driven  from  the  sea. 

188.  British  Search  and  Impressment.  18O7.  The 
country  was  angered  less  by  the  English  orders  and 
French  decrees  than  it  was  by  the  persistent  impress 
ment  of  seamen  from  American  ships.  With  increasing 
insolence,  British  officers  were  pursuing  that  high-handed 
practice,  even  in  American  waters,  at  the  very  entrances 
of  the  most  important  ports.  The  climax  of  insult  in 
The  the  matter  was  reached  in  June  of  that  year, 

andPthed  when  the  Chesapeake,  an  American  frigate,  just 
pehaeke,"  outfitted  at  Norfolk  and  wholly  unready  for 
battle,  was  overhauled  as  she  sailed  out  of 
Chesapeake  Bay  by  a  British  frigate,  the  Leopard,  whose 
captain  demanded  permission  to  search  for  three  desert 
ers,  claimed  to  have  been  received  into  the  Chesapeake's 
crew.  On  refusal,  three  broadsides  were  poured  into 


THE   YOUNG   NATION   HARASSED.  323 

her,  killing  three  and  wounding  eighteen  men.  Having 
nothing  in  readiness,  she  returned  only  a  single  shot, 
which  one  of  her  officers  fired  with  a  coal  from  the  cook's 
galley ;  and  her  flag  was  struck.  The  three  men  claimed 
as  deserters  were  taken,  and  proved  to  be  Americans, 
wrongfully  impressed  before,  and  now  styled  deserters 
because  they  had  escaped  from  their  captivity.  A  fourth 
man  was  found  hidden  on  board,  who  turned  out  to  be  a 
British  deserter  in  fact. 

189.  An  Experiment  in  "  Peaceable  Coercion."  — 
The  Embargo  Act.  18O7-18O9.  Since  Lexington  there 
had  been  no  excitement  in  the  country  so  great  as  this 
unexampled  outrage  produced.  A  few  Federalists  still 
justified  British  conduct  in  everything;  but  they  were 
very  few.  Almost  universally  there  arose  a  cry  for  war ; 
yet  war  did  not  follow.  It  did  not  follow  for  two  reasons : 
(i)  the  indifference  of  the  southern  States  to  maritime 
and  commercial  interests,  which  centred  almost 
wholly  in  the  north  ;  and  (2)  the  extraordinary  of  President 
influence  of  President  Jefferson,  whose  unbelief 
in  war  as  a  remedy  for  national  wrongs  overcame  all  con 
trary  feelings  in  the  public  mind. 

President  Jefferson  believed,  as  we  have  seen,  in  the 
practicability  of  extorting  justice  from  other  nations  by 
simply  refusing  to  have  dealings  with  them  when  their 
conduct  was  wrong.     He  was  able  to  persuade  his  country 
to  act  on  that  belief.     He  persuaded  Congress  to  reduce 
the  American  navy  to  a  fleet  of  little  gunboats,  for  harbor 
defence  only,  and  to  stop  the  construction  of  larger  war- 
vessels,  for  ocean  service,   even  while  British  cruisers 
were   driving   the   merchant    shipping   of    the 
country  from  the  sea.  In  April,  1806,  he  obtained  portation 
authority   from  Congress  to    prohibit  the   im 
portation  of  British  goods,  as  a  measure  of  peaceable  coer- 


324       EXPANSION   IN   THE   GREAT   VALLEYS. 

cion ;  but  the  operation  of  the  act  was  deferred  for  twenty 
months,  while  abortive  attempts  to  negotiate  with  the 
English  government  were  made  once  more.  On  the  I4th 
of  December,  1807,  the  non-importation  act  was  carried 
into  effect,  and  nine  days  later  it  was  followed  by  a  more 
heroic  measure.  This  latter  was  an  embargo  act,  which 
Embargo  forbade  the  exportation  of  anything  from  the 
Act,  1807.  United  States  to  any  foreign  port,  ordering 
every  foreign  ship  in  American  waters  to  depart  and  every 
American  ship  to  be  held  fast.  In  a  word,  it  ended  what 
British  orders  and  Napoleonic  decrees  had  left  of  Ameri 
can  trade ;  and  that  suppression  of  the  external  com 
merce  of  the  country  was  persevered  in  till  the  end  of 
Jefferson's  term,  while  New  England  went  frantic  over 
the  idleness  of  its  ships,  and  the  cotton  and  tobacco  of 
the  south  had  no  sale. 

The  rage  of  the  shipping  interest  against  the  embargo 
was  fierce.  The  old  Federalist  belief  that  Jefferson  and 
his  party  were  under  French  influence  in  whatever  they 
did  came  to  life  and  did  mischief  again.  Apparently 
there  were  whispers  of  secession  in  some  quarters  once 
more,  and  the  governor  of  Canada  sent  an  agent,  named 

John  Henry,  into  New  England,  on  a  mission  of 
Henry  intrigue.  Three  years  afterward  Henry  sold 

the  information  he  had  gathered  to  the  govern 
ment  of  the  United  States ;  but  his  papers  named  nobody 
and  disclosed  no  really  treasonable  act. 

Everywhere,  as  the  months  of  stagnation  in  the  country 
dragged  on,  disgust  and  disaffection  grew  bitter ;  for  no 

signs  of  any  effect  on  the  conduct  of  France  or 
oi  the  England  appeared.  Napoleon  welcomed  the 

embargo  as  a  blow  to  England,  and  he  helped 
to  enforce  it  by  orders  of  his  own  ;  while  his  minister  at 
Washington  confessedly  used  influence  to  have  it  pro- 


THE   YOUNG    NATION    HARASSED.  325 

longed.  The  British  West  Indies  were  half  starved  by 
it,  and  England  suffered  from  the  pinching  of  her  sup 
plies  of  cotton  and  food  ;  but  high  prices  in  the  food 
market  were  agreeable  to  the  landlords  who  ruled  Eng 
land,  and  they  were  not  in  haste  to  remove  the  cause. 

The  experiment  of  "peaceable  coercion"  had  failed. 
The  President  himself  was  compelled  at  the  end  to  admit 
that  "it  costs  more  than  war"  j1  though  he  still  peacea|jle 
believed  that  it  would  have  wrung  justice  from  more  costly 
England  in  a  bloodless  way  if  an  absolute  em-  thanwar- 
bargo  could  have  been  enforced.     But  the  influence  of 
his  opinions  was  no  longer  what  it  had  been.     His  party 
suffered  in  popularity  with  him,  and  most  likely  it  would 
have  been  beaten  in  the  presidential  election  of 
1808,  if  the  opponents  of  the  embargo  policy  Madison, 
could  have  acted   together.     As  it  was,  their 
division  gave  the  presidency  to  Mr.  Madison,  the  candi 
date  of  his  choice ;  but  the  Federalists  swept  New  Eng 
land,  and  cast  47  electoral  votes,  against  14  in  1804. 

190.  Substitution  of  Non-intercourse  for  the  Em 
bargo.  1809.  Nevertheless,  the  administration  was 
strong  enough  in  Congress  to  carry,  in  January,  1809,  an 
act  enlarging  its  powers  for  the  enforcement  of  the  em 
bargo  ;  and  this  proved  to  be  more  than  the  country 
would  endure.  The  town  meetings  of  New  England  were 
soon  speaking  as  they  spoke  in  1774,  so  threateningly, 
and  with  so  much  concurrence  of  feeling  in  the  middle 
States,  that  Congress  was  seized  with  a  panic  which  the 
supporters  of  the  embargo  could  not  resist.  The  latter 
were  beaten  in  an  attempt  to  prolong  the  measure  till 
June,  and  a  bill  was  passed  which  ended  it  on  the  day 
of  Jefferson's  retirement,  March  4,  1809.  The  alternative 

1  Writings,  ed.  by  Washington,  v.  433  (not  contained  in  Ford's 
edition). 


326       EXPANSION    IN    THE    GREAT   VALLEYS. 

of  war  was  not  accepted,  however,  nor  was  the  idea  of 
peaceable  coercion  cast  aside.  For  the  embargoing  of  all 
foreign  trade  there  was  substituted  non-intercourse  with 
England  and  France.  This  was  done  by  an  act  which 
excluded  the  ships  of  those  countries  from  American 
waters,  and  forbade  the  importation  of  goods  from  either, 
until  one  or  both  gave  evidence  of  respect  for  neutral 
rights. 

191.    Political    Effects.     The  political  effects  of  the 
embargo   policy  had   been    singular   enough.     Substan 
tially,  the  parties  exchanged  constitutional  doc- 
trines,  ea£h  taking  up  what,  formerly,  it  had 


doctrins.        ,  .       , 

denounced  ;  for  the  extreme  powers  exercised 
in  the  Embargo  Act,  and  in  arbitrary  measures  to  enforce 
it,  were  drawn  from  the  Constitution  by  Federalistic 
constructions,  and  constitutional  arguments  against  them 
were  borrowed  by  Federalists  from  the  old  logic  which 
the  Republicans  had  thrown  aside. 

192.  Territorial  Reorganization.  18O5-1809.  In 
February,  1809,  an  act  was  passed  which  detached  the 
region  now  forming  the  States  of  Illinois  and  Wisconsin 
from  the  Territory  of  Indiana,  and  organized  it  as  the 
Territory  of  Illinois.  The  region  between  Lakes  Erie,  St. 
Clair,  Huron,  and  Michigan  had  previously,  in  1805, 
been  separated  from  Indiana  to  form  the  Territory  of 
Michigan. 

TOPICS  AND  SUGGESTED  READING  AND  RESEARCH. 

176.    The  United  States  at  the  Beginning  of  the 
Nineteenth  Century. 

TOPICS  AND  REFERENCES. 

1.  Population,  free  and   slave,  and   its   distribution.     Larned, 
Ready  Ref. 

2.  The  southwestern  and  northwestern  settlements.     3.    Early 


TOPICS,    REFERENCES,   AND    RESEARCH.      327 

differences  of  interest  between  communities  of  the  Ohio  valley 
and  those  of  the  Atlantic  coast.  Roosevelt,  The  Winning,  iii.  ch. 
iii. ;  iv.  ch.  v. 

4.  Beginnings  of  the  steam  engine  and  of   steam  navigation. 
H.  Adams,  History,  iv.  134-135  ;  Thurston,  ch.  iii.  and  v. 

5.  Whitney's  "  cotton  gin  "  and  its  effects  on  slavery.     Hoist, 
United  States,  i.  351-353;  Rhodes,  i.  25-27. 

6.  Other  causes  of  a  sectional  division  of  the  States. 

177.    The  Political  Change  wrought  by  Jefferson's 
Election. 

TOPICS  AND  REFERENCES. 

i.  Jefferson's  view  of  the  revolution  in  principles  of  government. 
—  His  general  aims.  2.  His  theory  of  the  functions  of  the  gen 
eral  government.  Jefferson,  Writings  (Ford  ed.),  vii.  133,  451-452, 
viii.  4;  Gordy,  i.  ch.  xxiii. ;  Hoist,  United  States,  \.  177-178  ;  Hart, 
Contempts,  iii.  344-347;  Hart,  Formation,  176-178. 

3.  His  plans  of  "peaceable  coercion"  as  a  remedy  for  national 
wrongs.     H.  Adams,  History,  i.  214;  Schouler,  ii.  99-100. 

178.    The  Tripolitan  War. 

TOPICS  AND  REFERENCES. 

i.  Causes  of  the  war.  2.  Commodore  Dale  sent  to  the  Mediter 
ranean.  Parton,  Jefferson,  ch.  Ixiii. ;  Schouler,  ii.  17-20;  Gordy, 
i.  418-420;  Hart,  Contempts,  iii.  351-355. 

179.    The  Louisiana  Purchase. 

TOPICS  AND  REFERENCES. 

i.  Cession  of  Louisiana  from  Spain  to  France.  2.  American 
feeling  on  the  subject.  —  Stand  taken  by  the  President.  3.  Sale 
of  the  territory  by  Napoleon  to  the  United  States  (text  of  treaty 
in  MacDonald,  ii.  160-165).  Jefferson,  Writings  (Ford  ed.),  viii. 
145;  H.  Adams,  History,  i.  ch.  xiii.-xvii. ;  ii.  ch.  i.-iii. ;  Roosevelt, 
The  Winning,  iv.  261-282;  Hunt,  ch.  xxix.;  Schouler,  11.40-58; 
Gordy,  i.  421-424;  Morse,  Jefferson,  231-247;  Hart,  Contempts, 
iii.  363-372  ;  Gilman,  75-93- 

4.  The  constitutional  question  involved.     5.    Partisan  inconsis 
tencies.     6.  Attitude  of  extreme  Federalists.     Jefferson,  Writings 


328  THE   YOUNG    NATION    HARASSED. 

(Ford  ed.),  viii.  247;   H.  Adams,  History,  ii.   ch.  iv.-v. ;   Hoist,  i. 

183-194;    Gordy,  i.  425-432;    Roosevelt,   The  Winning,  iv.  282- 

284;   Hart,  Contempts,  iii.  373-380;  Morse,  Jefferson,  247-258. 
7.    Organizations  of  government  in  the  new  territory.    H.  Adams, 

History,  ii.  ch.  vi.;  McMaster,  iii.  13-32  ;  Gordy,  i.  432-438. 

RESEARCH.  —  The  more  important  effects  and  results  that  have 
come  from  the  Louisiana  Purchase.  Am.  Hist.  Ass'n  Reports 
(Davis),  1897,  149-160;  Papers  (Robertson),  i.  253-290. 

18O.    Secession  Plotting. — Burr's  Intrigues.  —  Burr 
and  Hamilton  Duel. 

TOPICS  AND  REFERENCES. 

i.  Disunion  plotting  with  Burr.  2.  Discomfiture  of  the  plotters. 
—  Duel  and  death  of  Hamilton.  H.  Adams,  History,  ii.  ch.  viii.; 
McMaster,  iii.  47-54;  Schouler,  ii.  68-74;  Gordy,  i.  ch.  xxvi. ; 
Hoist,  United  States,  i.  194-199;  Hart,  Formation,  188-189; 
Lodge,  Hamilton,  245-250;  Johnston,  Am.  Orations  (Nott),  i. 
117-128. 

181.    Presidential  Election. 

TOPICS  AND  REFERENCES. 

i.  Weakening  of  the  Federalist  party.  —  Reelection  of  Jefferson. 
2.  Constitutional  change  in  the  mode  of  election.  Morse,  Jeffer 
son,  263-271  ;  H.  Adams,  History,  ii.  200-206;  Schouler,  ii.  74-75. 

182.    Burr's  Conspiracy  in  the  Southwest. 

TOPICS  AND  REFERENCES. 

i.  Burr's  schemes.  2.  Discontent  and  frontier  lawlessness 
that  encouraged  them.  3.  Easy  frustration  of  the  conspiracy. 
Parton,  Burr,  ch.  Ixv. ;  Roosevelt,  The  Winning,  iv.  284-307; 
H.  Adams,  History,  ii.  394-409,  iii.  ch.  x.-xiv. ;  McMaster,  iii.  54- 
88;  Schouler,  ii.  133-138;  Hart,  Contempts,  iii.  356-359;  Mac- 
Donald,  ii.  165-171. 

183.    End  of  the  Tripolitan  War. 

TOPICS  AND  REFERENCES. 

i.  Treaty  concluded.  2.  Important  training  of  the  American 
navy  in  the  war.  McMaster,  iii.  200-208;  Schouler,  ii.  75-77, 
104-106,  124;  H.  Adams,  History,  ii.  425-436. 


TOPICS,    REFERENCES,    AND    RESEARCH.      329 

184.  Renewed  Offensiveness  of  British  Conduct. 

Tories  AND  REFERENCES. 

i.  Reversed  ruling  of  British  courts.  2.  Increased  captures  of 
American  merchantmen.  H.  Adams,  History,  ii.  ch.  xiv.-xv. ;  iii. 
43-53*  80-102,  197-203;  Schouler,  ii.  108-112,  114-118,  132-133; 
McMaster,  iii.  225. 

185.  Prosperity  of  the  Country.  —  Expansion  of 

National  Sentiment. 
TOPICS  AND  REFERENCES. 

1.  Profit  and  loss  in  the  ocean  carrying  trade.     McMaster,  iii. 
225-226. 

2.  Exploration   of    the    Rocky   Mountain   region   and    beyond. 
Roosevelt,   The  Winning,  iv.  ch.  vii.;  Hart,   Contempts,  iii.  381- 

384- 

3.  Increased  public  revenue.  —  Extinguishment  of  debt.    4.  Presi 
dent  Jefferson's  recommendation   of  public  improvements  at  na 
tional  expense.     5.    Significance  of  his  changed  views.     Jefferson, 
viii.  494  ;   H.  Adams,  History,  iii.  1-21,  345,  348;  Morse,  Jefferson, 
292-294. 

RESEARCH.  —  Albert  Gallatin  and  his  administration  of  the  Trea 
sury  Department.     Stevens,  Gallatin,  ch.  vi. 

186.    Abolition  of  the  African  Slave  Trade. 

TOPICS  AND  REFERENCES. 

i.  The  act  fulfilling  the  intention  of  the  Constitution  (text  in 
MacDonald,  ii.  171-176).  Hoist,  United  States,  i.  317-328;  H. 
Adams,  History,  iii.  356-367;  Schouler,  ii.  142-147. 

187.   Destruction  of  Neutral  Trade.  — British  "  Orders 
in  Council "  and  Napoleonic  Decrees. 

TOPICS  AND  REFERENCES. 

i.  Circumstances  of  the  conflict  between  England  and  Napo 
leon.  2.  Its  reduction  to  a  system  of  commercial  warfare,  de 
structive  of  neutral  trade.  3.  Successive  orders  and  decrees  of 
the  combatants.  —  Their  aim  and  effect.  H.  Adams,  History,  iii. 
388-391,  416-421,  iv.  79-127;  Gordy,  i.  511-540;  McMaster,  iii. 
248-275;  Schouler,  ii.  156-161,  170-176;  Hoist,  United  States, 


330  THE    YOUNG    NATION    HARASSED. 

i.  200-20 1  ;  Morse,  Jefferson,  286-296  ;  Hart,  Conteinp's,  iii.  400- 
403. 

RESEARCH.  —  Importance  to  the  world  at  large  of  the  resistance 
made  by  England  to  Napoleon.  —  Grounds  on  which  her  Orders 
in  Council  may  be  defended.  Mahan,  Influence  of  Sea  Power, 
ii.  ch.  xviii.-xix. 


188.    British  Search  and  Impressment. 

TOPICS  AND  REFERENCES. 

i.  Increasing  insolence  of  British  naval  officers.  2.  The  Chesa 
peake  outrage.  H.  Adams,  History,  iv.  ch.  i.  and  vi. ;  McMaster, 
111.240-246,253-270;  Hart,  Formation,  192-194 ;  Hart,  Contempts, 
iii.  385-400;  Schouler,  ii.  163-170;  Gordy,  i.  507-510;  Morse, 
Jefferson,  296. 

189.    An  Experiment  in  "Peaceable  Coercion."  — 
The  Embargo  Act. 

TOPICS  AND  REFERENCES. 

i.  The  cry  for  war,  and  why  war  did  not  follow.  2.  President  Jef 
ferson's  gunboat  policy.  3.  The  non-importation  act  and  the  em 
bargo  act  (text  in  MacDonald,  ii.  1 76-1 77).  4.  Effect  of  the  embargo 
in  the  United  States.  5.  The  John  Henry  intrigue.  6.  Failure 
of  the  embargo  to  affect  the  conduct  of  England  or  France. 
7.  Injury  to  Jefferson's  influence.  H.  Adams,  History,  iv.  ch.vii.- 
xii.,  xiv.-xv.,  xx.;  Schouler,  ii.  176-186,  194-207;  Gordy,  i.  ch. 
xxxii.-xxxiii. ;  McMaster,  iii.  276-309  ;  Hoist,  United  States, 
i.  201-215  ;  Hildreth,  vi.  36-44,  48-58,  69-79,  84-93,  96-113;  Par- 
ton,  Jefferson,  ch.  Ixvi. ;  Morse,  Jefferson,  296-312,  316-317  ;  Hart, 
Contempts,  iii.  403-406. 
RESEARCH.  —  The  character  of  John  Randolph,  of  Roanoke,  and 

his  political  course.     Trent,  89-150  ;  H.  Adams,  Randolph. 

19O.   Substitution  of  Non-intercourse  for  Embargo. 

TOPICS  AND  REFERENCES. 

i.  Rebellious  threatenings  in  New  England.  2.  Repeal  of 
embargo  act.  —  Suspension  of  commercial  intercourse  (text  in 
MacDonald,  ii.  177-183).  H.  Adams,  History,  iv.  ch.  xvi.-xix. ; 
Hildreth,  vi.  113-138;  Gordy,  i.  ch.  xxxiv.-xxxv. ;  Schouler,  ii. 


TOPICS,    REFERENCES,    AND    RESEARCH.      331 

207-220;    Hoist,  United  States,  i.  215-225;    McMaster,  iii.  318- 
336. 

191.    Political  Effects. 

TOPICS  AND  REFERENCES. 

i.    Reversing  of  former  political  doctrines  by  both  parties.     Hil- 
dreth,  vi.  140-143;  McMaster,  iii.  197-198. 

192.    Territorial  Reorganization. 

TOPICS  AND  REFERENCES. 

i.    Formation  of  the  Territories  of  Michigan  and  Illinois.     Hil- 
dreth,  vi.  138. 


CHAPTER   X. 

SECOND    WAR    WITH    ENGLAND.       1809-1817. 

193.  Mr.  Erskine's  Blunder.  —  President  Madison 
misled.  1809-1810.  When  Madison  took  the  reins  of 
government  from  Jefferson,  on  the  4th  of  March,  1 809,  the 
outlook  in  foreign  affairs  was  dark ;  but  an  unexpected 
brightening  appeared  soon  on  the  British  side.  The 
British  minister  then  at  Washington,  Mr.  Erskine,  re 
ceived  instructions  which  led  him  to  agree  with  Presi 
dent  Madison  that  the  orders  in  council  should  be  with 
drawn,  and  that  the  President,  by  proclamation,  should 
end  the  interdictions  of  commerce  with  Great  Britain, 
but  should  continue  them  against  France.  This  arrange 
ment  was  announced  and  the  President's  proclamation 
issued  on  the  2ist  of  April,  to  the  unspeakable  joy  of 
the  country,  and  three  months  of  a  busy  revival  of  trade 
ensued.  It  took  that  length  of  time  for  the  report  of 
what  Mr.  Erskine  had  done  to  reach  England  and  for 
the  action  of  his  government  on  it  to  be  reported  back. 
The  message  when  it  came  was  a  blow.  Erskine  had 
flagrantly  exceeded  his  instructions  ;  his  agree- 

agreement     ment,  on  which  the  President  had  proclaimed 
repudiated. 

a  reopening  of  commerce  with  Great  Britain, 
was  repudiated,  and  the  orders  in  council,  instead  of 
being  annulled,  were  only  replaced  by  a  new  order,  de 
claring  a  paper  blockade  of  the  whole  of  Italy,  Holland, 
and  France. 

The  situation  was  now  worse  than   before.     Angry 


SECOND    WAR   WITH    ENGLAND.  333 

feeling  on  all  sides  was  increased.  Erskine  was  recalled, 
and  a  new  British  minister,  Mr.  Jackson,  notorious 
amongst  the  English  diplomats  for  offensive  ways  of 
doing  business,  was  sent  in  his  place.  Non-intercourse 
was  proclaimed  again  ;  but  nobody  could  feel  satisfied 
with  its  effect.  The  futile  measure  was  maintained, 
however,  until  the  ist  of  May,  1810,  when  ActofMay 
Congress,  not  knowing  what  else  to  do,  restored  lf  1810- 
freedom  to  commerce,  but  authorized  the  President,  if 
England  withdrew  her  orders  or  France  her  decrees 
before  the  3d  of  the  next  March,  then  in  that  case  to 
prohibit  intercourse  with  the  nation  that  kept  them  in 
force. 

Mr.    Jackson,   the    new   British   minister,  arrived  in 
September,  1809,  and  was  not  slow  in  making  himself 
as  disagreeable  as  he  was  expected  to  be.     Be-  Minister 
fore  many  communications  had  passed  between  Jackson- 
him  and  the  government,  he  had  offered  such  insults 
that  the  latter  would  receive  nothing  further  from  his 
hands.     This  produced   no  special  consequences  ;    but 
some  foolish  Federalists  in  northern  cities  made  great 
social  efforts  to  show  Mr.  Jackson  that  his  conduct  was 
approved. 

194.  The  Trickery  of  Napoleon.  1809-1811.  In 
the  behavior  of  Great  Britain  at  this  time  there  was 
really  less  of  practical  hostility  to  the  United  States  than 
in  the  doings  of  the  despotic  master  of  France.  The 
embargo  act  had  suited  the  aims  of  Napoleon's  Napoleon»s 
"  continental  system  ;  "  but  he  was  angered  by  JJjESnter- 
the  non-intercourse  act,  which  interdicted  trade  course  act 
with  France,  and  not  with  her  subject-allies,  Holland, 
Naples,  and  Spain.  That  offence  to  him  was  increased 
by  the  mistake  which  reopened  commerce  with  Great 
Britain  during  three  busy  months.  He  had  begun, 


334       EXPANSION    IN   THE   GREAT   VALLEYS. 

therefore,  a  new  series  of  spoliations,  more  outrageous 
than  his  earlier  ones,  not  only  ordering  seizures  and  con 
fiscations  of  American  vessels  and  cargoes  in  Spanish 
and  Neapolitan  ports,  but  treating  their  crews  as  pris 
oners  of  war.  In  March,  1810,  he  issued  secretly  a 
The  Decree  general  decree,  known  as  the  Decree  of  Ram- 
boSSt"  bouillet,  which  swept  into  his  net  all  American 

ships  within  his  reach,  and  when  his  brother 
Louis,  whom  he  had  made  king  of  Holland,  failed  to 
carry  out  the  decree  in  Dutch  ports,  he  drove  him  from 
the  throne  and  annexed  Holland  to  France.  The  plun 
der  secured  was  so  great  that  it  appears  in  Napoleon's 
own  estimate  of  his  revenue  for  the  year  as  amounting 
to  $6,000,000,  and  other  estimates  have  made  it  more 
nearly  ten  millions  than  six. 

The  act  passed  by  Congress  on  the  1st  of  May,  1810, 
repealing  the  non-intercourse  act,  but  providing  for  the 

revival  of  it  against  one  or  the  other  of  the 

Promised  ,.  ..... 

revocation     powers    at  war,  according  to  their  behavior, 

of  French 

decrees,  suggested  a  characteristic  piece  of  trickery  to 
Napoleon's  mind.  He  gave  notice  (August  5, 
1810)  to  the  American  minister  at  Paris  "that  the 
decrees  of  Berlin  and  Milan  are  revoked,  and  that  after 
November  r,  they  will  cease  to  have  effect,  —  it  being 
understood  that  in  consequence  of  this  declaration  the 
English  are  to  revoke  their  orders  in  council,  and  re 
nounce  the  new  principles  which  they  have  wished  to 
establish  ;  or  that  the  United  States,  conformably  to 
the  act  you  have  just  communicated,  cause  their  rights 
to  be  respected  by  the  English."  l  To  one  of  his  own 
ministers  he  said  at  the  same  time,  "We  commit  our 
selves  to  nothing,"  —  which  was  true.  His  scheme  was 
to  push  the  United  States  into  hostilities  with  England, 
1  H.  Adams,  History  of  the  United  States,  v.  255. 


SECOND   WAR   WITH   ENGLAND.  335 

while  he  should  do  as  he  pleased  in  the  matter  of  the 
decrees.     The  American  government  was   not   critical 
of  the  notice  received  from  France ;  it  assumed  that  the 
Berlin  and  Milan  decrees  would  be  revoked  as  promised, 
on  the  ist  of  November,  and  that  revocation  meant  re 
stitution   of  the  property  seized.     Accordingly,  on   the 
2d  of  November  President  Madison  proclaimed  Presi(ient 
the  revocation,  and  interdicted  commercial  in-   JJociama- 
tercourse  with  Great  Britain,  to  take  effect  on  ton'  181°- 
and  after  February  2,  1811.      But  weeks  and  months 
passed  without  bringing  anything  from  France  to  show 
that  the  decrees  were  not  in  force,  and  no  questioning 
could  draw  a  distinct  answer  as  to  what  had  been  or 
would  be  done.     Publication  of  Napoleon's  cor-  Napoleon»a 
respondence  has  made  it  known  since  that,  as  ^wcbery. 
late  as  April,  1811,  he  was  ordering  his  ministers  "to 
gain  time,  leaving  the  principles  of  the  matter  a  little 
obscure  until  we  see  the  United  States  take  sides." 

195.  Occupation  of  West  Florida.  —  Louisiana  ad 
mitted  as  a  State.  181O-1812.  In  another  quarter  the 
foreign  relations  of  the  country  were  complicated  at  this 
time.  Since  1808  the  people  of  Spain  had  been  strug 
gling  to  break  the  yoke  which  their  imbecile  court 
allowed  Napoleon  to  lay  upon  their  necks.  The  whole 
Spanish  colonial  empire  was  in  consequent  disorder, 
and  revolutionary  movements  in  most  of  the  American 
provinces  were  taking  place.  In  the  district  of  Revoiution 
West  Florida  (see  Map  IV.)  that  adjoined  New  g*£ 
Orleans  many  Americans  had  settled,  and  they  1810< 
found  the  opportunity  good  for  a  revolution  of  their  own. 
Accordingly,  in  the  summer  and  fall  of  1810,  they 
seized  the  Spanish  fort  at  Baton  Rouge,  held  a  conven 
tion,  declared  independence,  and  applied  for  annexation 
to  the  United  States.  President  Madison  would  not 


336       EXPANSION    IN   THE    GREAT   VALLEYS. 

recognize  their  revolution,  but  deemed  it  proper,  in 
such  circumstances,  to  take  possession  of  the  region, 
which  the  United  States  had  been  claiming  since  1803 
(see  sect.  179).  It  was  occupied,  accordingly,  by  Gov 
ernor  Claiborne,  of  the  Orleans  Territory,  in  December, 
1810.  Congress  approved  the  President's  action,  and 
passed,  at  the  same  time,  an  act  authorizing  the  inhab 
itants  of  the  Territory  of  Orleans  to  adopt  a  constitution 
preparatory  to  admission  as  a  State.  The  new  State 
thus  formed  received  the  name  Louisiaria,  and 
Louisiana,  was  admitted  to  the  Union  in  April,  1812. 

1812 

West  Florida  as  far  eastward  as  Pearl  River 
was  annexed  to  it ;  the  remainder,  to  the  Perdido,  was 
declared  to  be  a  part  of  Mississippi  Territory,  though 
possession  was  not  taken  until  1813. 

196.  Federalist    Opposition   to   the   Admission    of 
Louisiana.    1811.    The  proposed  admission  of  Louisiana 
revived  a  threatening  spirit  in  the  New  England  Fed 
eralists,  who  denied  the  constitutional  right  of  the  exist 
ing  Union  to  add  new  States  to  itself  (see  sect.  179). 
Speech  of      Their  then  leader,  Josiah  Quincy,  of  Boston, 
Qu'ncy,        declared  in  debate    (January    14,    1811):    "If 
leu.          thjs  bin  passes,  it  is  my  deliberate  opinion  that 
it  is  virtually  a  dissolution  of  the  Union  ;  that  it  will 
free  the  States  from  their  moral  obligation ;  and,  as  it 
will  be  the  right  of  all,  so  it  will  be  the  duty  of  some, 
definitely  to  prepare  for  a  separation,  —  amicably  if  they 
can,  violently  if  they  must." 

197.  Dissolution  of  the  United  States  Bank.    1811. 
In  home  affairs  an  agitating  question  was  raised  by  the 
approaching  expiration  of  the  charter  of  the  United 
States  Bank.     The  bank  had  proved  useful  to  the  busi 
ness  of  the  country  and  to  the  government,  and   Mr. 
Gallatin,  the  able  Secretary  of  the  Treasury,  was  most 


SECOND    WAR   WITH    ENGLAND.  337 

anxious  for  its  preservation ;  but  jealousy  and  distrust 
of  it  in  the  Republican  party  were  rooted  too  deeply  to 
be  overcome.  Congress  refused  to  extend  the  charter, 
and  the  bank  in  due  time  was  dissolved. 

198.  Peeling  for  and  against  War  with  England. 
1811.  Meantime,  relations  with  England  had  not  been 
changed  seriously  by  the  fresh  interdiction  of  trade. 
Still  obstinate  on  the  subject  of  the  orders  in  council, 
and  contending  with  truth  that  Napoleon's  decrees  had 
not  been  revoked,  the  British  government  was  showing, 
nevertheless,  a  more  conciliatory  disposition,  by  sending 
an  agreeable  minister  to  Washington,  and  offering  a 
partial  reparation  of  the  outrage  on  the  Chesapeake.  Of 
actual  provocations  to  war,  so  far  as  concerned  the  old 
grievances,  there  were  less  from  England  in  1811,  and 
more  from  France,  than  there  had  been  at  any  time  within 
the  past  five  years  ;  but  an  outbreak  of  Indian  hostility, 
occurring  that  summer  in  the  Indiana  Territory,  was  sup 
posed  to  have  been  instigated  by  emissaries  Tecumseh's 
from  Canada,  and  became  a  new  charge  against  iJa|Jlening 
England  in  the  long  account  of  wrongs.  Te-  1811- 
cumseh,  or  Tecumthe,  a  Shawnee  chief  of  ability,  as 
sisted  by  his  brother,  styled  the  Prophet,  had  renewed 
the  undertaking  of  Pontiac,  to  form  a  league  of  tribes 
for  resistance  to  the  advance  of  the  white  race.  The 
territorial  governor,  William  Henry  Harrison,  with  a 

force  of  regulars  and  volunteers,  broke  up  the 

.  ,         ,       ,         .  .        Battle  of 

movement    in    a  sharp  battle   fought   on    the  Tippecanoe, 

Tippecanoe  (November  7,  1811).  Tecumseh, 
who  was  absent  at  the  time,  found  his  project  frustrated, 
and  took  refuge  in  Canada,  giving  color  to  the  belief 
that  he  had  acted  under  an  influence  from  the  authori 
ties  there.  This  caused  some  fresh  excitement  of  anti- 
English  feeling  ;  and  so  did  an  encounter  that  happened 


338       EXPANSION    IN    THE   GREAT   VALLEYS. 

in  May,  between  the  American  frigate  President  and  a 
Aiiairof  British  sloop  of  war,  the  Little  Belt.  Exactly 
Beit^lttl8  now  or  wnv  tney  came  to  exchange  shots,  and 
which  fired  first,  was  never  made  clear.  The 
Little  Belt,  a  smaller  vessel  than  the  President,  suffered 
badly  in  the  short  fight. 

The  temper  of  the  country  does  not  seem  to  have 
been  touched  very  sharply  by  these  events,  and  the  in 
fluences  opposed  to  war  were  strong.  Despite  all  losses 
and  restrictions,  the  merchant  shipping  of  the  United 
States  was  enjoying  a  more  profitable  activity  than  it 
was  likely  to  have  in  a  state  of  declared  war  with  Eng 
land,  the  powerful  mistress  of  the  seas.  It  was  prin 
cipally  a  New  England  interest,  and  it  confirmed  New 
England  Federalism  in  leanings  toward  Great  Britain, 
in  detestation  of  Napoleon  and  France,  and  in  dread 
of  the  party  in  power.  On  the  other  hand, 
ing,  north  the  south  and  the  new  western  States  had  no 

and  south. 

maritime  interest,  and  adhered  to  the  old  feel 
ings  of  the  Revolution,  against  England  and  in  favor 
of  France.  Pennsylvania  was  with  the  south  in  those 
feelings,  and  New  York  leaned  the  same  way. 

199.  The  "  War  Hawks "  in  Congress.  —  Henry 
Clay.  1811-1812.  The  situation  was  one  in  which 
slight  influences  could  turn  the  scale  for  or  against 
war.  The  decisive  influence  came  from  a  group  of 
young  men  who  appeared  in  the  House  of  Represent 
atives  that  year.  We  may  almost  say  that  it  came 
from  a  single  member  of  the  group,  its  eloquent  leader, 
Henry  Clay.  Clay  was  a  Virginian  by  birth,  but  had 
settled  in  Kentucky  after  finishing  his  studies  in  law, 
and  had  risen  quickly  to  distinction  in  that  State. 
Twice,  already,  he  had  filled  vacancies  for  a  few  months 
in  the  Senate  of  the  United  States;  now,  in  1811,  he 


SECOND    WAR  WITH    ENGLAND.  339 

came  to  a  seat  in  the  House  of  Representatives,  and 
took  command,  as  it  were  ;  was  made  Speaker,  "speaker" 
and  ruled  the  House  as  no  one  in  the  Speaker's  Cla7t  1811< 
chair  had  ruled  it  before.  Along  with  brilliancy  and 
power  as  an  orator  of  the  popular  type,  he  had  the 
personal  force,  the  enthusiasm,  and  the  self-confident, 
high  spirit  of  a  natural  leader  of  men.  He  was  hot 
with  the  anger  of  Kentucky  over  the  humiliations  of 
the  country,  especially  those  coming  from  British  hands  ; 
and  he  found  a  number  of  young  members  more  than 
ready  to  join  him  in  a  demand  for  war.  John  C.  Cal- 
houn,  of  South  Carolina,  was  a  prominent  member  of 
the  group. 

The  vehemence  of  these  "war  hawks,"  as  they  were 
styled,  soon  produced  a  great  effect.  Congress  passed 
bills  for  increasing  the  army,  for  raising  volunteers,  and 
for  calling  out  the  state  militia,  and  some  very  inade 
quate  provision  for  strengthening  the  navy  was  made; 
but  the  controlling  idea  of  the  war  party  was  to  prepare 
for  a  conquest  of  Canada,  and  they  deprecated  the 
thought  of  much  resistance  to  the  great  power  of  Eng 
land  at  sea.  Events  proved  them  to  be  utterly  mistaken 
in  their  forecast  of  the  projected  war. 

200.    War    declared.     June    18,    1812.     The    peace 
party  included  many  Republicans,  conspicuously  John 
Randolph,  a  Virginian  of  erratic  genius ;  but  the  war 
party,  helped  by  the  disclosure  at  this  time  of  the  John 
Henry  correspondence    (see  sect.   189),   had    its    way. 
President  Madison,  with  reluctance,  began  the  action 
it  desired,  on  the  ist  of  April,  1812,  by  recommending 
an  embargo  for  sixty  days,  which  was  under 
stood  to   be  preliminary  to    a   declaration   of  fo?n£fty 
war.  Congress  enacted  the  embargo  for  ninety 
days  ;  but,  on  the  ist  of  June,  at  the  end  of  sixty  days,  a 


340      EXPANSION    IN   THE   GREAT  VALLEYS. 

message  from  the  President  recommended  that  war  be 
declared.  A  bill  embodying  the  portentous  declaration 
passed  the  House  on  the  4th,  the  Senate  on  the  i/th, 
and  was  signed  by  the  President  on  the  i8th.  It  was 
carried  by  southern  and  western  votes,  against  the 
opposition  of  New  England  and  New  York,  and  at  a 
moment  when  the  principal  reason  for  war  was  removed  ; 
for  news  came  in  July  that  the  British  govern- 
councii  ment  had  withdrawn  the  offending  orders  in 


council,  and  had  announced  the  fact  in  Parlia- 

1812 

ment  one  day  before  the  American  declaration 
of  war.  Furthermore,  it  had  sent  proposals  for  an  ar 
mistice  and  a  renewal  of  negotiations,  in  case  hostilities 
should  have  been  begun  ;  but  it  gave  no  sign  of  willing 
ness  to  abandon  impressments  from  American  ships, 
and  the  authorities  at  Washington  refused  the  truce. 
Defence  of  "sailors'  rights"  became  then  the  single 
object  of  the  war. 

201.  Opening  Disasters.  —  Hull's  Surrender  at  De 
troit.  —  Battle  of  Queenstown  Heights.  1812.  The 
nation  was  undertaking  a  war  which  large  masses  of  its 
people  resented  or  disapproved  ;  for  which  its  economic 
condition  and  its  military  organization  were  wretchedly 
prepared  ;  and  to  conduct  which  its  officers  of  experi 
ence  were  few  and  old.  That  the  sanguine  expectations 
of  the  "war  hawks"  would  be  disappointed  was  an  al 
most  inevitable  result.  The  disappointment  began  with 
the  first  invasion  of  Canada,  undertaken  from  Detroit, 
Hull  at  m  Juty»  by  a  Revolutionary  veteran  of  good 
Detroit.  record,  General  William  Hull.  The  British 
authorities  in  Canada  had  acted  more  vigorously  than 
the  Americans,  and  Hull  found  them  readier  to  strike 
at  him  than  he  at  them.  He  fell  back  to  his  fort  at 
Detroit,  was  followed  and  beleaguered  by  British  troops 


SECOND    WAR   WITH    ENGLAND. 


341 


and  the  savage 
warriors  of  Tecum- 
seh,  and  surren 
dered  to  them,  Au 
gust  1 6.  The  un 
fortunate  general 
was  afterward  dis 
graced  from  the 
army  by  court-mar 
tial,  and  only  saved 
from  a  death  sen 
tence  by  the  Presi 
dent's  compassion; 
but  later  opinion 
lays  blame  for  the 
disaster  quite  as 
much  on  his  mili 
tary  superiors  as 
on  Hull. 

The  next  attempt 
to  enter  Canada 
had  no  better  suc 
cess.  It  was  made 
on  the  1 3th  of  Oc 
tober  from  Lewis- 
ton,  on  the  Niagara 
River,  below  the 
Falls,  by  forces 
under  General  Van 
Rensselaer  about 
6000  strong.  A 
footing  on  the  op- 
heights  of 


.LAKE     ONTARIO 


MAP  OF  NIAGARA  FRONTIER  IN  1812-14. 
Reproduced,  with  a  few  adaptations,  from  a  "  Gazetteer 
°£  the  Province  of  Upper  Canada,"  published  in  1813. 

Queenstown  was  gained  by  about  900  of  Van  Rensselaer's 


342       EXPANSION    IN    THE    GREAT   VALLEYS. 

men  ;  but  reinforcements  came  to  the  British,  while  none 
reached  the  Americans,  and  the  latter,  in  a  helpless  posi 
tion,  had  to  lay  down  their  arms.  The  British  com 
mander,  General  Brock,  received  a  mortal  wound  in  the 
fight.  The  officer  who  won  most  distinction  in  this  bat 
tle  was  Lieutenant-Colonel  Winfield  Scott. 

202.  Naval    Triumphs.     1812.     While    disaster    at 
tended  the  American  operations  of  war  on  land,  the 
little  navy  of  the  United  States  was  winning  laurels  at 
sea.     Its  total  count  of  war-ships  was  but  18,  large  and 
small,  only  three  of  which  were  ready  for  service  when 
hostilities  began ;  and  against  it  was  a  navy  of  not  less 
than  a  thousand  ships.     But,  ship  for  ship,  in  single  en 
counters,  the  American  vessels  proved  to  be  generally 
better  in  build,   stronger  in  armament,  more  accurate 

in  gunnery,  more  skilful  in  seamanship,  and 
stitution  the  English  were  astonished  and  dismayed  by 
Guerri-  the  results  of  the  sea-fighting  that  occurred. 

On  the  i Qth  of  August  the  frigate  Constitu 
tion,  Captain  Isaac  Hull,  captured  the  British  frigate 
Guerriere,  after  a  battle  of  two  hours.  On  the  i8th  of 
October  the  British  sloop-of-war  Frolic  was  taken  by 
the  American  sloop  Wasp  ;  but  both  were  caught  soon 
The  after  by  a  bigger  British  man-of-war.  Seven 

statwfand  days  later  the  frigate  Macedonia  surrendered 
donujace  to  Captain  Decatur,  commanding  the  United 
rtitution"  States  ;  and  the  year's  record  of  naval  victories 
Sva?10  was  closed  on  the  29th  of  December,  when 

the  Constitution  destroyed  the  Java  in  a  battle 
off  the  coast  of  Brazil.  Meanwhile,  a  swarm  of  commis 
sioned  privateers  was  pillaging  British  commerce  almost 
as  heavily  as  British  cruisers  pillaged  that  of  the  United 
States. 

203.  Second  Disaster  in  the  West.     1813.     Before 


SECOND   WAR   WITH    ENGLAND.  343 

the  year  closed  Commodore  Chauncey  had  put  a  small 
naval  squadron  afloat  on  Lake  Ontario,  and  Lieutenant 
Elliot  had  gone  to  Lake  Erie  to  do  the  same ;  for  little 
could  be  done  toward  recovering  the  ground  lost  in  the 
west  until  full  control  of  the  lakes  was  secured.  The 
western  command  had  been  given  to  General  Harrison, 
and  late  in  the  fall  he  began  a  movement  from  Indiana 
for  the  recovery  of  Detroit ;  but  900  of  the  best  of  his 
troops,  under  General  Winchester,  proceeding  wlnohes. 
too  carelessly  in  advance,  were  overpowered  in  j£^jjj.*att 
January  by  British  and  Indian  forces,  on  the  1813> 
river  Raisin,  not  far  from  what  is  now  the  city  of  Mon 
roe.  Four  hundred  perished,  including  sick  and  wounded, 
who  were  given  up  to  the  tomahawks  of  the  savages ; 
the  survivors  were  made  prisoners  of  war.  This  fresh 
disaster  checked  the  movement  till  the  following  year. 

204.  Reelection  of  President  Madison.    1812.     Ex 
cepting  the  repulse  of  a  British  attack  on  Ogdensburg, 
there  had  been  nothing   but   disaster  in   the   military 
operations  of  the  first  year.     In  naval  warfare  there  had 
been  nothing   but   success ;  and,  probably,  it  was    the 
naval  victories  that  saved  the  war  party  from  overthrow 
in  the  presidential  election  that  fall.     Mr.  Madison  was 
reflected,  defeating   a  combination  of   dissatisfied  Re 
publicans  and  Federalists,  who  voted  for  DeWitt  Clinton 
of  New  York.     Daniel  Webster  was  one  of  the  Federal 
ist  congressmen  elected  in  New  Hampshire  that  year. 

205.  Naval  Occurrences  on  Salt  and  Fresh  Water. 
1813.     On  salt  water  the  naval  triumphs  of  1812  were 
not  equalled  in  the  following   year.      Only  two    small 
armed  vessels  were  taken  from  the  enemy,  while  a  sore 
reverse   was    suffered,   the   unfortunate   frigate    Chesa 
peake  succumbing  to  the  Shannon  (June  i),  in  a  fight 
that  was  no  chance  encounter,  but  a  duel,  deliberately 


344      EXPANSION    IN   THE    GREAT   VALLEYS. 

planned.     Captain  Bloke  of  the  Shannon  had  challenged 

Captain    Lawrence   of    the   Chesapeake,    and 

peake  and     waited  for  him  outside  of  Boston  Bay.     The 

the  Shan-  . 

non,  June,  two  ships  were  about  equal  in  men  and  guns, 
but  the  Shannon  had  the  better  trained  crew, 
and  reduced  her  antagonist  in  fifteen  minutes  to  a 
helpless  state.  Captain  Lawrence,  wounded  mortally, 
cried,  "  Don't  give  up  the  ship,"  but  it  was  a  vain  appeal. 

By  this  time  enough  of  the  enormous  navy  of  Eng 
land  was  concentrated  on  the  American  coast  to  blockade 
British  tne  principal  harbors  and  shut  in  most  of  the 
blockade.  American  fleet ;  but  privateers,  built  and  rigged 
to  outsail  every  enemy  afloat,  were  numerous  at  sea  and 
actively  at  work. 

It  was  on  the  inland  fresh  waters  that  the  navy  now 
distinguished  itself,  and  the  hero  of  the  year  was  Captain 
Oliver  H.  Perry,  detailed  to  command  on  Lake  Erie  and 
the  upper  lakes.  At  Presque  Isle,  now  Erie,  Perry  con 
structed  two  brigs  and  three  schooners  in  great  haste, 
and  brought  five  more  small  vessels  from  the  Niagara,  at 
Buffalo,  to  make  up  his  fleet.  With  these,  on  the  loth 
of  September,  off  the  islands  near  the  mouth 
victory  on  of  Sandusky  River,  he  encountered  a  squad- 
septemW  ron  of  six  vessels  which  Captain  Barclay,  of 
the  British  navy,  had  fitted  out  with  equal  diffi 
culty  at  the  western  end  of  the  lake.  The  battle  was 
obstinate  on  both  sides.  Perry's  flagship,  the  Lawrence, 
became  so  injured  and  unmanageable,  and  the  carnage 
on  her  was  so  fearful,  that  the  surviving  officers  could  do 
nothing  but  strike  their  flag  ;  but  the  indomitable  com 
mander  had  left  the  ship  before  that  occurred, — had 
transferred  himself  to  another  vessel,  the  Niagara,  on 
whose  deck  he  won  the  fight. 

206.    Recovery  of  Detroit  and   the  West.  —  Futile 


SECOND    WAR   WITH    ENGLAND. 


345 


Campaigning  on  the  New  York  Frontier  and  the  St. 
Lawrence.    1813.     "  We  have  met  the  enemy  and  they 
are  ours  "    was    Per 
ry's  famous  despatch 
to  General  Harrison, 
for  whose  movement 
on  Detroit  this  con 
quest    of    the    lakes 
cleared  the  way. 
Both    Harrison    and 
Perry  made  haste  to 
Detroit   River,  from 
which     the     British 
forces    and    Tecum- 
seh's    Indians    re 
treated    together, 
through  Canada, 
making  their  way  to 
the  Thames  River  and  up  that  stream.     Harrison  pur 
sued  and  overtook  them  near  Moravian  Town,  a  few 
miles  above  Chatham.     In  the   battle  fought  Battle  of  the 
there  (October   5),  Tecumseh  was  killed,  his  October's 
followers  were  scattered,  three  quarters  of  the  1813- 
British  troops  were  captured,  and  the  conquest  of  west 
ern  Canada,  for  the  time  being,  was  complete. 

On  the  New  York  frontier  there  was  much  activity, 
with  nothing  but  momentary  results.  The  little  town  of 
York,  capital  of  Canada  West,  now  grown  into  Burning  of 
the  city  of  Toronto,  was  captured,  and  its  pub-  York- 
lie  buildings  were  burned,  — an  act  of  vandalism  which 
General  Dearborn,  the  American  commander,  disclaimed 
and  denounced.  Fort  George,  near  the  mouth  of  the 
Niagara,  was  taken,  but  the  garrison  escaped,  and  drove 
back  a  pursuing  force  (at  Stony  Creek)  with  heavy  loss. 


WESTERN  LAKE  ERIE  IN  THE  WAR  OF 


346       EXPANSION    IN    THE    GREAT    VALLEYS. 

Meantime,  the  important  naval  station  at  Sackett's  Har 
bor  was  exposed  to  attack  and  nearly  lost.  It  was  saved 
by  the  capable  energy  of  Jacob  Brown,  a  New  York 
GeneraUa-  militia  officer,  who  won  a  general's  commission 
cob  Brown.  jn  ^Q  regular  army  by  that  service,  and  was 
advanced  not  long  afterward  to  the  chief  command  on 
the  northern  frontier.  Nothing  was  done  to  make  use 
of  the  positions  gained  at  the  western  end  of  Lake  On 
tario,  but  all  possible  forces,  even  Harrison's,  were 
drawn  eastward  for  an  expedition  down  the  St.  Law 
rence,  to  capture  Montreal.  The  expedition  commanded 
by  General  Wilkinson  (of  former  notoriety  in  connection 
with  Burr,  see  sect.  182)  failed  miserably,  and  was 
abandoned  at  an  early  stage,  after  an  ignominious  engage 
ment  known  as  the  battle  of  Chrystler's  Farm.  Then 
the  British,  more  promptly  than  the  Americans,  returned 
their  forces  to  the  neglected  Niagara  frontier.  In  De 
cember  they  recovered  Fort  George,  crossed  the  river, 
surprised  the  important  Fort  Niagara,  and  proceeded, 
with  their  Indian  allies,  to  ravage  the  whole  American 
shore  of  the  river.  They  burned  the  village  of  Buffalo, 
in  retaliation  for  some  equally  barbarous  destruction  by 
the  American  garrison  which  retreated  from  Fort  George. 

207.  The    Creek    War.     1813.     Late    in    the    sum 
mer  of  1813  the  Creek  Indians,  in  Mississippi  Territory, 
formerly  half  won  to  the  projects    of  Tecumseh,  and 
freshly  stirred  up  by  both  English  and  Spanish  emis 
saries,  rose  against  the  white  settlers  and  committed  a 
horrible  massacre  at  Fort  Mims  (August  30).     General 
Andrew  Jackson,  of  the  Tennessee  militia,  was  put  in 
command  of  forces  sent  against  them  from  that  State, 
and  carried  on  an  energetic  campaign  for  seven  months, 
completely  breaking  the  power  of  the  tribe. 

208.  Fall  of  Napoleon.  —  Its  Effect  on  the  War  in 


SECOND  WAR  WITH  ENGLAND.      347 

America.    1814.    At  the  opening  of  the  year  1814  there 
was  not  much  promise  in  the  prospects  of  the  war,  nor 
did  the  prospects  brighten  as  the  year  advanced.     The 
military  despotism  of  Napoleon  was  tottering  to  its  fall. 
Half  a  million  of  Germans,  Russians,  and  Austrians  were 
in  northern  France,  moving  irresistibly  upon 
Paris,  while  the  British  army  of  Wellington  in  France, 
fought  its  way  across  the  Pyrenees  from  Spain. 
On  the  last  day  of  March  the  victorious  allies  entered 
Paris  ;  on  the  4th  of  April  the  abdication  of  Napoleon 
was  signed.    The  forces  of  Great  Britain  were  then  free 
to  be  turned  upon  the  United  States. 

209.  Last  Attempt  against  Canada.  —  British  Ad 
vance  to  Lake  Champlain.  —  Macdonough's  Naval  Vic 
tory.  1814.  Before  the  effects  of  this  great  change  in 
circumstances  were  felt,  one  last  attempt  to  carry  the 
war  into  Canada  was  made.  General  Jacob  Brown  was 
in  command,  with  General  Winfield  Scott  among  his 
brigadiers.  Early  in  July  Brown  crossed  the  Niagara 
from  Buffalo  and  took  Fort  Erie,  which  commanded  the 
entrance  to  the  river  from  the  lake  (see  Map  on  page 
341).  Thence  he  advanced  down  the  river  to  Chippewa, 
near  Niagara  Falls,  where  a  sharp  engagement  occurred 
(July  5)-  The  enemy  retreated  to  Fort  George,  and 
Brown  followed ;  but  they  were  reinforced,  and  he  was 
not,  and  he  found  it  necessary  to  draw  back.  Battle  Ol 
At  Lundy's  Lane,  so  called,  near  the  Falls,  he  L!£?,7Juiy 
made  a  stand,  and  there,  on  the  25th  of  July,  25f  1814' 
a  desperate  battle  was  fought,  in  which  both  Brown  and 
Scott  received  serious  wounds.  The  slaughter,  nearly 
equal  in  the  two  armies,  was  very  great.  Both  claimed 
a  victory,  but  the  gain  belonged  to  the  English,  since 
the  Americans  retired  to  Fort  Erie  and  were  besieged 
there  within  a  few  days.  The  siege  and  defence  of  the 


EXPANSION   IN   THE   GREAT   VALLEYS. 

fort,  for  nearly  two  months,  were  notable  incidents  of 
the  war.  In  the  end  the  besiegers  were  baffled,  but  the 
heroic  defence  had  been  fruitless ;  the  works  were  de 
stroyed  and  abandoned,  and  the  American  forces  came 
back  to  their  own  soil. 

There  was  no  longer  any  thought  of  a  conquest  of 
Canada ;  the  war  had  become  one  of  defence  against 
powerful  attacks.  An  invading  army  from  Canada  had 
advanced  to  the  head  of  Lake  Champlain,  and  a  squad 
ron  of  small  vessels  and  gunboats  was  in  preparation  to 
cooperate  with  it,  in  a  movement  toward  the  Hudson, 
on  the  old  route  of  Burgoyne.  Commodore  Thomas 
Macdonough  prepared  a  similar  but  weaker  squadron  to 
oppose  the  advance,  and  waited  for  it  in  Plattsburg  Bay ; 
Battles  oi  while  General  Macomb  held  a  fortified  position 
September'  near  Plattsburg  with  scarcely  2000  American 
11,  1814.  troops  On  the  i  ith  of  September  the  invad 
ing  forces  made  their  simultaneous  attacks  by  lake  and 
land,  and  were  defeated  in  both.  Their  invasion  was 
brought  to  a  sudden  end.  Mr.  Roosevelt,  in  his  "Naval 
History  of  the  War  of  1812,"  ranks  Macdonough's  ex 
ploit  above  every  other  in  the  war,  and  says  of  him  that 
"  down  to  the  time  of  the  Civil  War  he  is  the  greatest 
figure  in  our  naval  history." 

210.  Raids  on  the  Atlantic  Coast.  —  Capture  and 
barbarous  treatment  of  Washington.  1814.  The 
Atlantic  coast  was  now  suffering,  not  only  from  a  close 
blockade,  but  from  ravaging  attacks,  especially  in  Chesa 
peake  Bay  and  farther  south.  In  August  a  strong  force 
of  veteran  British  troops  landed  in  Patuxent  River,  Mary- 
capture  of  land,  and  marched  to  Washington,  meeting  only 
ton'jSfust  a  feeble  resistance  at  Bladensburg  (August  24), 
24, 1814.  from  volunteers  and  militia,  who  were  easily 
put  to  flight.  The  national  capital  was  taken ;  the  un- 


SECOND    WAR   WITH    ENGLAND. 


349 


finished  capitol  building,  the  President's  house,  all  but 
one  of  the  other  government  buildings,  and  many  pri 
vate  dwellings  were  burned,  in  retaliation,  it  was  said, 
for  the  destruc 
tion  of  public 
buildings  at 
York.  The  oc 
currence  was 
shameful  to  both 
nations :  to  the 
English  as  an  act 
of  deliberate  bar 
barity  on  the  part 
of  a  commanding 
officer ;  to  our 
own  as  an  exhi 
bition  of  feeble 
ness  in  the  gov 
ernment  which 
guarded  its  own 
seat  in  so  negli 
gent  a  way.  The 
Secretary  of 
War,  General 
Armstrong,  was 
removed  in  con 
sequence,  and 
his  department 

was  conducted  for  a  time  by  the  Secretary  of  State,  Mr. 
Monroe. 

The  capture  of  Washington  was  followed  a  fortnight 
later  by  an  attack  on  Baltimore  ;  but  that  city  was  saved 
by  the  stout  defence  of  Fort  McHenry,  at  the  entrance 
to  its  port.  Through  the  night  of  September  14  the 


Lsokout 


MARYLAND  IN  THE  WAR  OF  1812. 


350       EXPANSION    IN   THE   GREAT   VALLEYS. 

fort  was  bombarded  heavily  by  the  British  fleet,  and 
Attack  on  tne  sight  of  its  flag,  still  floating  at  sunrise  on 
September  tne  ramparts,  inspired  a  young  Baltimorean, 
14,  1814.  Francis  Scott  Key,  to  write  the  song  of  "The 
Star  Spangled  Banner." 

211.  Disheartening  State  of  the  Country.  —  New 
England  Disaffection.  —  The  Hartford  Convention. 
1814.  The  affairs  of  the  country  were  now  in  a  most 
disheartening  state.  Its  military  forces  were  on  the 
defensive  everywhere  ;  the  few  vessels  of  its  navy  were 
mostly  shut  up  in  blockaded  ports  ;  the  resources  of  its 
treasury  seemed  exhausted  almost  hopelessly  ;  its  com 
merce  was  nearly  extinct  ;  outside  of  New  England  the 
banks  had  stopped  payments  in  specie,  and  coin 
t-  had  disappeared  ;  distress  and  discontent  were 


with  the  increasing,  and  the  New  England  disaffection 
was  taking  a  serious  tone.  Individually,  a 
large  part  of  the  New  Englanders  had  done  their  part 
patriotically  in  the  war;  Massachusetts  had  furnished 
even  more  than  her  share  of  recruits  to  the  army  ;  but 
officially  the  attitude  of  the  dominant  Federalists  had 
been  obstructive  throughout.  Several  of  the  States  had 
refused  to  obey  calls  for  their  militia  ;  banks  and  capi 
talists  were  deterred  by  strong  influences  from  subscrib 
ing  to  national  loans  ;  the  Massachusetts  legislature 
adopted  resolutions,  in  February,  1814,  that  were  wholly 
in  the  spirit  of  the  Virginia  Resolutions  of  1798  (see 
sect.  172).  A  suspicion,  which  lacked  proof,  that  the 
blockading  fleet  off  New  London  had  been  signalled 
to  from  shore  with  blue  lights,  gave  rise  to  the  name 
"  Blue-Light  Federalists"  for  the  anti-war  party  as  a 
whole. 

In  the  fall  of  1814  Massachusetts  voted  money  to  sup 
port  a  state  army  of  10,000  men,  and  invited  her  New 


SECOND   WAR   WITH   ENGLAND.  351 

England  neighbors  to  send  delegates  to  a  convention 
which  met  at  Hartford,  December  15.  Only  Massa 
chusetts,  Connecticut,  and  Rhode  Island  were  officially 
represented,  and  the  extremists  among  the  delegates 
appear  to  have  been  checked  by  moderate  men.  The 
only  known  action  of  the  convention,  in  a  secret  session 
of  three  weeks,  was  a  published  report  which  HartJora 
demanded  certain  amendments  of  the  Federal  SJJSSS?1 
Constitution,  and  recommended  the  holding  of  1814< 
another  convention,  "to  decide  on  the  course  which  a 
crisis  so  momentous  might  seem  to  demand."  What 
ultimate  action  was  contemplated  has  been  always  a 
question  in  dispute;  but  the  men  of  the  Hartford  Con 
vention  were  looked  upon  as  conspiring  secessionists, 
and  that  stigma  was  on  them  to  the  end  of  their  lives. 
So  far  as  disloyalty  to  the  Union  had  arisen  in  New 
England,  it  expired  then.  Peace  came  unexpectedly,  so 
soon  after  the  Hartford  Convention  adjourned  that  all 
the  feelings  represented  in  it  were  swept  away. 

212.  Negotiations  at  Ghent.  —  The  Treaty  of  Peace. 
1814.  Since  the  7th  of  August,  1814,  commissioners 
from  the  United  States  and  Great  Britain  had  been  ne 
gotiating  at  Ghent.  Their  meeting  was  the  remote  con 
sequence  of  an  offer  of  mediation  made  by  the  Russian 
government  in  September,  1812.  President  Madison 
had  accepted  the  offer,  and  sent  Messrs.  Gallatin  and 
Bayard  to  act  with  John  Quincy  Adams,  our  minister  to 
Russia ;  but  when  those  gentlemen  reached  Russia,  they 
found  that  Great  Britain  had  declined  the  offer.  Soon 
afterward,  however,  the  British  government  made  known 
its  willingness  to  discuss  terms  of  peace  directly  with 
representatives  of  the  United  States  ;  whereupon  Henry 
Clay  and  Jonathan  Russell  were  commissioned  to  join 
Adams,  Gallatin,  and  Bayard  at  Ghent,  where  the  con 


352       EXPANSION    IN    THE    GREAT    VALLEYS. 

ference  was  to  be  held.  Three  English  commissioners 
met  them,  and  parleyings  went  on  for  more  than 
British  f°ur  months,  with  small  hope  of  success  till 
demands.  near  ^Q  encj%  At  £rst  t^e  British  commis 
sioners  demanded  part  of  Maine,  and  the  setting  apart 
of  nearly  the  whole  of  the  old  Northwestern  Territory, 
along  the  lakes  and  to  the  Mississippi,  to  be  a  wide  belt  of 
neutral  land,  given  up  to  Indian  tribes.  These  demands 
were  so  emphatically  refused,  and  the  American  com 
missioners  showed  such  readiness  to  break  up  the  con 
ference  and  go  home,  that  more  reasonable  instructions 
came  from  London  to  the  gentlemen  on  the  other  side. 
With  all  her  advantages  in  the  war,  England  was  most 
anxious  for  peace.  She  was  weary  of  war  ;  the  situation 
in  Europe  was  still  precarious,  and  her  commerce  was 
badly  broken  by  the  American  privateers.  Hence  the 
American  commissioners,  by  stout  insistence,  secured 
better  terms  in  the  end  than  the  condition  of  their 
country  gave  them  reason  to  expect.  But  the  treaty 
signed  on  the  24th  of  December,  1814,  contained  no 
mention  of  the  naval  searches  and  impress- 
ments  tnat  had  been  the  chief  provocation  to 


December  war.  The  question  about  them  was  settled 
by  being  dropped  ;  for  the  English  stopped 
practising  what  they  still  held  to  be  their  right  Other 
important  questions,  relating  to  the  Newfoundland  fisher 
ies  and  the  navigation  of  the  Mississippi,  were  postponed 
for  future  settlement  ;  and  so  the  treaty  was  scarcely 
more  than  an  agreement  that  matters  between  the  two 
nations  should  be  as  they  were  before  the  war.  There 
was  little  to  show  for  the  30,000  lives  it  was  estimated 
to  have  cost  the  country,  and  the  hundred  millions,  or 
nearly,  that  it  had  added  to  the  national  debt. 

213.  Battle  of  New  Orleans.     1815.     Unfortunately, 


SECOND    WAR   WITH    ENGLAND.  353 

the  news  of  peace  did  not  reach  America  in  time  to 
prevent  the  bloodiest  battle  of  the  war,  fought  a  full 
fortnight  after  the  treaty  was  signed.  A  formidable 
expedition  against  New  Orleans,  from  Jamaica,  had 
reached  Louisiana  in  the  latter  part  of  De 
cember,  and  had  been  making  slow  approaches  from 

Jamaica. 

to  the  city,  where  General  Jackson,  the  ener 
getic  Tennesseean,  held  command.  After  much  cannon 
ading  of  the  breastworks  behind  which  Jackson  had 
placed  his  men,  the  British  commander,  General  Paken- 
ham,  ordered  an  assault.  It  was  repulsed  by  so  murder 
ous  a  fire  from  the  rifles  of  the  backwoodsmen  of  the 
west  that  more  than  2000  of  the  assailants  fell.  General 
Pakenham  was  among  the  killed,  and  his  successor  in 
command  made  a  cautious  retreat. 

Protected  by  their  works,  the  total  loss  of  the  Amer 
icans,  in  killed  and  wounded,  was  only  71.  News  of  this 
remarkable  victory  went  through  the  country  almost 
simultaneously  with  the  despatches  from  Ghent.  It 
made  General  Jackson  the  principal  hero  of  the  war. 

214.  War   with    Algiers.    1815.      Before   the   year 
closed,  the   country  had  new  cause  to  regard  its   little 
navy   with   pride.     The   Dey  of   Algiers    had   become 
insolent  and  piratical  again,  and  needed  to  be  chastised. 
As  promptly  as  possible  after  the  settling  of  peace  with 
England,  Commodore  Decatur  was  sent  with  a  strong 
squadron  to  perform   that  task.     It  was  done  so  effec 
tually  that  the  Dey  signed  a  treaty  in  June,  on  Decatur's 
deck,  surrendering  his  captives,  paying  indemnities,  and 
renouncing  all  claim  in  future  to  a  tribute  of  gifts.     It 
was  the  last  of   our  troubles  with  the  pirates   of  the 
Barbary  coast. 

215.  Final  Decay  and  Dissolution  of  the  Federalist 
Party.     One  of  the  consequences  of  all  that  had  occurred 


354       EXPANSION    IN    THE   GREAT   VALLEYS. 

was  the  disappearance  of  the  Federalist  party  within  the 
next  few  years.  Its  unpopular  temper  (see  sect.  161) 
and  the  disloyal  attitude  of  some  among  its  leaders 
toward  the  Union  and  the  national  government  were 
among  the  causes  of  its  dissolution  ;  but  these  were  not 
all.  In  reality,  it  had  been  superseded  by  its  oppo 
nents,  who  had  taken  into  their  own  hands  and  were 
carrying  out  the  nationalizing  aims  for  which  the  party 
of  Hamilton  was  formed.  Broad  constructions  of  the 
Constitution  and  strong  claims  for  the  gen- 

Cause  of 

Federalist     eral    government  were  not  being;  disputed  anv 

weakness.  *     i-     i       i 

longer.  A  little  later  those  disputes  would 
be  revived,  as  we  shall  see,  but  meantime  the  Federal 
ists  had  lost  their  footing  as  an  opposition  party,  and 
had  no  ground  to  stand  upon,  after  the  grievances  of 
the  war  were  cleared  away.  Their  organization  fell  to 
pieces,  and  they  strayed  into  other  political  camps.  In 
the  presidential  election  of  1816  they  cast  but  34  elec 
toral  votes,  from  Massachusetts,  Connecticut,  and  Del 
aware,  for  Rufus  King,  of  New  York.  James  Monroe, 
who  had  been  Secretary  of  State  under  Madison  since 
1811,  and  acting  Secretary  of  War  during  some  months 
in  1814-15,  was  chosen  president  by  183  votes. 

216.  Protective  Tariff,  —  United  States  Bank.  — 
Internal  Improvements.  1816.  The  extent  to  which 
Hamiltonian  doctrines  and  measures  were  now  accepted 
in  the  Jeffersonian  party  was  shown  in  the  last  year  of 
Madison's  administration,  by  the  adoption  of  an  avow 
edly  protective  tariff,  by  the  creation  of  a  new  national 
bank,  and  by  the  passage  through  Congress  of 

Demands 

lorprotec-     a  large  appropriation  for  improving  the  navi 
gation  of  rivers  and  building  roads  and  canals. 
For  eight  years  past,  non-intercourse,  embargo,  and  war 
had  been  shutting  out  foreign  goods  and  giving  home 


TOPICS,   REFERENCES,  AND    RESEARCH.      355 

manufactures    the    most    effective   "  protection "    they 
could  possibly  have.     When  that  was  taken  away  by 
the  return  of  peace,  the  manufacturers  cried  aloud  for 
the  protection  of   a  higher  tariff,  and  Congress  acted 
upon  their  appeal.     Between  the  interests  of  the  makers 
and  the  interests  of  the  consumers  of  things  the  former 
carried  the  day,  as   they  have  done  ever  since.     Sin 
gularly  enough,  the  champions  of  the  protective  policy 
arose    in    the    non-manufacturing   south,    Cal- 
houn  and  Clay  in  the  lead,  while  Webster  and  land's111 
others   from    New  England    opposed    it    with 
voice  and  vote.     New  England  cared  less  at  the  time 
for  her  manufactures  than  for   her  shipping  interests, 
which  languished  after  the  war. 

The  appropriation  for  internal  improvements  was 
proposed  by  Calhoun,  and  passed  by  a  small  majority, 
but  vetoed  by  Madison,  who  held  with  Jefferson  that  an 
amendment  of  the  Constitution  was  needed  first.  This 
question  raised  one  of  the  issues  on  which  new  party 
lines  were  to  be  drawn. 


TOPICS    AND    SUGGESTED    READING    AND    RESEARCH. 

193.    Mr.   Erskine's  Blunder. — President  Madison 
misled.     1809-1 8 1O. 

TOPICS  AND  REFERENCES. 

i.  Agreement  with  the  British  minister  repudiated  in  England. 
2.  Non-intercourse  proclaimed  again.  —  The  repealing  act  of  May 
i,  1810.  3.  Conduct  of  the  new  British  minister,  Mr.  Jackson. 
McMaster,  iii.  339-362  ;  H.  Adams,  v.  ch.  iii.-vi. ;  Schouler,  ii. 
3*3-3* 7,  32°-323  5  Hildreth,  vi.  165-179, 183-194, 196-207  ;  Quincy, 
195-204;  Gay,  283-289. 


356  SECOND    WAR   WITH    ENGLAND. 

194.    The  Trickery  of  Napoleon. 

TOPICS  AND  REFERENCES. 

i.  Hostility  of  Napoleon.  —  His  increased  spoliations.  2.  His 
promised  revocation  of  decrees.  3.  President  Madison's  conse 
quent  proclamation.  4.  Subsequent  conduct  of  Napoleon.  H. 
Adams,  v.  ch.  vii.-xiv.,  xvi.,  xviii.  ;  McMaster,  iii.  362-369,  391- 
399,  408-411;  Madison,  Letters,  ii.  508-511,  518-520,  523-525; 
Quincy,  226-235;  Hunt,  310-313;  Schouler,  ii.  334-344,  362-364; 
Hildreth,  vi.  214-223,  232-234;  Gay,  289-300,  315-319. 

195.    Occupation  of  West  Florida. — Louisiana 
made  a  State.     1810-1812. 

TOPICS  AND  REFERENCES. 

i.  Revolutionary  movement  in  part  of  West  Florida.  —  Posses 
sion  taken  by  the  United  States.  2.  State  organization  of  Louisi 
ana. —  Division  of  West  Florida.  McMaster,  iii.  369-375,  378- 
379;  H.  Adams,  v.  305-315,  319-325  ;  Schouler,  ii.  345-348;  Hil 
dreth,  vi.  223-226. 

196.    Federalist  Opposition  to  the  Admission  of 
Louisiana. 

TOPICS  AND  REFERENCES. 

i.  Speech  of  Josiah  Quincy.  Quincy,  205-218;  Schouler,  ii. 
348-349  ;  H.  Adams,  v.  325-327  ;  McMaster,  iii.  375-378  ;  Hildreth, 
vi.  226-228;  Hart,  Contempts,  iii.  410-414. 

197.    Dissolution  of  the  United  States  Bank. 

TOPICS  AND  REFERENCES. 

i.  Refusal  to  renew  the  charter  of  the  bank.  H.  Adams,  v. 
327-337  ;  McMaster,  iii.  379-390  ;  Schouler,  ii.  350-353  ;  Hildreth, 
vi.  211-212. 

198.    Feeling  for  and  against  War  with  England. 

1811. 
TOPICS  AND  REFERENCES. 

i.  Relations  with  England  in  1811.  2.  Schemes  of  the  Shawnee 
chief  Tecumseh.  —  Supposed  complicity  of  the  English.  —  Battle 
of  Tippecanoe.  3.  Affair  of  the  "  Little  Belt."  4.  Feeling  at  the 


TOPICS,    REFERENCES,   AND    RESEARCH.     357 

north,  and  at  the  south  and  west.  H.  Adams,  vi.  ch.  i.-v. ;  Schouler, 
"•  357-36°?  365-370;  Hildreth,  vi.  242-248,  251-259;  McMaster, 
iii.  528-536,  402-406,  412-423. 

199.    The  "War  Hawks"  in  Congress. — Henry 
Clay.     1811-1812. 

TOPICS  AND  REFERENCES. 

i.  The  group  of  "  war  hawks."  —  Clay,  Calhoun,  and  their 
associates.  2.  The  plans  of  the  war  party.  Schouler,  ii.  345, 
37!-374;  Schurz,  Clay,  i.  67-83;  McMaster,  iii.  427-441;  H. 
Adams,  vi.  122-153  ;  Hoist,  United  States,  i.  225-230  ;  Hildreth, 
vi.  259-260,  262-287. 

20O.    War  declared.     June  18,  1812. 

TOPICS  AND  REFERENCES. 

i.  Action  of  President  and  Congress  (text  in  MacDonald,  ii.  183- 
192).  —  Embargo,  followed  by  war.  2.  Sectional  character  of  the 
vote  for  war.  Schurz,  Clay,  i.  83-85  ;  McMaster,  iii.  444-452,  456- 
458;  H.  Adams,  vi.  ch.  viii.-xi.;  Hoist,  United  States,  i.  230-240; 
Hunt,  ch.  xxxi. ;  Clay,  i.  182-194  ;  Schouler,  ii.  374-394  ;  Hildreth, 
vi.  290-306,  313-325  ;  Madison,  Letters,  ii.  535. 

3.  British  orders  in  council  withdrawn  one  day  before  the  Amer 
ican  declaration  of  war.  4.  American  refusal  to  reopen  negotia 
tions.  5.  The  one  object  for  which  the  war,  finally,  was  fought. 
Schurz,  Clay,  i.  87-88  ;  Gay,  319-320;  Hildreth,  vi.  343-351  ;  H. 
Adams,  vi.  ch.  xiii. ;  Schouler,  ii.  406-409  ;  McMaster,  iv.  1-8. 
RESEARCH.  —  British  views  of  the  occasion  of  the  war.  James, 

vi.  112-115. 

201.    Opening  Disaster.  —  Hull's  Surrender  at  De 
troit.  —  Battle  of  Queenstown  Heights.      1812. 

TOPICS  AND  REFERENCES. 

i.  Disadvantages  of  the  United  States  in  the  war.  2.  General 
Hull's  expedition  and  his  surrender.  3.  Attempt  to  enter  Canada 
at  Queenstown.  H.  Adams,  vi.  ch.  xiv.-xvi. ;  McMaster,  iii.  541-549, 
556-560;  iv.  8-13;  Schouler,  ii.  394-401  ;  Hildreth,  vi.  335-343, 
357-359 ;  Clarke  (on  Hull),  ch.  ii.-iv. 
RESEARCH.  —  Views  of  the  opponents  of  the  war.  Hildreth,  vi. 

319-325. 


358  SECOND   WAR   WITH    ENGLAND. 

202.    Naval  Triumphs.     1812. 

TOPICS  AND  REFERENCES. 

i.  Comparison  of  British  and  American  navies.  2.  The  prin 
cipal  sea  fights  of  1812.  3.  Privateers.  Roosevelt,  Naval  War, 
ch.  ii.-iii. ;  H.  Adams,  vi.  ch.  xvii. ;  vii.  ch.  xiii. ;  McMaster,  iv. 
70-91;  James,  vi.  203-218,  115-202;  Hildreth,  vi.  364-372,  397- 
399;  Schouler,  ii.  402-406;  Hart,  Contempts,  iii.  414-417. 

203.    Second  Disaster  in  the  West.     1812. 

TOPICS  AND  REFERENCES. 

i.  Naval  preparations  on  the  lakes.  —  Their  importance.  2.  Har 
rison's  movement  to  recover  Detroit,  and  its  disastrous  begin 
ning.  McMaster,  iv.  19-30;  H.  Adams,  vii.  ch.  iv. ;  Schouler,  ii. 
409-412. 

204.    Reelection  of  President  Madison.      1812. 

TOPICS  AND  REFERENCES. 

i.  The  combination  against  Madison.  —  His  reelection.  H. 
Adams,  vi.  412-414;  McMaster,  iv.  191-203;  Hildreth,  vi.  375- 
377  ;  Schouler,  ii.  409-412. 

205.  Naval  Occurrences  on  Salt  and  Fresh  Water. 

1813. 

TOPICS  AND  REFERENCES. 

i.  Capture  of  the  Chesapeake  by  the  British  frigate  Shan 
non.  —  Death  of  Lawrence.  2.  Blockade  of  Atlantic  ports,  with 
most  of  the  American  fleet  shut  in.  3.  Perry's  victory  on  Lake 
Erie.  Roosevelt,  Naval  War,  ch.  v.-vi.  ;  H.  Adams,  vii.  ch.  xi.- 
xii.,  and  115-127;  McMaster,  iv.  91-99,30-38;  Schouler,  ii.  434- 
437,  425-426;  James,  vi.  275-324;  Hildreth,  vi.  420-426,  43°~43I> 
434-437- 

206.  Recovery  of    Detroit    and   the   West.  —  Futile 
Campaigning  on  the  New  York  Frontier  and  the 
St.  Lawrence.     1813. 

TOPICS  AND  REFERENCES. 

i.  Effect  of  Perry's  victory  on  western  military  operations.  2. 
Retreat  of  British  from  Detroit  River.  —  Pursuit  by  Harrison.  — 


TOPICS,    REFERENCES,   AND    RESEARCH.      359 

Battle  of  the  Thames.  —  Death  of  Tecumseh.     H.  Adams,  vii.  ch. 
vi.  ;  Hildreth,  vi.  437-438  ;  McMaster,  iv.  38-41. 

3.  Campaign  on  the  New  York  frontier.  —  Partial  burning  of 
York.  4.  Defence  of  Sackett's  Harbor.  —  General  Jacob  Brown. 
5.  Abortive  expedition  against  Montreal.  6.  British  successes 
and  ravages  on  the  Niagara  frontier.  H.  Adams,  vii.  ch..vii.-viii. ; 
McMaster,  iv.  41-54;  Hildreth,  vi.  410-411,  416-420,  439-445; 
Schouler,  ii.  426-430. 

2O7.    The  Creek  War.     1813. 

TOPICS  AND  REFERENCES. 

i.  Rising  of  the  Creeks.  2.  General  Jackson's  campaign  against 
them.  H.  Adams,  vii.  ch.  ix.-x.  ;  McMaster,  iv.  156-173;  Hil 
dreth,  vi.  446-450,  477-480  ;  Schouler,  ii.  430-434. 

208.  Pall  of  Napoleon  and  its  Effect  on  the  War 

in  America.      1814. 

TOPICS  AND  REFERENCES. 

i.  The  alliance  which  overthrew  Napoleon.  2.  British  forces 
set  free  for  use  in  America.  Seeley,  Napoleon,  143-210  ;  Hildreth, 
vi.  490-492. 

209.  Last   Attempt   against   Canada.  —  British   Ad 
vance  to  Lake  Champlain.  —  Macdonough's  Naval 
Victory.      1814. 

TOPICS  AND  REFERENCES. 

i.  Chippewa. —  Lundy's  Lane.  —  Fort  Erie.  2.  Naval  and  mili 
tary  victories  at  Plattsburg.  —  Commodore  Macdonough.  H. 
Adams,  viii.  ch.  ii.-iv.  ;  McMaster,  iv.  56-69  ;  Hildreth,  vi.  489, 
492-498,  514-517;  Schouler,  ii.  447-449;  Cullum,  ch.  vi. ;  Roose 
velt,  Naval  War,  375-399. 

210.  Raids  on  the  Coast. — Capture  and  Barbarous 

Treatment  of  "Washington.      1814. 

TOPICS  AND  REFERENCES. 

i.  Battle  of  Bladensburg  and  capture  of  Washington.  2.  Attack 
on  Baltimore.  —  The  song  of  "  The  Star  Spangled  Banner." 
Roosevelt,  Naval  War,  ch.  vii. ;  H.  Adams,  viii.  ch.  v.-vi. ;  McMas- 


360  SECOND    WAR   WITH    ENGLAND. 

ter,  iv.   121-155;  Cullum,  ch.  vii.  ;  Hildreth,  vi.  483-488,  499-513, 
519-520  ;  Schouler,  ii.  449-456. 

211.  Disheartening  State  of  the  Country. — New 
England  Disaffection.  —  The  Hartford  Convention. 
1814. 

TOPICS  AND  REFERENCES. 

1.  The  military  situation  and  the  financial  condition.     H.  Adams, 
viii.  ch.  viii.-x.  ;  Hildreth,  vi.  524-529,  556-557. 

2.  Conduct  of  Federalists  in  New  England.     3.    The  Hartford 
Convention  and  its  report  (text  in  MacDonald,  ii.  198-207).      H. 
Adams,  viii.  ch.  i.  and  xi. ;  Hoist,  United  States,  i.  240-272  ;  Mc- 
Master,  iv.  ch.  xxviii.  ;  Johnston,  Am.  Politics,  78-85  ;  Hildreth, 
vi.  465-473,  531-535,  545-554;  Hunt,  ch.  xxxiii. ;  Schouler,  ii.  458- 
476;  Quincy,  356-358  ;  Lodge,  Cabot,  ch.  xi.-xiii. 

212.    Negotiations  at  Ghent.  —  Treaty  of  Peace. 
1814. 

TOPICS  AND  REFERENCES. 

i.  Circumstances  which  brought  about  the  negotiation.  2. 
First  demands  of  the  British  commissioners.  3.  The  terms  of 
peace  agreed  upon  (text  in  MacDonald,  ii.  192-198  ;  Larned,  Ready 
Rcf.\  J.  Q.  Adams,  ii.  ch.  viii.  ;  iii.  ch.  ix.  ;  Schurz,  Clay,  99-125  ; 
Morse,  /.  Q.  Adams,  75-98 ;  H.  Adams,  vii.  ch.  ii.  and  xiv. ;  ix. 
ch.  i.-ii.  ;  McMaster,  iv.  256-277  ;  Schouler,  ii.  417-419,  442-445, 
477-484;  Hildreth,  vi.  401,  491-492,  529-530,  544,  566-570;  Hart, 
Contempts,  iii.  426-429. 

213.    Battle  of  New  Orleans.     1815. 

TOPICS  AND  REFERENCES. 

i.  Expedition  from  Jamaica  against  New  Orleans.  2.  The  un 
necessary  battle  and  its  fearful  slaughter.  3.  Prestige  of  Jackson. 
Parton,  Jackson,  ch.  i.-xxiii.  ;  Cullum,  ch.  viii. ;  Roosevelt,  Naval 
War,  ch.  x.  ;  H.  Adams,  viii.  ch.  xii.-xiv.  ;  McMaster,  iv.  173- 
190  ;  Schouler,  ii.  485-491  ;  Hildreth,  vi.  557-565  ;  Hart,  Contempts, 
iii.  422-425. 


TOPICS,    REFERENCES,    AND    RESEARCH.      361 

214.    War  with  Algiers.     1815. 

TOPICS  AND  REFERENCES. 

i.  Renewed  trouble  with  Barbary  pirates.  2.  Decatur's  expe 
dition  and  its  results.  McMaster,  iv.  351-356;  Hildreth,  vi.  577- 
578. 

215.    Final  Decay  and  Dissolution  of  the  Federalist 

Party. 

TOPICS  AND  REFERENCES. 

i.  Causes  of  the  disappearance  of  the  party.  2.  Its  doctrines 
not  now  disputed.  3.  Presidential  election  of  1816.  H.  Adams, 
ix.  92-103,  122-124;  Johnston,  Am.  Politics,  85-87;  Hildreth,  vi. 
594-601  ;  Schouler,  ii.  512-513  ;  Johnston,  Am.  Orations,  i.  99- 
101. 

216.    Protective  Tariff.  —  United  States  Bank. — 
Internal  Improvements.     1816. 

TOPICS  AND  REFERENCES. 

i.  Hamiltonian  doctrines  and  measures  approved  by  Jefferso- 
nians.  2.  The  protective  tariff  of  1816  advocated  in  the  south  and 
opposed  in  New  England.  3.  New  United  States  Bank  (text  in 
MacDonald,  ii.  207-212).  4.  Appropriations  for  internal  improve 
ments  vetoed  by  Madison.  Schurz,  Clay,  i.  126-138;  Burgess, 
Middle  Period,  2-12,  14-18  ;  Schouler,  ii.  495-499  ;  Gordy,  ii.  349- 
354,  356-357  ;  McMaster,  iv.  309-314,  319-340, 410-415  ;  H.  Adams, 
ix.  105-118,  131-134;  Hildreth,  vi.  582-592,  617-618;  O.  L. 
Elliott,  163-194;  Hart,  Contempts,  iii.  434-440. 


CHAPTER   XI. 

AMERICAN    DEMOCRACY    FINDING    INDEPENDENCE. 
1815-1828. 

217.  The  New  Spirit  in  the  Country.  —  The  Demo 
cratic  Development.  1815-1828.  Though  the  causes 
of  the  War  of  1812  with  England  were  not  formally  re 
moved,  they  disappeared  at  the  close  of  the  war.  The 
fall  of  Napoleon,  putting  England  and  France  at  peace, 
had  ended  the  state  of  things  from  which  those  causes 
came.  The  same  event  ended  the  mischievous  influence 
in  American  politics  which,  for  almost  a  quarter 
peace  in  of  a  century,  had  ranged  one  party  on  the  side 
of  England  and  the  other  on  the  side  of  France. 
It  ended,  too,  the  humiliations  which  the  young,  un 
developed  republic  had  been  suffering  so  long  at  the 
hands  of  the  contending  powers  in  Europe,  with  serious 
harm  to  its  public  spirit  and  national  pride. 

The  effects  which  came  to  the  United  States  from 
the  return  of  general  peace,  after  Napoleon  fell,  were 
immediate  and  very  great.  A  more  independent  spirit 
—  a  more  unitedly  American  spirit  —  arose;  the  atten 
tion  of  the  people  was  given  more  closely  to  their  home 
affairs  ;  and  because  those  effects  became  marked  after 
the  peace  with  England,  some  have  ascribed  them  to  the 
war,  calling  it  "  our  second  war  of  independence."  In 
reality,  there  was  a  second  and  completer  acquisition  of 
American  independence  at  this  time,  won  partly,  per 
haps,  by  the  second  war,  but  it  came  to  us  more  as  a 


DEMOCRACY   FINDING    INDEPENDENCE.      363 

consequence  of  the  general  peace  restored  to  Europe 
and  to  the  world  at  large. 

The  effects  of  that  event  were  increased  by  influences 
now  acting  on  the  whole  country  from  the  young  com 
munities  of  the  west.  Only  four  new  States  had  been 
formed  in  the  Mississippi  valley  ;  but  the  Territories 
beyond  them  were  filling  with  population  so  fast  that 
two  more  were  knocking  already  for  admission  to  the 
Union,  and  five  came  in  within  the  next  five  years.  The 
circumstances  of  pioneer  life,  simple  and  wholesome, 
if  rude,  in  all  that  primitive  domain,  were  developing  a 
spirit  more  purely  democratic  and  more  entirely  Ameri 
can  than  had  appeared  anywhere  before.  A  really  un- 
classed  society  had  never  existed  in  the  old  States  in 
their  most  primitive  days,  but  it  was  formed  by  the  con 
ditions  of  western  settlement  (wherever  slavery 

...  Democracy 

did  not  enter),  because  land-ownership,  in  some  in  the 

degree,  was  almost  universal,  wage-working 
rare,  and  the  social  footing  of  all  men  substantially  the 
same.  Until  new  commonwealths  began  to  be  formed 
in  the  interior  of  the  country,  quite  removed  from  old 
influences,  the  political  system  of  the  American  Union 
had  been  republican,  but  not  democratic  ;  for  the  suf 
frage  in  the  older  States  had  been  given  to  property 
owners  or  tax-payers  only,  and  limited  in  many  cases  by 
disfranchisement  on  religious  or  other  grounds.  The 
new  States,  excepting  Tennessee,  made  every 

,    ,  ,         .  .  11-1  Western  In- 

adult    male   citizen  a  voter,  and    their   demo-  fiuenceon 

cratic  example  was  pushing  the  older  States, 
one  by  one,  to  do  the  same.  Hence  the  spirit  of  the 
nation  was  now  beginning  to  take  much  of  its  tone  from 
a  young,  vigorous,  untrained,  often  rough  democracy,  in 
pioneer  communities  that  were  making  themselves  felt 
more  and  more.  Their  influence  on  the  character  and 


364       EXPANSION    IN    THE    GREAT   VALLEYS. 

history  of  the  republic  during  the  next  generation  or 
two  is  plainly  seen. 

218.  Steam  Navigation.  —  Road  and  Canal  Build 
ing.  1807-1825.  A  new  era  in  the  settlement  and 
development  of  the  vast  interior  of  the  country  was 
opening,  through  the  introduction  of  steam  navigation 
on  rivers  and  lakes,  the  improvement  of  roads  on  the 
principal  lines  of  emigration,  and  the  undertaking  of  the 
most  important  of  all  early  canals.  Fulton's  first  steam 
boat,  as  stated  before,  began  her  trips  on  the 

Lake  and 

river  Hudson  in  1807.    The  first  steamer  on  western 

steamboat-        . 

ing,  1807-  rivers  was  launched  at  Pittsburg  in  loll,  and 
taken  to  New  Orleans.  The  first  on  the  Great 
Lakes  was  built  at  Sackett's  Harbor  in  1816  ;  the  first  on 
Lake  Erie  began  trips  from  Buffalo  to  Detroit  in  1818. 
From  that  time  the  new  carrier  of  people  and  merchan 
dise  came  into  use  very  fast,  and  the  movement  of  both, 
over  widening  stretches  of  the  country,  was  quickened 
and  increased  at  an  extraordinary  rate. 

In   1820  the   Cumberland  Road,  the   first  and  for  a 

long  time  the  only  work   of   "  internal  improvement  " 

taken  in  hand  by  the  general  government,  was 

Cumber 
land  Road,     finished  from  Cumberland,  on  the  Potomac,  to 

1808-1820. 

Wheeling,  on  the  Ohio  River.  Between  1817 
and  1825  another  more  important  undertaking  was 
carried  through,  with  remarkable  energy,  by  the  State 
of  New  York,  stimulated  by  its  able  governor,  DeWitt 

Clinton.  This  was  the  building  of  the  Erie 
Canal,  ^  Canal,  364  miles  in  length,  from  the  Hudson 

1817-1825.         .  . 

River  to  Lake  Erie,  opening  travel  and  trans 
portation  by  water  from  the  seaboard  to  the  far  western 
extremity  of  the  chain  of  Great  Lakes.  The  great  canal 
became  at  once  the  chosen  thoroughfare  of  westward 
emigration,  traversed  by  millions,  in  an  endless  proces- 


DEMOCRACY   FINDING    INDEPENDENCE.      365 

sion  to  homes  in  the  heart  of  the  continent,  and  became, 
too,  the  main  channel  of  traffic  between  the  east  and 
the  west.  The  State  of  New  York  was  populated  and 
enriched  by  the  stream  of  trade  and  travel,  and  its  sea 
port,  at  the  mouth  of  the  Hudson,  was  made  the  chief 
commercial  emporium  of  the  New  World. 

219.  Literature  and  Liberal  Thought.  1816-1825. 
There  are  many  signs  to  show  that  the  country  was 
moved  by  fresh  impulses,  on  many  lines  of  its  advance, 
in  the  years  that  followed  the  war.  They  were  impulses, 
not  generated  at  the  time,  but  simply  set  free  from  the 
distractions  and  constraints  of  the  troubled  period  which 
the  whole  preceding  generation  had  been  living  through. 
They  showed  themselves  as  plainly  in  a  new  liberation 
of  thought,  and  of  the  expression  of  thought,  as  in  the 
liberated  spirit  that  is  mentioned  above.  The  first  not 
able  writings  in  this  country  that  belong  to  pure  litera 
ture  —  being,  that  is,  something  more  than  strong  reason 
ing  on  religious  and  political  topics,  or  more  than  clear 
narrative  in  good  English  —  appeared  then,  or  were 
germinated  in  young  minds,  under  the  influences  of  that 
time.  It  was  in  1817  that  Bryant's  "Thanatopsis  "  was 
published  in  the  "  North  American  Review,"  then  pass 
ing  through  its  second  year.  It  was  in  1819 
that  the  classic  "Sketch  Book  "  of  Irving  was 

1817-1821 

put  in  print.     It  was  in  1820  that  Cooper  gave 
his  first  novel  to  the  world,  and  he  followed  it  the  next 
year  with  "The  Spy."    Before  these  there  had  been  no 
thing  of  their  kind  that  holds  a  living  place  in  American 
literature  ;  but  what  a  harvesting  there  was  in   Emerson, 
the  next   score   or  two  of   years,  from   minds 
that  were  ripened  in  the  schools  and  colleges 
of  that  time !     From  Emerson,  born  in  1803,  Holmes' 
Hawthorne,  born  in   1804,  Longfellow  and  Whittier  in 


366      EXPANSION    IN    THE   GREAT   VALLEYS. 

1807,  Dr.  Holmes  in  1809  !  It  was  the  dawn  of  what, 
thus  far  in  the  history  of  American  literature,  has  been 
its  golden  age. 

Quite  as  striking  is  the  movement  of  change  in  reli 
gious  thought  and  feeling  that  became  manifest  in  those 
"LI  rai  clu^et  years>  beginning  in  the  circle  which  has 
Christian-  Boston  for  its  centre  and  thence  widening  out. 
The  harsh  and  bitter  beliefs  of  early  Puritanism 
had  been  losing  their  hold  upon  the  Congregational 
churches  of  New  England  for  many  years  ;  but  the  de 
cisive  break  from  them  came  within  the  period  now 
spoken  of,  when  the  powerful  influence  of  William  Ellery 
Channing  began  to  have  a  wide  range. 

220.  The  Political  "  Bra  of  Good  Feelings."  1817- 
1824.  The  state  of  political  quietude  at  this  time  was 
the  most  remarkable  that  the  country  has  ever  known ; 
for  the  intense  passions  of  the  past  score  of  years,  ex 
cited  by  circumstances  growing  out  of  the  conflict  in 
Europe,  subsided  quickly  after  the  removal  of  their  cause, 
and  a  profound  reaction  ensued.  As  the  old  Federalist 
party  fell  to  pieces,  it  left,  for  the  time  being,  only  one 
coherent  party  in  existence,  which  was  the  party  in 
power.  All  the  original  political  issues  that  divided 
people  into  parties  at  the  outset  were  in  full  force  still, 
and  were  working  out  the  same  divisions  of  opinion  and 
the  same  conflicts  of  interest  as  before  ;  but  it  took  time 
to  reorganize  them  in  party  forms.  Meanwhile  a  singu 
lar  appearance  of  political  peace  was  produced,  which 
caused  the  years  of  the  administration  of  President 
Monroe  to  be  called  "  The  Era  of  Good  Feelings."  l 

1  Mr.  Schouler,  in  his  History  of  the  United  States,  states  that 
the  earliest  use  he  has  found  of  this  phrase  is  in  the  heading  of  a 
Boston  newspaper  article,  July  12,  1817,  during  a  visit  of  the  Presi 
dent  to  New  England.  He  refers,  also,  to  a  statement  in  Niles's 


DEMOCRACY    FINDING    INDEPENDENCE.     367 

221.  Bank  Inflation  and  the  "  Crisis  "  of  1819.  1811- 
1821.  At  first,  the  political  "  good  feeling  "  of  this  era 
coincided  with  a  quite  general  state  of  satisfaction,  pro 
duced  by  apparently  "  good  times."  Manufactures  were 
suffering,  notwithstanding  the  raised  tariff,  and  shipping 
interests  were  depressed,  but  the  great  inflow  of  com 
modities  from  abroad  was  yielding  a  rich  revenue  to  the 
government  and  giving  activity  to  trade,  while  Europe 
was  buying  largely  of  American  breadstuffs  for  a  time. 
The  appearance  of  prosperity  was  heightened  by  an  in 
flation  of  banking  and  bank  paper-currency,  which  had 
its  beginning  when  the  first  bank  of  the  United  States 
was  dissolved,  in  1811  (see  sect.  197).  A  mischiev 
ous  multitude  of  banks,  of  the  species  called  »wlld_ 
"  wild-cat  "  at  a  later  time,  sprang  into  exist-  {;^g 
ence  then,  under  state  laws  loosely  framed,  1811-1819- 
which  subjected  them  to  little  regulation  or  restraint. 
These  banks  issued  notes  in  reckless  quantities,  based 
on  no  sound  security,  and  made  equally  reckless  loans 
of  them,  spreading  a  credit  system  that  had  nothing 
substantial  to  rest  upon,  on  either  the  lender's  or  the 
borrower's  side.  The  second  Bank  of  the  United  States 
was  chartered  in  i8i6with  the  hope  that  it  would  check 
the  mischief,  and  be,  as  the  first  Bank  had  been,  a  strong 
regulator  of  banking  and  monetary  operations ;  but 
its  early  management  made  matters  worse.  In  1818  a 
new  management  in  the  Bank  of  the  United  The  sec(md 
States  found  its  affairs  in  such  a  state  that  gjjjf* 
sharp  measures,  reducing  loans  and  collecting  Bani- 
debts,  were  needed  to  save  it  from  failure  ;  and  that  ac 
tion  broke  the  bubble  of  fictitious  credit  and  speculative 
trade.  The  break  came  in  1819,  and  there  was  much 

Register  of  July  12,  1823,  that  Boston  gave  that  name  to  the  "aera  " 
when  the  President  was  there. 


368       EXPANSION    IN    THE    GREAT   VALLEYS. 

depression  and  distress  for  the  next  two  years,  except 
in  Massachusetts,  where  the  banks  and  currency  had  been 
kept  in  a  generally  sound  state. 

222.  Supreme    Court    Decisions.     1819-1824.     At 
this  time,  and  within  the  next  few  years,  the  Supreme 
Court  of  the  United  States,  under  the  lead  of  Chief  Jus 
tice  Marshall,  found  opportunity,  in  a  number  of  cases 
that  came  before  it,  to  pronounce  a  series  of  vitally  im 
portant  decisions,  establishing  its  own  authority  as  the 
final  tribunal  on  questions  of  constitutional  law  ;  broadly 
construing  and  enforcing  the  clause  of  the  Constitution 
which  forbids  the  States   to  impair  the  obligations  of 
contracts,  and  sustaining  Hamilton's  doctrine  of  "im 
plied  powers."     Excepting  Marshall  and  one  other,  the 
justices  of  the  Supreme  Court  when  these  decisions  were 
rendered  (1819-24)  had  been  appointed  by  Presidents 
Jefferson  and  Madison  ;  but  the  effect  of  their  decisions 
was  to  establish  the  sovereign  nationality  of  the  federal 
government  which  Jefferson  and  Madison  had  feared. 

223.  The  First  Seminole  War.  —  General  Jackson's 
Proceedings.    1817-1818.     The  most   disturbing  polit 
ical  event  in  the  early  part  of  the  Monroe  administra 
tion  was  the  first  of  two  wars  with  the  Seminole  Indians 
of  Florida.     In  1817  General  Jackson  was  put  in  com 
mand  of  forces  sent  against  those  Indians,  who  lived 
in  Spanish  territory,  but  who  had  been  in  collision  with 
the  Georgians  on  frequent  occasions,  for  many  years. 

Jackson  proposed  to  make  the  war  one  of  con- 
conquest  oi  quest,  for  the  overthrow  of  the  weak  Spanish 

authority  in  Florida,  and  he  always  claimed 
that  the  government  had  given  him  reaso.n  to  suppose 
that  it  approved  his  plans.  There  was  fierce  disputing 
on  the  subject  for  years. 

At  all  events,  Jackson,  in  a  campaign  of  five  months, 


DEMOCRACY    FINDING    INDEPENDENCE.     369 

not  only  subdued  the  Seminoles,  but  took  substantial 
possession  of  Florida,  capturing  St.  Mark's  and  Pensa- 
cola,  turning  out  the  Spanish  garrisons,  and  putting 
American  forces  in  their  place.  More  than  that,  in 
violation  of  all  principles  of  international  law,  to  say 
nothing  of  justice,  he  hanged  two  British  subjects  —  a 
Scotch  trader,  Arbuthnot,  and  an  Englishman 
named  Ambrister  —  whom  he  believed  to  have 
aided  the  Seminoles,  though  evidence  that  1818> 
they  did  so  was  slight.  His  lawless  conduct  was  both 
shameful  and  embarrassing  to  the  country  ;  and  yet  his 
popularity,  consequent  on  the  victory  at  New  Orleans, 
was  so  great  that  the  government  did  not  dare  to  re 
buke  him,  or  disclaim  responsibility  for  what  he  had 
done.  It  had  to  deal  with  the  offended  governments 
of  England  and  Spain  as  best  it  could. 

224.  Purchase  of  Bast  Florida.  —  Spanish  Bound 
aries  defined.    1819. l     The  outcome  was  fortunate,  par 
ticularly  on  the  Spanish  side  of  the  matter ;  for  Spain 
became  convinced  that  her  Florida  territory  would  be 
always  insecure.     She  consented,  therefore,  to  give  it 
up  to  the  United  States,  as  an  offset  to  American  claims 
for  spoliations   in   the   past  wars,  amounting  to   about 
$5,000,000  as  a  whole.     The  treaty  of  cession  signed 
in  February,  1819,  was  made  doubly  important  by  de 
fining  boundaries  in  the  west  between  the  possessions 
of  the  United  States  and  Spain.     The  line  defined  ran 
by  the  Sabine,  the  Red,  and  the  Arkansas  rivers  (with 
meridian  lines  between  them),  up  to  the  42d  degree  of 
north  latitude,  which  parallel  it  followed  to  the  Pacific 
coast.     All  claim  to  territory  north  of  the  42d  degree 
was  renounced  by  Spain. 

225.  Convention  with  Great  Britain.  —  The  Oregon 

1  See  Map  XV. 


370       EXPANSION    IN   THE   GREAT  VALLEYS. 

Country.  —  Fisheries.  1818.  This  last  provision  of 
the  Florida  treaty  gave  important  support  to  conten 
tions  of  the  United  States  with  Great  Britain  over  the 
region  on  the  Pacific  called  Oregon,  in  the  basin  of 
the  Columbia  River.  American  claims  to  that  region 
were  founded  on  the  fact  that,  while  Spanish  and  Eng 
lish  voyagers  had  skirted  the  coast  in  earlier  times, 
an  American  ship  was  the  first  (in  1792)  to  enter  the 
Columbia ;  that  the  first  exploration  of  the 

Early  ' 

claims  to       country  from   the   mountains   to   the  sea  was 

Oregon. 

made  by  Lewis  and  Clarke  in  1804-05  (see 
sect.  185)  ;  and  that  the  trading  settlement  of  Astoria 
was  founded  by  John  Jacob  Astor's  fur  company  in 
1811.  Since  1813,  however,  the  British  had  been  in 
actual  possession  of  the  country,  and  were  not  easily  to 
be  driven  out.  Four  months  prior  to  the  Florida  treaty 
with  Spain  (in  October,  1818),  a  convention  with  Great 
Britain  established  the  49th  degree  of  north  latitude  as 
the  northern  boundary  of  the  United  States  from  the 
Lake  of  the  Woods  to  the  Rocky  Mountains,  and  pro- 
joint  occu-  vided  that  the  country  west  of  the  mountains 
o?eg?n?f  should  be  held  jointly  by  the  two  nations  for 
ten  years.  As  a  matter  of  fact,  the  Oregon 
boundary  question  remained  unsettled  for  twenty-eight 
years,  instead  of  ten. 

The  fisheries  question,  postponed  in  the  negotiations 
at  Ghent,  was  settled  by  this  convention  of  1818. 
Fisheries  Within  certain  limits,  it  restored  to  American 
question.  fishermen  the  privileges  they  had  formerly  en 
joyed  on  the  eastern  coasts  of  British  America,  which 
were  held  to  be  annulled  by  the  War  of  1812.  On  the 
remaining  coasts  they  were  to  do  no  fishing  within 
three  miles  of  the  shore. 

226.    The    Question    of    Slavery    Extension.    1816- 


DEMOCRACY   FINDING    INDEPENDENCE. 

1821.     In   settling  our  western   boundary  with    Spain, 
there  would  have  been,  probably,  an  effort  to  push  it 
beyond  the  Sabine  and  take  in  the  Texas  country  to 
the  Rio  Grande,  if  a  startling  excitement  of  sectional 
feeling  on  the  slavery  question  had  not  been  rising  at 
the   time,   in    connection    with    the   admission   of   new 
States.     At  the  end   of  the  first  year  of  the  Monroe 
administration  there  were  twenty  States  in  the  Union, 
Indiana  and  Mississippi  having  been  admitted 
in    1816  and    1817.     In    exactly  one   half   of  and** 
them  —  all  north  of   Mason  and  Dixon's  line   admitted, 
and    the   Ohio    River  —  slavery  had    been  or 
was  being  extinguished  by  measures  of  gradual  emanci 
pation  ;  while  in  the  other  half  the  prospects  of  its  ex 
tinction  were  growing  less.     This  gave  the  slave  labor 
and  the  free  labor  interests  an  even  representation  in 
the  United  States  Senate ;  but   in  the  other  House  of 
Congress  the  slaveholding  States  were  losing 

.  ,  •.       .1  Slavehold- 

ground  at  a  rapid  rate,  despite  the  represen-  ing  states 
tation    they    had  secured   for    three    fifths    of  power  in 
their  slaves.     The  greater  streams  of  popula 
tion  flowing    into  the  empty  spaces  of   the    continent 
were  moving,  and  would  move,  toward  the  regions  in 
which  labor  was  free.     These  facts  had  become  alarm 
ing  to  the  slaveholding  interest,  and  it  saw  no  mode  of 
holding  power  in  the  Union  except  that  of  offsetting 
numbers  in  States  against  numbers  in  people,  to  keep 
itself  strong  in  the  Senate,  against  the  House. 

By  a  tacit  agreement,  the  balance  established  in  1817 
was  maintained  in  the  next  formation  of  States,  —  Illi 
nois  in   1818  and  Alabama  in  the  succeeding  nilnots 
year.     But  then  arose  the  question  of  dealing 
with  the  vast  territory  of  the  Louisiana  Pur- 
chase,  which  came  to  us  with  slavery  sanctioned  by  its 


372       EXPANSION    IN    THE    GREAT  VALLEYS. 

Spanish  and  French  laws,  and  which,  thus  far,  had 
stood  open  to  the  slaveholder  and  his  slaves.  One 
slaveholding  State,  Louisiana,  had  been  carved  already 
from  that  territory,  and  a  slaveholding  population  was 
spreading  up  its  streams  and  over  its  inviting  lands. 

227.  The  Missouri  Compromise.  182O-1821.1  The 
question  came  seriously  into  Congress  in  February,  1819, 
when  a  bill  to  authorize  the  people  of  Missouri  to  form 
a  state  government  was  taken  up  for  discussion  in  the 
House  of  Representatives,  and  Mr.  Tallmadge,  a  New 
York  member,  moved  to  amend  it  by  a  provi- 
madge's  sion  that  "  the  further  introduction  of  slavery 
ment, "  or  involuntary  servitude  be  prohibited,"  and 
"that  all  children  of  slaves  born  within  the  said 
State  after  the  admission  thereof  into  the  Union  shall 
be  free."  This  opened  a  passionate  debate,  and  the 
whole  country  was  shaken  by  the  excitement  produced. 
Threats  from  the  south  of  a  dissolution  of  the  Union 
and  civil  war  were  answered  by  declarations  from  the 
north  that  the  spreading  of  slavery  was  more  dreadful 
than  disunion  or  war.  The  discussion  resulted  in  the 
adoption  of  Mr.  Tallmadge's  amendment  in  the  House, 
while  the  Senate  threw  it  out.  The  session  being  then 
near  its  close,  the  bill  was  dropped ;  but  a  vehement 
agitation  of  the  subject,  in  all  parts  of  the  country, 
went  on. 

When  Congress  met  again,  in  December,  1819,  it  re 
ceived  an  application  from  the  people  of  Maine  to  be 
separated  from  Massachusetts  and  allowed  to 
oiPMaine,°n  form  a  state  government  of  their  own.  The  Sen 
ate  coupled  this  with  the  application  from  Mis 
souri,  and  efforts  were  made  to  bring  about  the  admis 
sion  of  the  two  States  together,  one  with  slavery  and 
1  See  Map  XIV. 


DEMOCRACY    FINDING    INDEPENDENCE.     3/3 

one  without.    The  House  refused,  and  the  two  branches 
of  Congress  were  at  a  dead-lock  for  some  weeks.    Finally 
a  compromise,  famous   in  American  history  as   "  The 
Missouri   Compromise,"  was  arranged.     Mis- 
souri  was  to  be  admitted  with  no  restriction  ; 
but  in  all  the  remainder  of  the  territory  bought  1820< 
from  France  "which  lies  north  of  36°  30'  north  lati 
tude  "  (that  being  the  southern  boundary  line  of  Mis 
souri),  slavery  was  to  be  prohibited   forever. 
Fourteen  northern  members  of  the  House  were  admitted, 
persuaded  to  join  those  of  the  south  in  passing 
this  compromise  act,   Maine  being  admitted  to  state 
hood  at  the  same  time  (March  3,  1820). 

But  the  Missouri  question  was  not  ended ;  for  when, 
at  the  next  session  of  Congress,  the  people  of  the  ap 
plicant  Territory  submitted  the  constitution  they  had 
framed,  it  was  found  to  contain  a  provision  that  free 
colored  people  should  not  come  within  its  bounds.  This 
violated  the  provision  of  the  Federal  Constitution  that 
"  the  citizens  of  each  State  shall  be  entitled  to  all  the 
privileges  and  immunities  of  citizens  in  the  several 
States,"  inasmuch  as  colored  people  had  been  admitted 
to  citizenship  in  some  of  the  northern  States.  A  new 
excitement  in  Congress  and  in  the  country  was 
produced.  Both  south  and  north  there  was  a  question 
growing  dislike  of  the  compromise,  and  a  strong 
disposition  to  throw  it  aside.  It  was  objectionable  to 
one  party  because  it  conceded  to  Congress  the  power 
to  interfere  with  slavery  in  the  Territories ;  and  to  the 
other  party  because  it  permitted  even  a  limited  exten 
sion  of  slavery  to  new  States.  After  weeks  of  debate 
there  appeared  to  be  no  hope  of  a  peaceful  agreement, 
and  the  slaveholding  States  seemed  prepared  to  break 
from  the  Union  and  fight  for  the  territory  in  dispute. 


374       EXPANSION    IN    THE   GREAT   VALLEYS. 

But  that  conflict  of  feeling  was  overcome  at  last  by  the 
exertions  and  the  extraordinary  influence  of  Henry 
Clay.  Mr.  Clay  succeeded,  on  the  28th  of  February, 
1821,  in  carrying  a  joint  resolution  through  the  House 
by  the  narrow  majority  of  86  against  82, 
which  admitted  Missouri  to  the  Union  on  the 


"  fundamental  condition"  that  the  objection 
able  clause  in  its  constitution  should  never  be  con 
strued  to  authorize  the  passage  of  any  law  excluding  any 
citizen  of  another  State  from  the  privileges  and  immu 
nities  to  which  he  is  entitled  under  the  Constitution 
of  the  United  States.  The  Senate  concurred  ;  Missouri 
agreed  to  the  condition,  and  the  President,  in  due  time, 
proclaimed  the  admission  of  the  new  State. 

Again,  as  in  the  framing  of  the  Federal  Constitution, 

the  irreconcilable  antagonisms  between  a  society  based 

on  slave  labor  and  one  founded  on  the  instru 

ment  of  the    tions  of  freedom  had  been  stifled  temporarily 
"Irrecon-       ,  _T7,  .  , 

enable  ^  by  compromise.  Whether  or  not  it  was  best 
for  the  country  that  this  should  be  done,  and 
done  again,  to  defer  an  inevitable  conflict,  is  a  question 
that  has  had  much  debate.  The  longer  the  postpone 
ment,  the  more  terrible  the  conflict  at  last  ;  but  if  it  had 
come  too  early  to  be  decisive,  there  would  have  been, 
perhaps,  only  a  beginning  of  long-lasting  and  ruinous 
hostilities  between  disunited  States. 

228.  Unanimous  Reelection  of  President  Monroe. 
182O.  In  1820  the  Federalist  party  had  disappeared  as 
a  national  organization,  and  no  other  had  taken  its  place. 
Factions  in  state  politics  were  numerous,  and  the  sec 
tional  issue  upon  slavery  had  become  deeply  marked  ; 
but  there  was  nothing  that  could  be  rallied  as  an  oppo 
sition  to  the  reelection  of  President  Monroe.  No  candi 
date  was  brought  forward  against  him,  and  he  enjoys 


DEMOCRACY    FINDING    INDEPENDENCE.      375 

the  distinction  of  being  the  only  President  save  Wash 
ington  to  whom  the  office  was  given  with  unanimity.  A 
single  elector,  in  New  Hampshire,  cast  his  vote  for  John 
Quincy  Adams,  merely,  as  he  said,  to  preserve  Wash, 
ington's  distinction  ;  but  the  unanimity  of  Monroe's 
election  was  broken  only  in  appearance  by  that  vote. 

229.  International  Improvements  and  Protective 
Tariffs.  1822-1824.  The  existing  political  situation, 
with  but  one  party  having  a  national  footing  in  the 
country,  could  not  last  long.  The  old  fundamental  ques 
tions,  inherent  in  the  Federal  system  and  its  Constitu 
tion,  were  sure  to  be  raised  as  party  issues  again.  Such 
a  question  was  that  relating  to  internal  im- 

Monroe's 

provements,  now  beginning  to  be  made  urgent  attitude  on 

...  ,  .  internal 

by  the  spread  of  interior  settlement,  mcreas-  improve- 
ing  the  need  of  improved  means  of  travel  and 
traffic.    President  Monroe  was  in  agreement  with  Jeffer 
son  and  Madison  on  this  question,  arguing  against  the 
power  of  Congress  to  undertake  roads  and  canals  with 
out  an  amendment  of  the  Constitution ;  but  the  issue 
was  not  yet  distinctly  formed. 

Another  rising  question,  on  which  parties  were  cer 
tain  to  come  to  a  more  definite  division  soon,  was  that 
touching  the  "protection"  of  home  industries  by  high 
tariff  rates.  The  protective  tariff  of  1816  had  not  sat 
isfied  the  manufacturers  for  whom  it  was  framed,  and 
attempts  to  raise  the  scale  of  duties  were  made  in  every 
Congress  from  1820  till  1824,  when  they  ob-  Tarifl0| 
tained  success.  The  bill  then  passed  not  only  1824> 
raised  the  barrier  .against  foreign  products  of  the  spin 
dle  and  loom,  the  furnace  and  the  forge,  by  increased 
duties,  but  it  protected  wool-raising  in  Ohio,  hemp-grow 
ing  in  Kentucky,  lead-mining  in  Illinois  and  Missouri, 
and  other  industries  in  other  States,  and  so  made  up  the 


376       EXPANSION    IN    THE    GREAT  VALLEYS. 

small  majorities  in  the  two  Houses  by  which  it  was 
passed.  The  "navigating  and  fishing  States,"  Massa 
chusetts,  New  Hampshire,  and  Maine,  together  with  the 
cotton,  tobacco,  and  sugar-planting  States,  cast  their 
votes  almost  solidly  against  the  bill.  Clay  was  the  fore 
most  champion  of  what  he  named  "  The  American 
System  "  of  national  policy,  as  he  had  been  the  chief 
advocate  of  a  national  policy  of  internal  improvements, 
and  it  was  not  difficult  to  foresee  that  he  would  be  in 
the  lead  of  a  distinct  party  formed  on  those  lines. 
Attitude  Webster,  contending  for  the  shipping  inter- 
andweb-  ests»  which  his  State  still  valued  more  highly 
than  its  factories,  appeared  again,  as  in  1816, 
the  weightiest  opponent  of  the  protective  scheme. 

230.  The  "  Monroe  Doctrine."  1823.  It  was  Presi 
dent  Monroe's  fortune  to  associate  his  name  with  a 
principle  of  American  policy  which  the  people  of  all 
parties  have  accepted,  and  which  has  commanded  so 
much  attention  and  discussion  in  other  countries  that 
it  is  famously  known.  In  1823  the  Spanish-American 
provinces  (except  those  of  the  West  Indies)  had  all 
acquired  substantial  independence,  and  the  United 
States  had  recognized  their  independence  in  the  pre 
vious  year.  In  Spain  itself  a  revolution  had  occurred 
in  1820,  which  the  Bourbon  government  of  France 
(restored  after  the  fall  of  Napoleon)  had  sent  an  army 
to  suppress.  In  doing  this,  the  king  of  France  acted 
"The Holy  ^or  a  league  of  European  sovereigns,  calling 
Alliance/  itsdf  „  the  Holy  Alliance,"  the  real  object  of 
whose  members  was  to  lend  assistance  to  one  another 
against  popular  revolts.  It  was  understood  that  this 
so-called  Holy  Alliance,  after  making  misgoverned 
people  in  Europe  submissive  to  their  yokes,  intended 
to  take  Spanish  America  in  hand,  and  its  proceed- 


DEMOCRACY    FINDING    INDEPENDENCE.      377 

ings  were  watched   with    anxiety  and    indignation   by 
England  as  well  as  the  United  States.     Mr. 

Canning's 

Canning,  then  British  Secretary  for  Foreign  suggestion, 
Affairs,  suggested  in  August,  1823,  that  Great 
Britain  and  the  United  States  act  together  in  opposing 
the  trans-Atlantic  projects  of  the  dangerous  league.  No 
arrangement  for  that  purpose  was  made  ;  but  when,  in 
December,  the  President  prepared  his  message,  it  was 
decided  in  his  cabinet  that  he  should  state  plainly  the 
determination  of  the  United  States  to  oppose  European 
meddling  with  American  affairs.  It  has  been  claimed, 
with  probable  truth,  that  John  Quincy  Adams,  Mr. 
Monroe's  Secretary  of  State,  was  the  author 
in  substance  of  the  declaration  as  it  appeared 
in  the  President's  message ;  but  virtually  the  1823< 
same  doctrine  of  American  policy  had  been  set  forth 
by  others  more  than  once.  The  official  statement  of  it 
by  President  Monroe  gave  the  principle  an  importance 
which  it  has  kept,  for  the  reason  that  it  expressed  the 
mind  of  the  nation,  then  and  since.  The  language  that 
embodied  the  so-called  "Monroe  Doctrine"  appears  in 
two  parts  of  the  message.  First,  in  allusion  to  Russian 
claims  and  movements  on  the  Pacific  coast,  it  was  said : 
"The  occasion  has  been  judged  proper  for  asserting,  as 
a  principle  in  which  the  rights  and  interests  of  the 
United  States  are  involved,  that  the  American  conti 
nents,  by  the  free  and  independent  condition  which  they 
have  assumed  and  maintained,  are  henceforth  not  to  be 
considered  as  subjects  for  future  colonization  by  any 
European  powers."  With  reference  to  the  supposed 
intentions  of  the  powers  of  the  Holy  Alliance,  the 
language  used  was,  in  part,  as  follows  :  "  In  the  wars  of 
European  powers,  in  matters  relating  to  themselves,  we 
have  never  taken  any  part,  nor  does  it  comport  with  our 


3/8       EXPANSION    IN    THE    GREAT   VALLEYS. 

policy  so  to  do.     It  is  only  when  our  rights  are  invaded 
or  seriously  menaced  that  we  resent  injuries  or 

Statement  .  ,  .,. 

of  the  make  preparations  tor  our  defence.  .  .  .  We 
owe  it,  therefore,  to  candor  and  to  the  ami 
cable  relations  existing  between  the  United  States  and 
those  powers,  to  declare  that  we  should  consider  any 
attempt  on  their  part  to  extend  their  [political]  system 
to  any  portion  of  this  hemisphere  as  dangerous  to  our 
peace  and  safety.  With  the  existing  colonies  of  any 
European  power  we  have  not  interfered,  and  shall  not 
interfere,  but  with  the  governments  who  have  declared 
their  independence  and  maintained  it,  and  whose  inde 
pendence  we  have  on  great  consideration  and  just  prin 
ciples  acknowledged,  we  could  not  view  any  interposi 
tion  for  the  purpose  of  oppressing  them,  or  controlling 
in  any  other  manner  their  destiny,  by  any  European 
power,  in  any  other  light  than  as  a  manifestation  of  an 
unfriendly  disposition  toward  the  United  States." 

Frequent  attempts  are  made  to  give  a  broader  mean 
ing  to  this  statement  of  policy  than  it  can  reasonably 
bear ;  as  though  the  United  States  undertook  to  stand 
between  other  American  states  and  the  powers  of  the 
Old  World  in  all  matters.  It  means  no  such  thing. 
Meaning  The  purpose  expressed  and  the  objects  aimed 
MoSroe  at  are  plain,  namely  :  (i)  that  ambitious  powers 
Doctrine.  jn  EurOpe  shall  neither  make  conquests  in  this 
hemisphere,  nor  overturn  existing  governments,  nor 
extend  their  own  political  system  to  it,  if  the  United 
States  can  prevent ;  and  (2)  that  the  American  conti 
nents  are  no  longer  to  be  looked  upon  as  open  fields  for 
new  colonies  under  European  control. 

231.  Visit  of  Lafayette.  1824-1825.  In  the  last 
year  of  Mr.  Monroe's  administration  as  President  the 
country  was  delighted  by  a  visit  from  Lafayette.  Wei- 


DEiMOCRACY    FINDING    INDEPENDENCE.     379 

corned  and  entertained  as  a  guest  of  the  nation,  the 
noble  Frenchman  received  everywhere,  during  a  stay  of 
thirteen  months,  every  attention  that  could  be  devised 
for  showing  the  affection  of  a  grateful  people.  The 
nation  gave  itself  up  to  a  more  joyous  excitement  of 
patriotic  emotions  than  it  had  ever  experienced  before, 
and  the  "  Era  of  Good  Feelings  "  was  brought  to  a  happy 
close. 

232.  Presidential  Election  of  1824-1825.—  Its  De 
termination  in  the  House  of  Representatives.  —  "  Bar 
gain  and  Corruption  "  charged  by  the  Jackson  men. 
Attention  was  so  centred  upon  Lafayette  in  the  fall  of 
1824  that  the  presidential  election  passed  with  little 
stir.  Nothing  was  at  issue  except  questions  of  personal 
choice  between  several  candidates,  all  of  whom  professed 
the  same  political  principles  and  were  stamped  with  the 
same  party  name.  The  Democratic-Republican  organ 
ization  was  still  alone  in  the  field,  but  able  no  longer  to 
concentrate  its  votes.  Party  conventions  for  that  pur 
pose  were  not  yet  in  use.  Hitherto  it  had  sufficed  for 
the  congressmen  of  a  party  to  meet  in  caucus  and  name 
a  candidate  ;  but  submissiveness  to  that  kind  of  nom 
ination  had  now  come  to  an  end.  General  Jackson  had 
been  proposed  for  President  by  the  legislature  of  Ten 
nessee,  and  certain  shrewd  politicians,  who  foresaw 
that  masses  of  people  would  vote  blindly  for  the  "  hero 
of  New  Orleans,"  were  working  in  his  interest  with  con 
summate  skill.  Other  States  had  offered  other  favorite 
public  men  ;  but  finally  the  list  of  candidates  was  re 
duced  to  four,  namely,  Mr.  Crawford,  the  Secretary  of 
the  Treasury,  General  Jackson,  John  Quincy  crawiord 
Adams,  and  Henry  Clay.  If  the  old  feeling  IS*'' 
in  the  country,  which  held  its  highest  office  Clay»1824- 
in  reserve  for  the  most  eminently  fitted  men,  had  still 


380      EXPANSION    IN    THE   GREAT   VALLEYS. 

prevailed,  either  Adams  or  Clay  would  have  received 
the  major  vote.  No  other  statesman  of  his  day  was 
the  peer  of  John  Quincy  Adams  in  solid  attributes  of 
character  and  mind  ;  but  his  virtues  and  talents  were 
adorned  with  no  graces,  and  he  took  no  care  to  make 
himself  pleasing  to  the  public  which  he  faithfully  served. 
Clay,  on  the  other  hand,  surpassed  most  men  in  capti 
vating  gifts  ;  but  he  was  too  impulsive,  too  ardent  in 
his  opinions,  too  honestly  outspoken,  to  avoid  making 
enemies  who  influenced  great  numbers  of  votes. 

Jackson  received  99  electoral  votes,  Adams  84,  Craw 
ford  41,  Clay  37,  —  which  gave  a  majority  to  none.  For 
Vice-President  a  large  majority  of  votes  was  cast  for  Cal- 
houn.  The  choice  of  President  was  now  to  be  made  by 
the  House  of  Representatives,  from  the  three  candidates 
The  eiec-  standing  highest  in  the  list  of  electoral  votes. 

toralvote. 


certain  that  he  would  have  had  the  suffrages  of  the 
House.  As  it  was,  his  influence  determined  the  elec 
tion,  and  Adams  may  be  said  to  have  received  the  presi 
dency  at  his  hands.  Broken  health  had  put  Crawford 
really  out  of  the  question,  and  Jackson  had  given  no 
evidence  of  being  qualified  for  the  great  trust  of  the 
government  of  the  United  States.  Of  the  three  to  be 
chosen  from,  Adams  was  the  eminently  fit  man,  and  there 
is  no  reason  to  suppose  that  Clay  had  ever  a  moment's 
doubt  as  to  what  he  should  do  ;  but  the  instant  his 
preference  was  announced,  the  supporters  of  Jackson 
declared  that  he  had  bargained  with  Adams  to  be  made 
Secretary  of  State.  They  had  guessed  shrewdly  that 
Adams  would  invite  Clay  to  take  the  State  Department 
and  that  Clay  would  accept.  It  was  the  natural  selection 
for  the  President  to  make. 

Adams  and  Clay  did  what  the  plotters  expected  them 


DEMOCRACY    FINDING    INDEPENDENCE.      381 

to  do,  and  it  is  one  of  the  shameful  facts  in  American 
history  that  they  suffered  seriously  from  the  ceaseless 
cry  of  "  bargain  and  corruption  "  then  raised.  In  large 
parts  of  the  country  the  public  mind  was  poisoned 
by  it ;  multitudes  of  people  were  persuaded  by  The «« bar. 
the  mere  persistence  of  the  unsupported  charge  fJ^Jion" 
that  a  great  fraud  had  been  committed,  which  cry' 1825< 
the  next  election  must  set  right.  The  whole  point 
of  the  invented  story  was  in  that  next  election,  for 
which  the  conspirators  were  preparing  a  long  campaign. 
Probably  no  one  was  more  deluded  by  them  than  Jack 
son  himself.  He  sincerely  believed  the  story  of  fraud, 
and  considered  the  people  of  the  United  States,  as  well 
as  himself,  to  have  been  intolerably  wronged.  It  was 
in  his  nature  to  arrive  at  such  a  conviction  without 
proof.  At  the  bottom  of  that  singular  nature  there  was 
a  very  sturdy  honesty  ;  but  it  went  with  a  bigoted  mind. 
233.  Jackson  Combination  against  the  Adams  Ad 
ministration. —  "  State  Rights  "  Reaction  in  the  South. 
1825-1829.  The  cries  of  "bargain  and  corruption," 
"  the  presidency  sold,"  "  the  people  cheated  of  their 
choice,"  were  only  preludes  to  the  scheme  of  the  Jack 
son  campaign.  Its  managers  planned  to  obstruct, 
cripple,  and  discredit  the  administration  of  President 
Adams  in  all  possible  ways.  They  were  helped  by  the 
very  uprightness  and  high-minded  dignity  of  the  Presi 
dent,  who  would  stoop  to  no  contest  with  them  on 
their  lower  ground.  They  were  helped  in  another  way 
still  more ;  for  a  radical  "  state  rights  "  movement,  then 
being  revived  in  southern  politics,  went  into  alliance 
with  them  and  gave  them  a  large  part  of  their  strength. 
The  Missouri  struggle  had  awakened  the  slaveholding 
interest  to  a  perception  of  the  fact  that  there  could  be 
no  safety  for  slavery  except  in  narrow  constructions  of 


382      EXPANSION    IN   THE   GREAT   VALLEYS. 

the  Constitution,  closely  limiting  the  powers  of  the  gen 
eral  government  and  establishing  the  broadest 
state617        possible  "state  rights."   Southern  public  men 
began     to    regret    the    encouragement    that 
some  of  them  had  given  to  policies  of  internal  improve 
ment  and  industrial  protection,  and  profound  reactions 
of  opinion  on   those  matters  were  taking  place.     The 
slaveholding  States  produced  little  that  could  be  bene 
fited   by   protective  duties  except  hemp.     Their  slave 
labor  could  never  be  applied  to  any  kind  of 

Changed  r  .  ...  -ru    •  c 

southern       manufacturing  with  success.     Their  exports  of 
import0        cotton  and  tobacco  paid  for  the  largest  part 

of  the  national  importation  of  foreign  goods, 
and  southern  economists  were  claiming  that  most  of 
the  duties  collected  on  imports  came,  therefore,  out  of 
the  pockets  of  southern  exporters  in  the  end.  It  was 
a  wild  theory,  but  became  a  general  belief.  Southern 
public  men  like  Calhoun,  who  had  advocated  protective 
duties,  internal  improvements,  and  the  broader  claims 
of  national  sovereignty,  at  the  outset  of  their  careers, 
now  changed  their  views. 

234.  The  New  Construction  of  Political  Parties. 
1825-1829.  All  this  southern  reaction  toward  the 
extremest  magnifying  of  "  state  rights "  was  drawn 
into  the  Jackson  movement,  and  was  used  by  its  skil 
ful  managers  with  great  success  in  working  up  a  combi 
nation  against  the  government,  which  really  broke  the 
latter  down.  The  inevitable  construction  of  new  parties 
was  thus  brought  about.  On  one  side,  the  protection 
ists,  the  advocates  of  road  and  canal  building  as  national 
National  works,  and  those,  generally,  who  adhered  to 
party?1101111  Federalistic  views  of  the  Constitution,  and  of 

the  powers  it  gave  to  the  general  government, 
remained  in  support  of  the  administration,  and  took  the 


DEMOCRACY    FINDING    INDEPENDENCE.      383 

name  of  National  Republicans.  The  opposition  pre 
ferred  to  be  known  as  the  Democratic  party,  though  it 
kept  the  old  Jeffersonian  title  of  Democratic-Republican, 
for  formal  use. 

235.  Deaths  of  Jefferson  and  Adams.    July  4,  1826. 
Jefferson  lived  just  long  enough  to  witness  this  recon 
struction  of  his  party  in  a  more  democratic  character 
than  it  had  at  first ;  and  John  Adams  lived  to  see  his 
son  in  the  presidency,  gathering,  under  a  changed  name, 
and  partly  from  changed  sources,  a  new  party,  which  was, 
in  reality,  the  Federalist  party  revived,  though  it  denied 
that  descent.     By  a  remarkable   and  most   impressive 
coincidence,  both  Adams  and  Jefferson  died  on  the  4th 
of  July,  1826,  being  the  fiftieth  anniversary  of  the  day 
on  which  they  set  their  names  to  the  great  Declaration. 

236.  The  Panama  Congress.  —  Georgia  and  its  In 
dian  Tribes.     1825-1827.     Of  details  in  the  history  of 
the  four  years  of  the  administration  of  President  Adams 
there  is  little  that  needs  to  be  told  here.     It  is  the  his 
tory  of  a  government  that  was  hampered  and  bafHed  by 
malicious  opposition  from  beginning  to  end.     The  not 
able  incident  of  its  first  year  was  an  invitation  to  join  the 
Spanish-American  republics  in  a  congress  to  be  held  at 
Panama,  for  consideration  of  common  interests  among 
the  nations  of  the  New  World.     The  government  de 
sired  to  be  represented  in  the  Congress,  for  the  purpose 
of  cultivating  friendly  relations  with  neighbors  who  had 
modelled  their  independent  governments  on  our  own, 
being  careful  at  the  same  time  to  avoid  entanglement 
in  their  politics,  or  responsibility  for  their  acts.     But 
opposition  in  Congress  delayed  action  so  long  that  the 
Panama  meeting  took  place  with  no  delegate  in  attend 
ance  from  the  United  States. 

In  a  much  graver  matter  the  government  was  crip- 


384       EXPANSION    IN    THE   GREAT   VALLEYS. 

pled-  by  congressional  opposition,  being  deprived  of 
power  to  fulfil  its  treaty  obligations  to  the  Creek  and 
Cherokee  Indians  of  Georgia,  in  protecting  them  from 
aggressive  and  oppressive  acts  by  that  State.  The  Presi 
dent  was  permitted  to  do  nothing  to  uphold  the  national 
authority  against  a  defiant  State. 

237.  "  The  Tariff  of  Abominations,"  1828.     In  the 
last  year  of  this  ill-treated  administration,  a  new  tariff 
bill  was  passed,  with  grave  future  effects.     The  tariff 
of  1824  had  not  satisfied  the  manufacturers,   and,   to 
maintain  themselves    at    the    north,  the   Jackson  men 
were  forced  to  take  part  with  the  National  Republicans 

in  amending  the  law.     They  are  said  to  have 

Tariff 

scheming  schemed  to  construct  a  bill  so  disadvantageous 
son'sasup-  to  New  England,  by  reason  of  high  duties  on 
wool  and  other  raw  materials,  that  the  New 
England  representatives  would  join  those  of  the  south 
in  defeating  it,  and  so  take  the  odium  of  the  defeat  on 
themselves.  But  the  New  Englanders  chose  to  vote 
for  the  objectionable  bill,  and  it  became  a  law,  to  the 
great  indignation  of  the  south.  By  this  time  Massa 
chusetts  had  become  a  protectionist  State,  her  manufac 
tures  having  grown  to  more  importance  than 
andcai-  her  shipping  interests,  and,  just  as  Calhoun 
change  changed  his  ground  on  the  question  in  one  direc 
tion,  so  did  Webster  in  the  other.  The  latter 
contended  that  his  constituents  had  been  forced  to 
accept  the  protective  system  as  a  national  policy,  and, 
having  conformed  their  industries  to  it,  they  must  now 
demand  to  have  it  fully  carried  out.  The  "tariff  of 
abominations,"  as  it  was  called,  assumed  a  startling 
importance  in  the  politics  of  the  next  few  years. 

238.  Presidential  Election  of  1828.  —  The  Jackson 
Triumph.     The  election  canvass  of  1828  surpassed  all 


DEMOCRACY    FINDING    INDEPENDENCE.     385 

that  had  gone  before  in  the  recklessness  of  slander  and 
abuse  with  which  it  was  carried  on.  President  Adams 
was  named  for  reelection  by  the  National  Republicans, 
with  Richard  Rush,  of  Pennsylvania,  for  Vice-President, 
and  Jackson  and  Calhoun  were  the  Democratic  nomi 
nees.  There  appears  to  have  been  small  doubt  of  the 
result  from  the  first.  Adams  carried  New  England, 
except  one  electoral  vote  in  Maine,  and  he  had  the 
electoral  vote  of  New  Jersey  and  Delaware,  with  part  of 
the  votes  of  Maryland  and  New  York,  —  83  in  all. 
Jackson  had  the  rest  (178),  including  the  whole  jac]cson'S 
country  west  of  the  mountains  and  south  of  vote- 
the  Potomac  and  Ohio,  along  with  the  greater  part  of 
the  middle  Atlantic  States. 

In  all  but  two  States,  South  Carolina  and  Delaware, 
the  presidential  electors  were  now  chosen  by  direct  vote 
of  the  people,  instead  of  being  appointed  by  state  legis 
latures,  as  was  the  commoner  early  mode.  In  some 
States  the  election  was  by  districts,  which  caused  a 
division  of  electoral  votes,  as  in  New  York.  Party 
politics  in  that  State  have  always  been  complicated, 
and  the  situation  in  1828  was  more  than  usually  strange. 
Two  years  previously,  at  Batavia,  in  western  New  York, 
a  man  named  Morgan,  who  had  written  a  pamphlet 
purporting  to  be  a  disclosure  of  the  secrets  of  the  order 
of  Free  Masons,  was  mysteriously  abducted  by  masked 
men,  and  never  seen  again  in  life.  A  body  found  soon 
afterward  in  the  Niagara  River  was  declared  by  many 
persons  to  be  his,  and  the  charge  that  he  had  been  mur 
dered  by  Masons  caused  fierce  excitement  in  the  State. 
The  feeling  ran  into  politics,  and  a  new  party, 
of  Anti-Masons,  hostile  to  all  secret  societies,  Masonry, 

,  .    „      ,  ...  .  ,  v  ,     .  1826-1828. 

and  especially  bitter  against  public  men  belong 
ing  to  the  Masonic  order,  was  formed.     The  previous 


386       EXPANSION    IN    THE   GREAT  VALLEYS. 

political  factions  in  New  York,  known  as  "  Clintonians  " 
and  "  Bucktails,"  were  disorganized  by  this  new  move 
ment,  which  divided  both.  The  Clintonians  were 
followers  of  DeWitt  Clinton ;  his  opponents,  the  Buck- 
tails,  took  their  name  from  an  ornament  worn  upon 
occasions  by  members  of  the  Tammany  Society,  of  the 
city  of  New  York,  which  had  become  an  organization 
of  great  political  power.1  Apparently,  opposition  to 
Jackson  would  have  been  weak  in  New  York  State  if 
anti-Masonry  had  not  disturbed  the  Democratic  vote ; 
but  the  fact  that  General  Jackson  was  a  Mason  and 
that  Adams  was  not  gave  16  electoral  votes  to  the 
latter  out  of  36. 

TOPICS  AND  SUGGESTED  READING  AND  RESEARCH. 

217.    The  New  Spirit  in  the  Country. 

TOPICS  AND  REFERENCES. 

i.  Effect  of  the  pacification  of  Europe  on  the  United  States. 
2.  Why  a  more  independent  and  more  American  spirit  arose  after 
the  War  of  1812.  Hart,  Formation,  221  ;  Schurz,  Clay,  i.  120-122. 

3.  The  new  influences  that  came  from  the  west.  Roosevelt,  The 
Winning,  iv.  223-257;  Sumner,./a£&ft?*,  136-137;  Tocqueville,  i. 
64-65. 

218.    Steam  Navigation.  —  Road  and  Canal  Building. 

TOPICS  AND  REFERENCES. 

i.   Beginnings  of  steamboating  on  rivers  and   lakes.     2.   The 
Cumberland  road.    3.   Construction  of  the  Erie  Canal.    McMaster, 
iv.  397-410,  415-421,  v.  132-136  ;  Hart,  Formation,  227-229. 
RESEARCH.  —  The  settlement  of  the  west  as  controlled  or  influenced 

1  The  "  Tammany  Society  or  Columbian  Order,"  organized  in 
1789,  was  purely  patriotic  and  non-partisan  in  the  beginning;  but 
came  under  the  control  of  political  managers  who  made  it  finally 
the  central  organization  of  the  Democratic  party  in  the  city  of 
New  York. 


TOPICS,    REFERENCES,    AND    RESEARCH.      387 

by  the  course  of  navigable  streams  and  by  improvements  in  the 
means  of  transportation  and  travel.  E.  Hough,  in  Century 
Magazine,  xli.  91,  201. 

219.    Literature  and  Liberal  Thought. 

TOPICS  AND  REFERENCES. 

i.  Beginnings  of  pure  literature.  2.  Change  in  religious  thought. 
Hart,  Formation,  224;  Hart,  Contempts,  iii.  512-514;  Richardson, 
i.  258-260,  287-292  ;  Schouler,  iii.  222-224. 

220.    The  Political  "  Era  of  Good  Feelings." 

TOPICS  AND  REFERENCES. 

i.  Causes  of  a  singular  state  of  political  quietude.  2.  "The 
Era  of  Good  Feelings."  Schouler,  iii.  3-12  ;  Sargent,  i.  20-21. 

221.   Bank  Inflation  and  the  "  Crisis  "  of  1819. 

TOPICS  AND  REFERENCES. 

1.  Business  conditions  at  the  beginning  of  the  period.     Taussig, 
19-22;  Schouler,  iii.  37-40. 

2.  Inflation  of  banking  and  bank  currency.  —  How  caused.  — 
u  Wild-cat  "  banks.     3.    Influence  of  second  Bank  of  the  United 
States.    Sumner,  /tf^&sw*,  75-76,  120-135;  Me  Master,  iv.  280-318, 
484-510;  Gordy,  ii.  ch.  xxv.-xxvi.;  Schouler,  iii.  109-121;  Hildreth, 
vi.  679-682;  Hart,  Contempt^  iii.  441-445. 

222.    Supreme  Court  Decisions. 

TOPICS  AND  REFERENCES. 

i.    Bearing  and  effect  of  important  decisions  rendered  in  this 
period.     Hart,  Formation,  234-236  ;  Hart,  Contempts,  iii.  446-450; 
/,  128-130;  Lodge,  Webster,  ch.  iii. 


223.    First  Seminole  'War.  —  General  Jackson's 

Proceedings. 
TOPICS  AND  REFERENCED. 

i.  General  Jackson's  practical  conquest  of  Florida.  2.  Exe 
cution  of  Arbuthnot  and  Ambrister.  3.  Embarrassing  position 
of  the  government.  Sumner,  Jackson,  52-67;  Schurz,  Clay,  i. 
151-159;  McMaster,  iv.  430-456  ;  Burgess,  Middle  Period,  24-36; 
Gordy,  ii.  372-387;  Schouler,  iii.  57-95;  Hildreth,  vi.  605-606, 
627-628,  640-646,  654-658  ;  Clay,  v.  179-204. 


388       DEMOCRACY   FINDING   INDEPENDENCE. 

224.    Purchase  of  East  Florida.  —  Spanish  Bound 
aries  defined. 

TOPICS  AND  REFERENCES. 

i.  Treaty  with  Spain  (text  in  MacDonald,  ii.  213-219).  2.  Price 
paid  for  Florida.  3.  Lines  of  western  boundary.  Benton,  i.  ch. 
xv.;  Burgess,  Middle  Period,  20-24,  33>  36-38  ;  McMaster,  iv.  474- 
483  ;  Gordy,  ii.  359-360,  363-364,  382-383,  388-389  ;  Schouler,  iii. 
95-96,  130-133,  175-176,  189;  Hildreth,  vi.  646-647,  658-659,  712; 
Schurz,  Clay,  i.  162-165  '•>  Hart,  Formation,  233-234. 

225.    Convention  with  Great  Britain.  —  The  Oregon 
Country.  —  The  Fisheries. 

TOPICS  AND  REFERENCES. 

i.  American  claims  to  the  Oregon  country  contested  by  Great 
Britain.  —  Agreement  for  a  joint  occupation.  2.  Settlement  of  the 
fisheries  question.  McMaster,  vi.  457-474  ;  Benton,  i.  ch.  v.;  Hil 
dreth,  vi.  659-660  ;  Hart,  Formation,  233. 

226.    Question  of  Slavery  Extension. 

TOPICS  AND  REFERENCES. 

i.  Why  Texas  was  not  claimed  from  Spain.  2.  Sectional  feel 
ing  over  the  extension  of  slavery.  3.  Equality  in  number  of  slave 
States  and  free  States. —  Its  importance  to  the  slaveholding 
interest. —  Increasing  inequality  in  population.  4.  Admission  of 
Indiana,  Mississippi,  Illinois,  and  Alabama.  5.  Question  concern 
ing  the  Louisiana  Purchase.  Schouler,  iii.  96-101,  136-147,  176-178; 
Schurz,  Clay,  5.163-164,  172-175;  Hart,  Formation,  236-238; 
Gordy,  ii.  390-400  ;  Burgess,  Middle  Period,  51-58,  61-66;  Hoist, 
United  States,  i.  350-357  ;  Nicolay  and  Hay,  i.  322-324. 

227.    The  Missouri  Compromise. 

TOPICS  AND  REFERENCES.  * 

i.  Exciting  proposal  to  exclude  slavery  from  Missouri.  2.  Pro 
posal  to  pair  Maine  with  Missouri.  —  Deadlock  in  Congress. 
3.  Agreement  upon  the  "Missouri  Compromise"  (text  in  Mac- 
Donald,  ii.  219-224).  Admission  of  Maine.  Schurz,  Clay,  i.  172, 
175-182  ;  Burgess,  Middle  Period,  66-95  ;  McMaster,  iv.  570-594  ; 
Gordy,  ii.  408-416;  Hoist,  United  States,  i.  357-378;  Schouler, 


TOPICS,    REFERENCES,   AND    RESEARCH.      389 

iii.  101-103,  I47-I7I;  Hart,  Formation,  238-240  ;  Hildreth,  vi.  661- 
676,  682-685,  687-696. 

4.  Reopening  of  the  question  by  the  Missouri  constitution.  — 
Threatening  situation.  5.  Fundamental  condition  of  the  final  ad 
mission  of  Missouri  (text  in  MacDonald,  ii.  225-226).—  Influence 
of  Henry  Clay.  Schurz,  Clay,  i.  183-193  ;  Benton,  i.  8-10  ;  Bur 
gess,  Middle  Period,  95-103  ;  McMaster,  iv.  594-601  ;  Gordy,  ii. 
416-439;  Hoist,  United  States,  i.  378-381;  Schouler,  iii.  178-186; 
Hart,  Formation,  240-241 ;  Hart,  Contempt,  iii.  452-458  ;  Hildreth, 
vi.  702-703,  705-712. 

6.  Wisdom  of  the  Compromise.  Schurz,  Clay,  i.  194-199  ;  Gordy, 
ii.  440-444;  Burgess,  Middle  Period,  103-107;  Schouler,  iii.  171- 
173  ;  Am.  Hist.  Ass'n,  Annual  Refit,  1893,  289-294. 

228.   Unanimous  Reelection  of  President  Monroe. 
TOPICS  AND  REFERENCES. 

i.    Circumstances  of  the  election  of  1820.  Schouler,  iii.  197-199. 

229.  Internal  Improvements  and  Protective  Tariffs. 
TOPICS  AND  REFERENCES. 

i.  The  questions  on  which  new  parties  would  be  formed.  2.  The 
protective  tariff  of  1824.  3.  Clay's  "  American  System."  —  Web 
ster's  opposition.  Gordy,  ii.  484-488,  and  ch.  xxviii.;  Hoist,  United 
States,  i.  388-403  ;  McMaster,  iv.  410-415,  422-426,  510-521  ; 
Schouler,  iii.  247-254,  295-298  ;  Hart,  Formation,  247-248,  253- 
255  ;  Schurz,  Clay,  i.  212-221;  Benton.  i.  1-4,  and  ch.  xiii.;  Clay, 
v.  254-294  ;  Webster,  iii.  94-149  ;  Taussig,  23-24  ;  Elliott,  194-236. 
RESEARCH.  —  The  policy  of  "  internal  improvements  "  as  advocated 

by  Mr.  Clay.     Clay,  i.  ch.  xix.,  v.  115-135. 

230.    The  Monroe  Doctrine. 
TOPICS  AND  REFERENCES. 

i.  Circumstances  which  called  out  the  declaration  known  as 
the  "Monroe  Doctrine." --The  "Holy  Alliance"  (text  in  Hart, 
Contemns,  iii.  479-480)  and  Spanish-American  independence.  2. 
Canning's  suggestion.  3.  The  two  passages  of  President  Mon 
roe's  message  that  embody  the  "doctrine"  (text  in  MacDonald, 
ii.  228-231 ;  Hart,  Contempt,  iii.  494-498).  Gilman,  156-174  ;  Whar- 
ton,  Digest,  i.  sect.  57;  McMaster,  v.  28-48  ;  Hart,  Formation, 


390      DEMOCRACY   FINDING   INDEPENDENCE. 

241-244;  Gordy,  ii.  488-495  ;  Burgess,  Middle  Period,  122-127; 
Schouler,  iii.  277-290,  292-293  ;  Tucker. 

4.  What  it  does  and  does  not  mean.  Gordy,  ii.  495-496  ;  Burgess, 
Middle  Period,  127-128;  Schouler,  iii.  290-291;  Hart,  Contempts, 
iii.  499-501. 

231.    The  Visit  of  Lafayette. 

TOPICS  AND  REFERENCES. 

i.  Entertainment  of  Lafayette  as  the  nation's  guest.  Tucker- 
man,  ii.  ch.  vii.;  Sargent,  i.  89-95;  Benton,  i.  29-31;  Schouler, 
iii.  316-324. 

232.    Presidential  Election  of  1824-1825.  —  The 
"  Bargain  and  Corruption  "  Cry. 

TOPICS  AND  REFERENCES. 

i.  The  single  party  with  four  candidates.  2.  Failure  to  elect  by 
the  popular  vote.  —  Election  in  the  House  of  Representatives. 
3.  Clay  favors  Adams  and  is  made  Secretary  of  State.  —  Cry  of 
"bargain  and  corruption."  4.  Use  of  the  charge  in  the  next  elec 
tion.  Schurz,  Clay,\.  221-232,  236-257,  276-286;  Sumner, /«<:£- 
son,  76-99;  Quincy,  /.  Q.  Adams,  ch.  vii.;  McMaster,  v.  55-81, 
488-513;  Burgess,  Middle  Period,  131-144;  Hart,  Formation, 
248-251;  Gordy,  ii.  511-535;  Schouler,  iii.  304-316,324-329,  338- 
342  ;  Benton,  i.  47-49  ;  J.  O.  Adams,  vi.  269,  289-294,  302-303,  312- 
317,  45°-453,  470-473,  5°5-5°9>  525  5  Clay,  i.  ch.  xiv.-xviii.,  v-34i- 

355- 

5.  Jackson's  belief  in  the  matter.     Schurz,  Clay,  i.  320-324. 

233.    Combination   against  the  Adams  Administra 
tion.  —  "  State  rights  "  Reaction  in  the  South. 

TOPICS  AND  REFERENCES. 

1.  Organized  opposition  to  the  Administration.     Hart,  Forma 
tion,  259-260  ;  Gordy,  ii.  536-542,  548-550,  559-560,  568  ;  Schurz, 
Clay,  i.  258-265  ;    Sumner,  Jackson,    100-106  ;  Schouler,  iii.  336- 
337,  344-346,  409-413,  416-420  ;  Sargent,  i.  106-114. 

2.  The  southern  "  state  rights  "  movement.  —  Pro-slavery  reac 
tion  against  "  protection  "  and  "  internal  improvements."    Burgess, 
Middle  Period,  108-122,  129-130  ;  Hoist,  Calhoun,  66-76  ;  Sumner, 
Jackson,  108-114  ;  Schouler,  iii.  381-385. 


TOPICS,   REFERENCES,   AND   RESEARCH.      391 

234.   New  Construction  of  Political  Parties.  — 
National  Republicans  and  Democrats. 

TOPICS  AND  REFERENCES. 

i.  The  two  parties  formed,  for  and  against  the  Administration. 
Schurz,  Clay,  i.  311-320  ;  Gordy,  15.543-548,  561-568;  Burgess, 
Middle  Period,  144-146. 

235.    Deaths  of  Jefferson  and  Adams. 

TOPICS  AND  REFERENCES. 

i.  The  extraordinary  coincidence  of  their  deaths  on  the  5oth  an 
niversary  of  the  Declaration  of  Independence.  Webster,  i.  109- 
150;  Benton,  i.  ch.  xxxi.;  Schouler,  iii.  386-388  ;  Morse,  Jeffer 
son,  344. 

236.    The  Panama  Congress.  —  Georgia  and  the 
Indian  Tribes. 

TOPICS  AND  REFERENCES. 

1.  The  Congress  of  the  Spanish-American  republics.  —  Opposi 
tion  to  a  representation  from  the  United  States.    McMaster,  v.  433- 
459  ;  Hoist,   United  States,  i.  409-432  ;  Schurz,   Clay,  i.  267-275  ; 
Sumner,  Jackson,    106-108 ;    Burgess,   Middle  Period,    146-155  ; 
Gordy,  ii.  550-558  ;  Hart,  Formation,  251-253  ;  Hart,  Contemns, 
iii.  506-508  ;  Schouler,  iii.  358-366  ;  Webster,  iii.  178-217  ;  Benton, 

1.  ch.  xxv. 

2.  Powerlessness  of  the   President  to  fulfil  treaty  obligations 
with  the  Indians.     Hoist,  United  States,  1.433-458  ;  Sumner,  Jack 
son,  174-179;  McMaster,  v.  175-183;  Benton,  i.  ch.  xxiv.-xxvi.; 
Hart,  Formation,  255-256  ;  Schouler,  iii.  370-380. 

237.   The  "Tariff  of  Abominations." 

TOPICS  AND  REFERENCES. 

i.   The   tariff  bill   of    1828.  —  Alleged   scheme   in  framing   it. 

2.  Massachusetts  joins  the  "  protectionist "  States.  —  Changed  at 
titudes  of  Webster  and  Calhoun.     Taussig,  68-101;  Elliott,  236- 
246;  Sumner,  Jackson,   197-206  ;   McMaster,  v.  227-255  ;  Gordy, 
ii.  569-574;    Lodge,    Webster,  156-171;  Burgess,  Middle  Period, 
1 57-!63  ;  Hart,  Formation,  257-258;  Webster,  iii.  228-247;  Ben- 
ton,  i.  ch.  xxxiv. 


392       DEMOCRACY   FINDING    INDEPENDENCE. 

238.   Presidential  Election  of  1828.  —  The  Jackson 
Triumph. 

TOPICS  AND  REFERENCES. 

i.  Jackson's  victory  in  the  west,  in  the  south,  and  in  most  of  the 
middle  States.  2.  The  Anti-Masonic  party.  3.  New  York  "  Clin- 
tonians  "  and  "  Bucktails."  Gordy,  ii.  575-581;  Hart,  Formation, 
260-262  ;  Schurz,  Clay,  \.  287-292,  340-341 ;  Sumner,  Jackson, 
113-1 18,  250-254  ;  Schouler,  iii.  434-439  ;  Burgess,  Middle  Period, 
163-165  ;  McMaster,  v.  517-519  ;  Benton,  i.  ch.  xxxviii. 


CHAPTER   XII. 

THE    JACKSON    PERIOD.        1829-1840 

239.  President  Jackson  and  his  Advisers.  1829. 
The  election  of  Andrew  Jackson  to  be  President  of  the 
United  States  has  been  described  as  a  political  revolu 
tion,  and  there  seems  to  be  not  much  exaggeration  in  the 
phrase.  Indeed,  the  contrast  in  character  between  him 
and  his  predecessors  was  little  less  than  a  revolution  in 

itself.     They  had  been   picked,  as  statesmen, 

r  ii'i  i  r        .       i        ,  i  •  President 

from  the  highest  class  of  trained  public  men,  —  Jackson 

and  his 

men  of  trusted  knowledge  and  judgment,  and  of  predeces- 
trusted  temper  and  self-command.  The  choice 
of  General  Jackson  was  made  on  no  such  ground.  Bred 
under  rude  frontier  conditions,  he  not  only  lacked  politi 
cal  knowledge  and  general  cultivation  of  mind,  but  his 
wilful  and  passionate  nature  knew  nothing  of  discipline 
or  self-restraint.  His  judgment  was  ruled  by  prejudices, 
and  his  first  impressions  gave  him  unalterable  beliefs. 
Fortunately  the  American  Union  was  among  the  objects 
of  his  most  passionate  belief,  and  that  gave  an  impor 
tant  leading  to  his  course. 

All  the  influences  surrounding  the  executive  were  revo 
lutionized  under  the  Jackson  regime.  Hitherto  the  Presi 
dent's  counsellors  had  been  the  heads  of  the  important 
departments  of  his  administration,  standing  in  responsi 
ble  relations  to  the  public  and  himself ;  but  President 
Jackson  took  most  of  his  advice  from  men  who  held 
subordinate  places  in  the  administration,  or  none  at  all. 


394      EXPANSION    IN    THE   GREAT   VALLEYS. 

They  were  men  whose  only  mark  in  American  history 
was  made  by  the  doubtful  methods  they  brought  into 
our  national  politics,  and  the  covert  influence  they  had 
with  a  President  whose  military  popularity  and  personal 
force  gave  him  extraordinary  power.  They  formed  what 

was  called  at  the  time  a  "  kitchen  cabinet," 
"kitchen  meaning  that  it  was  a  private  council,  which 

superseded  the  functions  of  the  proper  cabinet 
of  official  chiefs.  John  H.  Eaton,  Secretary  of  War,  was 
the  only  head  of  a  department  who  seemed  to  belong  to 
the  "kitchen  cabinet ; "  but  Martin  Van  Buren,  the  Sec 
retary  of  State,  had  the  President's  confidence,  and  ex 
erted  an  influence  that  was  generally  good.  The  char 
acters  of  the  politician  and  the  statesman  were  mixed 
remarkably  in  Van  Buren,  and  he  was  unequalled  as  a 
politician  in  adroitness  and  skill.  He  was  the  acknow 
ledged  chief  of  a  knot  of  able  leaders  in  New  York, 
known  as  the  "Albany  Regency,"  who  ruled  the  Jackson 
Democracy  of  that  State  for  many  years. 

240.  The  "Spoils  System."  1829.  The  worst  of 
the  changes  brought  on  the  government  by  the  altered 
influences  surrounding  the  executive  was  a  change  of 
principle  and  of  practice  in  dealing  with  employments  in 
the  national  public  service.  During  the  forty  years  that 
had  passed,  from  the  organization  of  the  federal  govern- 
previous  nient  to  the  inauguration  of  President  Jackson, 
fromoflioe,  onty  73  removals  from  office  had  been  made, 
1789-1829.  an(j  neariy  aii  of  them  for  reasons  with  which 

party  politics  had  nothing  to  do.  Jefferson,  who  removed 
39  of  the  number,  displaced  a  few  for  political  reasons, 
claiming  that  it  was  just  to  do  so  because  Federalists 
held  most  of  the  places  ;  but  Madison,  Monroe,  and  John 
Quincy  Adams  appear  to  have  made  no  changes  on 
political  grounds.  Mr.  Crawford,  Monroe's  Secretary  of 


THE  JACKSON   PERIOD.  395 

the  Treasury,  procured  the  passage  of  an  act  in  1820, 
which  fixed  a  four  years'  term  for  many  offices,  and  so 
opened  an   opportunity,  without   arbitrary  re-  Fouryears» 
moval,  for  frequent  changes  to  be   made ;  but  *$££* 
neither  Monroe  nor  Adams  took  any  advantage 
of  the  law.     They  are  said  to  have  reappointed  every 
official  whose  record  of  service  was  satisfactory  ;  though 
half  the  public  servants  whom  Adams  treated  in   that 
high-minded  way  were  openly  enlisted  against  him,  in 
the  Jackson  campaign. 

Already  in  some  of  the  States  —  in  New  York  most 
of  all  —  the  political  factions  had  made  "spoils  "  or  prizes 
of  everything  in  the  public  service  to  which  a 
tempting  salary  or  tempting  fees  could  be  at-  system  "in 

.      ,  ,      ,  ..  ,,  ,  New  York. 

tached ;  and  that  "  spoils  system,    as  we  char 
acterize  it,  which  debases  politics  and  drives  men  of  high 
character  out  of  public  life,  was  carried  into  the  national 
administration  upon  the  instant  that  Jackson  took  it  in 
hand.    To  punish  his  enemies  and  reward  his  friends  was 
a  maxim  of  policy  that  his  mind  approved.     In 
the  first  year  of  his  presidency  he  removed  734  removals, 
officials,  to'  make  places  for  his  own  partisans, 
and  by  their  similar  treatment  of  subordinates  it  is  esti 
mated  that  more  than  2000  changes  were  made.    "  Rota 
tion  in  office  "  was  announced  to  be  the  Democratic  policy, 
in  order  to  give  as  many  citizens  as  possible  their  turn 
at  what  was  sometimes  described  coarsely  as  "  feeding 
at  the  public  crib."     For  more  than  fifty  years  thereafter 
the  pestilence  of  the  "spoils  system  "  raged  in  American 
politics  with  no  check. 

241.  Forecast  of  Presidential  Policy.  1829.  The 
first  annual  message  of  President  Jackson  was  a  signifi 
cant  forecasting  of  some  of  the  lines  on  which  his  mind 
was  being  moved.  One  passage  gave  warning  of  hostil- 


39^      EXPANSION    IN   THE   GREAT   VALLEYS. 

ity  to  the  United  States  Bank.  Another  indicated  the 
Hostility  to  general  purpose  of  the  Administration  to  enter 
the  Bant.  UpOn  anew  championship  of  independent  rights 
and  powers  in  the  States.  That  purpose  was  revealed 
more  distinctly  in  remarks  on  the  subject  of  internal  im 
provements,  and  on  the  Indian  question  that  had  risen 
in  Georgia  during  President  Adams's  term.  The  whole 
policy  of  internal  improvements  was  condemned.  It  was 
recommended  that  the  general  government  leave  all  un- 
Hostmtyto  dertakings  of  public  works  to  the  States,  and 
improve-  distribute  its  surplus  revenue  among  them  for 
their  use  in  such  works.  A  few  months  later 
the  President  repeated  his  arguments  and  recommenda 
tions  on  the  subject  more  strenuously,  in  vetoing  a  bill 
which  required  the  government  to  take  stock  in  a  Ken 
tucky  turnpike  road.  He  found  the  policy  hard  to  kill, 
even  in  his  own  party ;  but  opposition  to  internal  im 
provements  by  the  federal  government  did  become  a 
Democratic  doctrine  before  the  end  of  the  Jackson  rule. 
242.  Treatment  of  Indian  Tribes.  1829-1843.  On 
the  Indian  issue  between  Georgia  and  the  general  gov 
ernment  the  President  upheld  the  State  in  its  violation 
of  national  treaties  with  the  Cherokees  and  Creeks,  and 
its  defiance  of  the  national  government  to  protect  those 
tribes  in  their  treaty  rights.  Later,  the  Cherokees  car 
ried  their  case  to  the  Supreme  Court  of  the  United 
States,  and  obtained  mandates  which  the  governor  and 
legislature  of  Georgia  refused  to  obey,  and  which  Presi 
dent  Jackson  refused  to  enforce.  Within  the  next  few 
years  the  southern  Indian  tribes  east  of  the  Mississippi 
Formation  were  forced  to  migrate  westward  into  the  In- 
TeSSSy,  .  dian  Territory,  which  was  set  apart  for  them 
in  1834.  A  second  war  with  the  Seminoles 
of  Florida,  most  cruel  and  destructive  on  both  sides,  and 


THE   JACKSON    PERIOD.  397 

lasting  for  eight  years,  from  1835  till  1843,  was  conse 
quent  on  this  measure.  A  shorter  conflict  in  the  north 
west,  with  Indians  of  the  tribes  of  Sacs  and  Foxes,  which 
were  removed  to  the  farther  west,  occurred  in  1832.  It 
was  known  as  the  "Black  Hawk  War,"  from  the  name 
of  the  leading  chief. 

243.  President  Jackson  and  the  Protective  Tariff. 
Calhoun  and  "Nullification."  1829-1830.  On  one  sub 
ject  of  importance  to  the  champions  of  state  rights,  the 
President  gave  less  satisfaction  in  his  message  of  1829. 
He  spoke  of  the  tariff  in  terms  which  showed  that  the 
doctrine  of  "  protection "  to  home  industries  against 
foreign  competition  was  attractive  to  his  mind.  His 
attitude  was  a  disappointment  to  the  south.  Intense 
feeling  on  the  subject  had  been  worked  up,  especially  in 
South  Carolina,  since  the  passage  of  the  "  tariff  of  abomi 
nations  "  in  the  previous  year.  Vice-President  Calhoun 
and  others  were  leading  a  movement  to  bring  the  theory 
of  "nullification,"  propounded  in  the  Kentucky  Resolu 
tions  of  1798  (see  sect.  172)  into  practical  operation,  by 
causing  the  State  of  South  Carolina  to  declare  the  pro 
tective  tariff  laws  null  and  void  of  effect  within  the  limits 
of  the  State,  and  to  take  measures  for  resisting  the 
enforcement  of  those  laws.  This  proceeding  of  "  nullifi 
cation"  was  claimed  to  be  not  rebellious  in  its  nature, 
but  the  exercise  of  a  strictly  constitutional  right.  The 
argument  relied  upon  to  prove  it  so  was  furnished  mainly 
by  Calhoun,  in  a  series  of  elaborate  papers, 
beginning  with  one  sent  by  him  to  the  South  S 
Carolina  legislature,  and  adopted  by  that  body  Uon> 
as  its  own  "  Exposition,"  immediately  after  the  passage 
of  the  tariff  of  1828. 

Nor  was  it  only  as  a  remedy  for  the  immediate  grievance 
of  the  tariff  that  the  minds  of  the  South  Carolinians  were 


398       EXPANSION   IN   THE   GREAT   VALLEYS. 

dwelling  on  the  doctrine  of  nullification.  For  when,  in 
January,  1830,  a  resolution  was  introduced  in  the  Senate 
which  seemed  to  have  the  purpose  of  restricting  the  sale 
senator  °^  Pu°lic  lands,  Senator  Hayne  of  that  State 
speech',8  made  it  the  occasion  of  a  speech  on  the  nature 

of  the  Federal  Union  and  the  meaning  of  the 
Constitution,  leading  up  to  an  emphatic  statement  of  the 
theory  of  nullification  and  its  grounds.  Certain  bearings 
in  that  direction  of  treatment  had  been  given  to  the 
public  land  question  by  some  expressions  from  the  manu 
facturing  States  of  the  east.  Those  States  were  showing 
a  selfish  jealousy  of  western  expansion,  because  their 
working  population  was  drawn  away  by  the  attraction  of 
cheap  farms,  and  wages  were  raised.  The  land  question 
was  thus  connected  with  the  tariff  question,  in  southern 
views  ;  and  hence  it  was  that  the  most  important  debate 

in    Congress  on  the  theory  of  "nullification" 

Webster's  J 

reply,  arose  in  the  Senate  upon  a  simple  resolution 
of  inquiry  concerning  the  sales  of  public  lands. 
Daniel  Webster  then  delivered  his  greatest  constitutional 
speech,  —  perhaps  the  most  powerful,  in  both  argument 
and  eloquence,  of  all  his  speeches,  —  on  the  26th  of 
January,  1830,  in  reply  to  Hayne. 

Not  long  after  this,  President  Jackson  gave  the  nul- 
lifiers  a  check.  Despite  the  inclination  he  had  shown 
toward  protectionist  beliefs,  they  felt  confident  that  his 
notions  of  "  state  rights  "  would  lead  him  to  deal  as  ten 
derly  with  a  nullification  of  tariff  law  by  South  Carolina 
as  he  had  dealt  with  the  nullification  of  Indian  treaties 
in  the  Georgia  case.  They  did  not  reckon  on  the  differ 
ent  views  which  a  mind  like  Jackson's  would  take  of 
his  official  duty  toward  a  law  that  he  believed  in,  and 
his  duty  toward  one  which  he  disapproved.  He  believed 
to  a  certain  extent  in  protective  tariffs,  and  he  believed 


THE   JACKSON    PERIOD.  399 

very  ardently  in  the  necessity  for  preserving  the  Union 
of  States.  The  latter  was  one  of  the  strongest  con 
victions  he  had,  and  it  is  not  likely  that  Calhoun  could 
have  persuaded  him  that  nullification  did  not  mean  dis 
union,  even  if  he  had  been  on  good  terms  with  Calhoun. 
But  President  Jackson  was  just  discovering,  in 
the  winter  of  1830,  that  when  his  conduct  in  andcai- 
the  Seminole  war  (see  sect.  223)  was  dis 
cussed  by  the  cabinet  of  President  Monroe,  Calhoun 
had  not  been  as  he  supposed  his  sole  champion,  but  had 
striven  to  have  him  called  to  sharp  account.  His  con 
sequent  wrath  against  Calhoun  may  have  added  some 
heat  to  his  feeling  against  the  movement  of  which  Cal 
houn  was  the  notable  head.  On  Jefferson's  birthday 
(April  13)  in  1830,  at  a  banquet  where  the  nullifiers 
expected  to  talk  principally  about  the  Kentucky  resolu 
tions  of  1798,  he  discomfited  them  by  offering  as  a  toast, 
"  Our  Federal  Union  :  It  must  be  preserved."  After 
that  there  was  little  doubt  as  to  what  his  attitude  toward 
their  projects  would  be. 

244.  Cabinet  Reconstruction.  1831.  The  Presi 
dent's  rupture  with  Calhoun  led,  in  the  spring  of  1831, 
to  a  reconstruction  of  his  cabinet,  three  of  the  members 
of  which  were  political  friends  of  the  Vice-President 
and  were  dismissed.  Van  Buren  and  Eaton  resigned, 
the  former  to  become  openly,  with  Jackson's  approval,  a 
candidate,  first  for  the  vice-presidency,  during  a  second 
term  to  be  claimed  for  Jackson  in  the  presidency,  and 
then  for  the  latter's  seat,  to  which  Calhoun  had  aspired. 
The  reconstructed  cabinet  included  Edward  Livingston, 
of  Louisiana,  in  the  State  Department,  Louis  McLane, 
of  Delaware,  in  the  Treasury,  Lewis  Cass,  of  Michigan, 
and  Levi  Woodbury,  of  New  Hampshire,  Secretaries  of 
War  and  the  Navy,  and  Roger  B.  Taney,  of  Maryland, 
as  Attorney-General. 


400      EXPANSION    IN    THE    GREAT   VALLEYS. 

At  the  same  time  the  "  kitchen  cabinet "  underwent 
an  important  change,  Duff  Green,  who  edited  a  Wash 
ington  newspaper,  dropping  out,  to  follow  the  fortunes 
of  Calhoun,  and  Francis  P.  Blair  coming  from  Ken 
tucky  to  take  his  place,  and  to  found  a  famous  admin 
istration  journal  named  "The  Globe." 

245.  The  Bank  Question  in  the  Presidential  Can 
vass.  1832.  By  this  time  it  was  well  settled  that  Jack 
son  would  be  put  forward  by  the  Democratic  party  for 
reelection  in  1832,  and  that  the  National  Republicans 
would  oppose  him  with  Henry  Clay.  It  was  equally  cer 
tain  that  the  Anti-Masons,  now  grown  to  be  quite  a 
formidable  party  in  several  northern  States  besides  New 
York,  would  be,  in  some  manner,  in  the  field.  So  far, 
the  substantial  issues  between  the  President  and  his  op 
ponents  related  only  to  internal  improvements  and  the 
character  of  the  Order  of  Free  Masons.  Clay  wanted  a 
more  positive  and  stirring  question  in  the  canvass,  and 
believed  it  was  to  be  found  in  the  President's  hostility  to 
the  United  States  Bank.  That  hostility  had  been  ex- 
offered  pressed  a  second  time  in  the  message  of  1830  ; 
tSrejectea,  ^ut  there  are  said  to  have  been  proposals  to  the 
1813-  bank,  in  1831,  of  a  modified  charter,  which  the 
administration  would  approve  and  which  the  officers  of 
the  bank  were  willing  to  accept.  Clay,  Webster,  and 
other  political  champions  of  the  bank  objected,  however, 
to  the  offered  compromise,  and  insisted  on  staking  the 
fate  of  the  institution  on  the  presidential  fight.  This  was 
a  double  blunder,  in  statesmanship  and  in  political  man 
agement,  as  they  learned  to  their  cost ;  but  their  will  pre 
vailed,  and  the  gauntlet  on  the  bank  question  was  thrown 
down  by  the  National  Republican  convention  which  nom 
inated  Clay,  in  December,  I83I.1  Its  main  appeal  to 

1  This  presidential  election  of  1832  was  the  first  in  which  the 


THE   JACKSON    PERIOD.  4<DI 

the  country  against  Jackson  was  on  the  ground  that  he 
would  veto  a  re-charter  of  the  United  States  Bank.  Then, 
to  force  the  issue,  the  bank  was  persuaded  to  apply  for 
the  new  charter  at  once,  and  the  question  was  fought 
over  in  both  branches  of  Congress  through  most  of  the 
session,  with  final  success  to  the  bank.  The  chartering 
act  was  sent  to  the  President  on  the  4th  of  July, 
1832,  and  he  returned  it  on  the  loth  with  a  veto  terandthe 

.....  ...  .  veto,  1832. 

message,  in  which  all  possible  arguments  against 
the  bank,  both  sound  and  unsound,  were  arrayed  with  ex 
traordinary  skill.  The  effect  of  that  message  in  the  coun 
try  was  more  fatal  to  the  opponents  of  Jackson  than  they 
suspected  till  the  returns  of  the  election,  four  months 
later,  came  in. 

246.  The  Tariff  Act  of    1832.     Almost  simultane 
ously  with  the  bank  bill  and  the  veto  message,  another 
gage  of  battle  was  thrown  into  the  arena  of  combat  by 
the  passage  and  signing  of  a  new  tariff  act,  which  amended 
the  "abominations"  of  the  act  of  1828  so  far  as  con 
cerned  the  manufacturer's  complaints,  but  which  virtually 
challenged  the  nullifiers  to  do  their  worst.     Clay  had  ap 
peared  in  the  Senate  this  session,  and  the  act  was  sub 
stantially  his,  embodying  the  principles  of  his  "  American 
system,"  keeping  high  duties  on  articles  in  competition 
with  home  products,   and  lowering  or  abolishing  them 
on  commodities  not  produced  at  home.     His  imperious 
influence  carried  the  measure,  which  reduced  revenue 
very  little,  and  that  little  in  no  way  that  suited  the  south. 
It  was  to  go  into  effect  on  the  3d  of  March,  1833.     The 
President  was  sufficiently  satisfied  with  it  to  sign  the  act. 

247.  Reelection  of  President  Jackson.    1832.     The 

candidates  were  formally  nominated  by  national  conventions  of  the 
several  parties.  There  had  been  some  previous  use  of  nominating 
conventions  in  certain  States,  but  not  much. 


402       EXPANSION    IN    THE   GREAT    VALLEYS. 

excitement  of  the  presidential  canvass  was  now  at  its 
height.  The  Democrats  had  formally  nominated  Jackson 
and  Van  Buren  in  the  previous  May,  and  the  Anti- Ma 
sonic  party,  long  before,  had  named  William  Wirt.  That 
the  opposition  to  Jackson  was  divided  mattered  little, 
for  the  country  gave  him  an  enormous  majority  over 
both  Clay  and  Wirt.  He  carried  every  State  except 
Massachusetts,  Rhode  Island,  Maryland,  Delaware,  and 
Kentucky,  which  went  for  Clay,  Vermont,  which  gave 
Wirt  a  majority,  and  South  Carolina,  which  had  a  nulli 
fying  candidate  (John  Floyd)  of  its  own.  The  Bank  of 
the  United  States  was  doomed  to  death  by  the  popular 
verdict  which  its  friends  had  invoked,  and  an  impatient 
magistrate  waited  for  the  earliest  opportunity  to  execute 
the  decree. 

248.  The  Nullifying  Ordinance  of  South  Carolina.  — 
The  "  Compromise  Tariff."  1832.  But  the  President 
had  nullification  to  deal  with  first.  On  the  24th  of  No 
vember  a  State  Convention,  called  by  the  legislature  of 
South  Carolina,  passed  an  ordinance  which  declared  the 
tariff  acts  of  1828  and  1832  to  be  null  and  of  no  effect 
in  that  State  ;  which  forbade  appeals  from  State  to  Fed 
eral  courts,  in  any  case  arising  under  the  ordinance ; 
and  which  declared  that  South  Carolina  would  secede 
from  the  Union  if  resistance  to  her  proceedings  should 
be  attempted  by  the  United  States ;  but  the  ordinance 
was  not  to  take  effect  until  the  ist  of  February,  1833. 

And  now  it  was  that  the  best  of  the  strong  stuff  in 
the  character  of  President  Jackson  was  called  out.  With 
a  quiet  and  even  gentle  firmness  that  was  most  admir 
able  he  laid  his  iron  hand  on  the  rebellious  State  and  bade 
it  beware.  Two  vessels  of  the  navy  were  ordered  to 
Charleston,  and  General  Scott  was  sent  to  the  city  with 
troops,  not  behind  him,  but  within  easy  call  ;  and  then,  on 


THE   JACKSON    PERIOD.  403 

the  loth  of  December,  a  proclamation,  addressed  to  the 
people  of  South  Carolina,  first  reasoned  with  Presldent 
them,  to  show  the  shallovvness  of  the  argu-  JJJSma! 
ments  by  which  they  had  been  misled,  and  Uon' 1832' 
finally  said  to  them  with  solemn  emphasis  :  "  The  laws 
of  the  United  States  must  be  executed.  I  have  no  dis 
cretionary  power  on  the  subject ;  my  duty  is  emphatically 
pronounced  in  the  Constitution.  Those  who  told  you 
that  you  might  peaceably  prevent  their  execution  deceived 
you.  .  .  .  Their  object  is  disunion.  But  be  not  deceived 
by  names.  Disunion  by  armed  force  is  treason."  l 

It  was  a  scant  majority  of  the  people  of  the   State 
who  had  put  the  nullifiers  in  control  of  its  government ; 
but  they  answered  the  President  with  defiance. 
Their   legislature   proceeded  to  pass  laws  for  Carolina's 
carrying  the  ordinance  of  nullification  into  effect, 
and  to  put  the  State  under  arms  ;  whereupon  the  Presi 
dent  applied  to  Congress  for  further  powers,  to  remove 
custom-houses,  suspend  or  abolish  customs  districts,  and 
use  other  means  for  meeting  the  demands  of  the  situa 
tion,  besides  those  of  arms.     The  necessary  legislation 
was  undertaken  at  once ;  but  conciliatory  influences  were 
working  actively  at  the  same  time.     Mr.  Clay  was  now 
willing  to  lower  the  barriers  of  his  "American  system," 
and  led  the  way  in  revising  the  tariff  once  more.     The 
two  measures,  "  Force  Bill  "  and  "  Compromise  «Force 
Tariff,"   were    under  debate  when  the    ist  of 
February  came,  and  South  Carolina  postponed  Tariff, 
the  operation  of  her  ordinance  to  await  the  re-   1833< 
suit.    Both  bills  reached  the  President  and  were  signed  by 
him  on  the  2d  of  March.     The  "  Compromise  Tariff  "  act 

1  This  proclamation,  one  of  the  most  admirable  and  important 
of  American  state  papers,  is  known  to  have  been  written  by  Ed 
ward  Livingston,  the  Secretary  of  State. 


404       EXPANSION   IN   THE   GREAT   VALLEYS. 

provided  for  successive  deductions  from  the  rates  of  duty 
until,  in  1842,  there  should  be  none  to  exceed  20  per 
cent.  The  milliners  professed  satisfaction,  reassembled 
their  convention,  repealed  their  ordinance,  and  peace  was 
restored.  On  both  sides  there  were  boasts  of  victory, 
with  some  ground  for  both  ;  but  the  puerile  doctrine  of 
nullification  had  been  destroyed  practically,  and  that 
should  suffice  for  our  satisfaction  with  the  event. 

249.  Removal  of  Government  Deposits  from  the 
United  States  Bank.  1833.  And  now  the  President 
was  free  to  turn  his  attention  to  the  Bank  of  the  United 
States.  He  considered  that  the  people,  in  reelecting  him 
by  a  great  majority,  had  endowed  him  with  the  sovereignty 
of  their  will,  and  his  arbitrary  disposition  was  increased. 
Especially  concerning  the  bank,  he  believed  that  he  had 
received  a  command  straight  from  the  people,  against 
which  nothing  should  have  weight.  He  doubted  the 
soundness  of  the  institution  and  the  safety  of  the  public 
congress  funds  that  were  trusted  to  it.  At  his  request, 
Sry^?cre~  Congress  investigated  and  decided  that  the 
?arvorSthe  deposits  in  the  bank  were  safe.  It  was  the 
bank-  same  Congress,  however,  which  had  voted  to 
re-charter  the  bank,  and,  having  no  confidence  in  its 
judgment  on  the  subject,  the  President  determined  to 
act  on  his  own.  By  law,  it  was  the  Secretary  of  the 
Treasury,  not  the  President,  who  had  authority  to  remove 
the  deposits,  and  Secretary  McLane  was  a  believer  in 
the  bank.  McLane,  accordingly,  was  transferred  to  the 
State  Department,  from  which  Mr.  Livingston  was  sent 
as  minister  to  France.  Then  the  President  invited  to  the 
Treasury  a  Mr.  Duane,  a  known  opponent  of  the  bank, 
who  might  be  expected  to  take  the  action  desired.  But 
Mr.  Duane  proved  intractable  in  the  matter,  refusing  to 
disturb  the  business  of  the  country  by  a  sudden  with- 


THE   JACKSON    PERIOD.  405 

drawal  of  government  deposits  from  the  bank,  and  con 
tending  that  it  should  not  be  done  without  congressional 
assent.     His   views   were  shared  by  a  majority  of  the 
official  cabinet ;  but  the  headstrong  President,   Dismissal 
urged   on    by   some   of     his   advisers    in    the 
"  kitchen  cabinet,"   and  by  the  Attorney-Gen- 
eral,  Roger  B.  Taney,  would  not  be  turned  from  1833' 
the  course  he  had  determined  to  take.     Duane  was  dis 
missed,  and  Taney  was  put  in  his  place.     In  September 
the  latter  ordered  the  public  money  in  the  bank,  about 
$10,000,000  in  amount,  to  be  drawn  as  needed,  and  no 
more  deposits  to  be  made.    The  effect,  as  predicted,  was 
serious  for  a  time ;  but  the  bank  went  through  the  dis 
turbing  operation,  and,  obtaining  a  charter  from  Fateoftiie 
the  State  of  Pennsylvania  was  carried  on  for   *>ankm 
a  few  years  more,  till  a  day  of  general  ruin  arrived  and 
it  went  down  in  the  crash. 

There  are  many  good  reasons  for  believing  that  the 
Bank  of  the  United  States,  as  a  centralized  monetary 
power,  peculiarly  exposed  to  political  influences,  was  a 
dangerous  institution  to  have  growth,  and  that  it  was  best 
for  the  country  that  it  should  be  brought  to  an  end ; 
but  sound  principles  of  constitutional  government  were 
violated  in  the  methods  by  which  it  was  attacked  and 
destroyed.  A  resolution  by  the  Senate  of  cen- 

•'  .        Censure 

sure  on  the  President's  conduct  drew  from  him  of  the 

President 

an  elaborate  protest,  asserting  the  independence  expunged, 
of  the  executive  with  great  force.     His  party 
friends  never  ceased  to  demand  the  expunging  of  the 
censure  from  the  Senate  journal  until  they  carried  their 
point,  in  1837. 

250.  Aggressive  Anti-slavery  Agitation.  —  The 
Abolitionists.  1831-1836.  Other  agitations  were  now 
in  preparation  for  the  country,  among  them  a  new  excite- 


406      EXPANSION    IN   THE   GREAT   VALLEYS. 

ment  of  feeling  on  the  subject  of  slavery.  Hitherto 
the  antagonism  to  slavery  had  been  little  more  than  a 
resisting  disposition,  manifested  on  occasional  questions, 
like  that  which  brought  about  the  Missouri  Compromise. 
Now  it  was  becoming  aggressive,  and  was  being  organized 
for  persistent  attack,  not  merely  to  oppose  and  restrict, 
wniiam  but  to  destroy.  Its  crusade  was  opened  in  a 
Garrison,  startling  way  by  William  Lloyd  Garrison,  a 
young  man,  then  unknown  and  poor,  who  be 
gan  the  publication  of  "The  Liberator,"  a  small  " aboli 
tion"  journal,  at  Boston,  in  1831.  Garrison  attacked 
slavery  as  an  intolerable  crime  against  humanity,  for 
which  the  whole  nation  was  accountable  no  less  than 
the  slaveholding  States,  and  he  denounced  every  com 
promise  with  the  latter,  including  the  compromises  of 
the  Federal  Constitution  and  the  Constitution  itself.  At 
first  there  were  not  many  to  approve  the  violence  and 
the  indifference  to  all  consequences  of  disunion  and  civil 
conflict  which  this  proposed ;  and  the  abolition  agitation 
might  have  had  little  influence  for  many  years,  if  the 
slaveholding  interest,  in  fierce  endeavors  to  put  it  down, 
had  not  attempted  to  crush  free  opinion  and  free  speech 
in  all  the  States. 

The  founding  of  "The  Liberator  "in  1831  was  fol 
lowed  by  the  organization  of  a  New  England  Anti- 
Antl.  slavery  Society  in  1832,  and  of  an  American 

Sues,  society  in  the  following  year.  If  the  early 
1831-1832.  membership  of  those  societies  was  small,  the 
zeal  in  them  was  burning  and  their  activity  intense. 
Through  public  meetings  and  printed  tracts  and  periodi 
cals,  they  labored  with  incessant  energy  to  "  rouse  the 
national  conscience ; "  but  the  first  important  effect  of 
their  work  was  an  excitement  of  rage  and  alarm  in  the 
slaveholding  States.  The  people  in  those  States  were 


THE   JACKSON    PERIOD.  407 

stirred,  not  only  by  resentment  at  the  attack  on  their 
labor  system,  which  they  looked  upon  as  the  most  right 
eous  and  divinely  sanctioned  in  the  world,  but  by  fear 
of  the  effect  of  the  agitation  on  their  slaves.    They  lived 
in  dread  of  insurrections,  and  a  recent  murder-  Nat 
ous  rising  in  Virginia  (1831),   led  by  one  Nat  JJjJJIJJo. 
Turner,  had  filled  them  with  fresh  alarm.     Gar-  tlon' 183"1- 
rison  and   his   fellow  abolitionists   were   denounced   as 
malignant  "  incendiaries,"  whose  purpose  was  to  madden 
the  enslaved  blacks,   incite  them  to  revolt,   and  bring 
death  and  ruin  on  the  south.     Especially  on  that  ground 
it  was  demanded  that  they  should  be  silenced  by  force, 
—  that  their  orators  should  be  imprisoned,  their  presses 
stopped,  their  publications  denied  the  use  of  the  mails. 

This  fierce  clamor  from  the  south  for  the  suppression 
of  abolitionist  speech  and  print  had  three  effects,  on 
three  classes  of  people,  in  the  north.  It  roused  peo 
ple  of  one  class  to  defend  the  threatened  freedom  of 
tongue  and  pen ;  awakened  them  to  new  and  serious 
thinking  on  the  subject  of  slavery,  and  prepared  them 
for  any  contention  with  it  that  did  not  repudiate  the 
Constitution  or  recklessly  imperil  the  national  life.  It 
moved  people  of  another  class  to  sympathy  Three 
with  the  wrath  of  the  slaveholders ;  made  them  te?eecaglt°a_ 
unflinching  political  allies  of  the  slaveholding  Uont 
interest,  ready  to  go  to  any  lengths  with  it,  in  Congress, 
or  state  legislatures,  or  courts  of  law ;  and  no  less  ready 
to  serve  it  by  mobbing  the  abolitionists,  destroying  their 
presses,  and  threatening  their  lives.  People  in  the  third 
class  were  merely  fretted  by  the  disturbance  of  the 
country.  The  class  which  grew  most  in  numbers  was 
the  first.  It  was  the  anti-slavery  sentiment  of  that  in 
creasing  body  of  citizens  which  gradually  dominated  the 
free  States  and  controlled  political  events. 


408       EXPANSION    IN    THE    GREAT  VALLEYS. 

251.  Suppression  in  Congress  of  the  Right  of  Peti 
tion.  1835-1840.  The  first  practical  political  question 
to  be  raised  by  the  anti-slavery  agitation  concerned  the 
right  of  petition,  and  it  was  forced  on  Congress  by  at 
tempts  to  deny  a  hearing  to  appeals  for  the  abolition  of 
slavery  in  the  District  of  Columbia.  That  the  national 
government  had  supreme  jurisdiction  over  its  own  seat 
could  not  be  denied ;  nor  could  anybody  dispute  the 
guarantee,  in  the  First  Amendment  to  the  Constitution, 
of  "  the  right  of  the  people  ...  to  petition  the  govern- 
Emancipa-  ment-"  Nevertheless,  in  the  session  of  1835- 
SonsPetl"  3^»  when  petitions  for  emancipation  in  the  Dis- 
opposed.  trjct  began  to  reach  Congress  in  great  num 
bers,  a  resolute  effort  to  forbid  their  reception  was  be 
gun.  It  was  a  fatuous  undertaking,  because  it  stirred 
infinitely  more  feeling  in  the  north  than  anti-slavery 
agitators  could  possibly  produce.  More  fatuous  still  was 
the  attempt  to  exclude  anti-slavery  literature 
from  the  from  the  mails.  This  had  the  support  of  Presi 
dent  Jackson,  who  recommended,  in  his  mes 
sage  of  1835,  the  passage  of  a  law  to  prohibit  "  the  cir 
culation  in  the  southern  States,  through  the  mail,  of  in 
cendiary  publications  intended  to  instigate  the  slaves 
to  insurrection."  The  anti-slavery  societies  denied  that 
anything  more  "  incendiary  "  than  the  doctrine  of  human 
rights  in  the  Declaration  of  Independence  was  ever  sent 
by  them  into  the  south,  or  that  they  circulated  anything 
among  the  slaves  to  excite  revolt ;  nor  does  any  fact  con 
tradictory  of  their  denial  appear  to  have  been  shown ; 
but  Mr.  Calhoun  and  his  followers  seemed  determined 
to  make  slavery  a  forbidden  subject  to  all  tongues  and 
pens  but  their  own.  Even  the  law  proposed  by  Jackson 
was  not  acceptable  to  Calhoun.  He  demanded  that  the 
States  themselves  should  determine  what  printed  matter 


THE   JACKSON    PERIOD.  409 

should  and  should  not  be  delivered  in  them  through  the 
United  States  mails,  and  he  introduced  a  bill  to  that  end  ; 
but  it  suffered  defeat  in  the  Senate,  and  never  reached 
the  House. 

The  most  effectual  agitators  of  feeling  on  the  subject 
of  slavery,  in  all  those  years  of  impassioned  agitation, 
were  not  the  orators  of  abolition,  but  Calhoun  and  the 
public  men  whom  he  led.  They  could  let  pass  no  oppor 
tunity  for  disputing  the  rights  of  opposed  opinion  and 
speech ;  thus  compelling  men  to  strike  at  slavery  in  de 
fence  of  free  institutions  at  large.  From  December,  1835, 
until  January,  1840,  the  struggle  to  uphold  the  Jolm 
right  of  petition  in  Congress  was  maintained.  JSJJriJ 
It  was  then  that  John  Quincy  Adams  performed  1836-i845- 
the  highest  service  of  his  life.  After  leaving  the  presi 
dency  he  had  accepted  an  election  to  the  House  of  Re 
presentatives,  taking  his  seat  in  1831.  His  own  opinion 
was  against  an  agitation  at  that  time  for  the  abolition  of 
slavery  in  the  District  of  Columbia  ;  but  he  held  the  right 
of  petition  to  be  a  sacred  right,  and  he  made  himself  its 
most  resolute  and  powerful  champion  in  the  House. 

The  slaveholding  interest  drew  allies  enough  from  the 
north  to  carry  a  resolution  (known  afterward  as   „  The 
"  the  Atherton   Gag  ")  through  the  House,  in  $ffion 
Dec.  1838,  which  made  it  the  rule  that  all  peti-  1838- 
tions  and  memorials  relating  to  slavery  "shall,  without 
being  printed  or  referred,  be  laid  upon  the  table,  and  that 
no  further  action  whatever  shall  be  had  thereon."     From 
session  to  session  thereafter,  while  Mr.  Adams  and  other 
members  continued  to  present  petitions  in  always  increas 
ing  numbers,  this  rule,  which  laid  them  unno 
ticed  on  the  table,  was  made  more  stringent,  suppressed, 
until  finally,  in  January,  1840,  the  House  was 
prevailed  upon  to  defy  the  Constitution  entirely,  by  re- 


410       EXPANSION    IN    THE  GREAT   VALLEYS. 

solving  that  "no  petition,  memorial,  resolution,  or  other 
paper  praying  the  abolition  of  slavery  in  the  District  of 
Columbia,  or  any  State  or  Territory,  or  the  slave  trade 
between  the  States  or  Territories  of  the  United  States 
in  which  it  now  exists,  shall  be  received  by  this  House, 
or  entertained  in  any  way  whatever." 

252.  Texas.  1835-1837.  The  "  Slave  Power,"  as  it 
began  to  be  called,  had  now  succeeded  in  arraying  all  the 
feelings  and  judgments  that  are  defensive  of 
of  slave  free  institutions  against  itself.  Nevertheless, 
for  the  time  being,  it  was  an  almost  irresistible 
power  in  the  nation,  made  so  by  alliances  with  ambitious 
politicians  in  the  north,  who  were  drawn  to  it  by  the  at 
traction  of  its  solidarity  in  the  south.  It  was  preparing, 
moreover,  to  increase  its  power,  by  further  expansions 
of  territory  in  which  to  create  new  slave  States.  The 
intention  to  acquire  Texas  for  that  purpose  had  been  al 
ways  in  the  southern  mind,  and  the  time  for  fulfilling  the 
intention  seemed  now  to  be  at  hand.  So  many  American 
and  British  settlers  had  gone  into  that  province  of  the 
Mexican  republic,  since  the  Spanish  rule  in  Mexico  was 
overthrown,  that  their  number  was  said  to  be  20,000  in 
1835.  Generally  they  were  looking  forward  to  becom 
ing  part  of  the  United  States,  and  southern  statesmen 
were  planning  to  that  end.  These  American  and  other 
English-speaking  Texans  were  using  slave  labor,  in  defi 
ance  of  the  Mexican  government,  which  had  prohibited 
the  importation  of  slaves  in  1824  and  decreed  emancipa 
tion  in  1829.  In  other  matters  they  paid  little 

Texan  .  .  . 

inde-  respect  to  Mexican  authority,   then  weakened 

pendence  J  . 

declared,      by  civil    conflicts,    and,   after   some   collisions 

with  President  Santa  Anna,  they  declared  their 

independence,  on  the  2d  of  March,  1836.     Before  they 

were  well  organized,  Santa  Anna  entered  the  country  with 


THE  JACKSON    PERIOD.  41! 

a  Mexican  army  and  committed  some  dreadful  atrocities 
at  a  fortified  mission  church,  called  the  Alamo, 
and  at  Goliad;  but  that  was  the  end  of  his  sue- 


cess.  On  the  2istof  April  his  army  was  crush-  Jacinto, 
ingly  beaten  at  San  Jacinto,  and  he  was  taken 
prisoner  by  a  small  force  of  Texans  under  General  Sam 
Houston,  of  Tennessee.  The  independence  of  Texas, 
though  unacknowledged  by  Mexico,  was  won  by  the 
single  battle.  In  October  a  constitution  was  adopted 
and  a  republican  government  organized,  with  Houston  as 
president,  to  which  government  the  United  States  gave 
recognition  in  the  following  spring.  The  Texas  ques 
tion  stood  at  this  point  when  Jackson's  administration 
closed. 

253.  Extraordinary  Growth  of  the  Country.  —  Be 
ginnings  of  a  Mania  of  Speculation.  1825-1833. 
While  the  country  went  through  the  moral  agitations 
and  political  excitements  of  these  last  years  of  the  Jack 
son  regime,  its  whole  economic  system  was  in  a  more 
than  equally  fevered  state.  Since  recovery  from  the 
"crisis"  of  1819  (see  sect.  221),  the  increase  in  popu 
lation,  the  spread  of  western  settlement,  the  rise  of  new 
towns  and  growth  of  older  cities,  the  eager  activity  of 
public  and  private  enterprise  in  every  field,  had  had  no 
precedent  in  the  modern  history  of  the  world.  Between 
the  census  of  1820  and  that  of  1840  the  total 

,   L  .  r  .,    _  Increase  of 

population  rose  from  9,638,000  to  17,053,000,  population, 

r        i   •    i      i  i  i          1820-1840. 

of  which  latter  number  9,728,000  were  in  the 
northern  States,  and  7,334,000  (including  2,486,000 
slaves)  were  in  the  south.  Ohio  grew  in  that  brief 
period  from  576,000  to  1,502,000;  Indiana  from  145,000 
to  678,000;  Illinois  from  53,000  to  472,000;  Michigan 
(admitted  as  a  State  in  1837)  from  8000  to  211,000; 
Arkansas  (admitted  in  1836)  from  12,000  to  77,000; 


412       EXPANSION    IN    THE    GREAT    VALLEYS. 

Missouri  from  56,000  to  323,000;  and  almost  the  whole 
of  this  prodigious  advance  was  prior  to  1837.  It  had 
been  stimulated  immensely  by  the  completion  of  the 

Erie  Canal  in  1825,  and  quite  as  much,  perhaps, 
andam  by  the  rapid  multiplication  of  steamboats  on 

rivers  and  lakes.  No  other  country  in  the 
world  had  utilized  the  steamboat  so  rapidly,  or  gained  so 
much  from  it ;  for  no  other  had  such  waterways  opening 
into  such  expanses  of  undeveloped  land.  Railways,  with 
steam  locomotion,  had  their  beginning  in  1830,  and  1273 
miles  had  been  built  in  the  United  States  within  the 
next  six  years. 

In  the  rush  of  this  unparalleled  progress  it  is  not  at  all 
strange  that  even  sober-minded  people  lost  their  heads, 
specula-  and  saw  no  limit  to  the  continued  working  of 

the  new  agencies  of  travel  and  transportation 
that  were  driving  it  on.  It  seemed  possible  to  mark  a 
thousand  spots  where  new  towns  would  spring  up  in  the 
next  few  years ;  and  no  less  possible  to  forecast  the 
growth  of  existing  cities  and  towns.  So  speculation, 
especially  in  land,  leaped  from  the  reckoning  of  present 
facts  to  future  possibilities,  and  went  wild. 

254.  Second  Era  of  "Wild-cat"  Banking  and  In 
flation.  1833-1837.  It  was  just  at  the  time  when  this 
fever  of  speculation  was  prepared  for  by  the  circum 
stances  of  the  day  that  a  mischievous  stimulant  was 
given  to  it  by  President  Jackson's  removal  of  govern 
ment  deposits  from  the  Bank  of  the  United  States  to  a 
large  number  of  state  banks.  For  a  short  time,  while 

the  change  was  going  on,  it  gave  business  a 
tion  of  check  ;  but  that  soon  passed  and  was  followed 
states  by  quite  opposite  effects.  Naturally  there  was 

a  scramble  for  the  deposits,  and  a  fresh  output 
of  state  charters  for  new  banks,  soon  running  into  a  new 


THE   JACKSON    PERIOD.  413 

era  of  "  wild-cat  "  banking,  worse  than  that  which  followed 
the  War  of  1812  (see  sect.  221).  Again  there  was  an  in 
flated  and  depreciated  paper  currency,  an  inflated  credit 
system,  and  the  speculative  spirit  was  intoxicated  still 
more. 

Then  came  another  measure  of  government  which 
helped  the  mischief  on.  The  last  of  the  public  debt 
having  been  extinguished  in  1836.  and  a  surplus  exceed 
ing  $42,000,000  having  accumulated  in  the  national 
treasury,  an  act  was  passed  which  ordered  the  distribu 
tion  of  all  but  $5,000,000  of  this  surplus,  as  a 

.      ,  1-1     Distrlbu- 

loan  without  interest,  in  four  quarterly  instal-  tionof 

ments,  among   the    States.     The   prospect  of  revenue, 
that  large  addition  to  funds  in  the  States,  for 
all  sorts  of   public  improvements  and  other  purposes, 
gave  still  another  impulse  to  speculation  ;  but  when  it 
came,  in   1837,  to  the  transferring  of   $9,000,000  every 
three  months  from  banks  all  over  the  country  into  state 
treasuries,  the  unsound  monetary  system  began  to  give 
way  under  the  strain. 

Before  that  effect  arrived,  however,  the  President,  in 
his   headstrong  way,  against  the  advice  of   his  official 
cabinet,  had  struck  a  blow  that  would,  very  likely,  have 
sufficed  to  bring  about  the  inevitable  crash.     Of  the  ex 
cessive  revenue  flowing  into  the  treasury,  a  large  part 
came  from  the  speculative  buying  of  public  lands.    Until 
the  summer  of  1836  the  government  received  most  of 
this  land  revenue  in  bank-notes  of  very  uncertain  worth. 
Then  the  President,  becoming  suspicious  of  the  sound 
ness  of  the  banks  and  the  value  of  their  paper,  issued  an 
order  that  is  famous  in  history  as  the  "  specie  The 
circular"  of  July,  1836,  directing  that  coin  only  circular," 
should  be  taken  in  payment  for  public  lands.   1836- 
This,  acting  together  with  the  draft  on  the  banks  for  the 


414       EXPANSION    IN    THE    GREAT   VALLEYS. 

surplus  funds,  and  the  distribution  of  money  in  the  coun 
try  with  no  reference  to  current  needs  of  business,  gave 
a  finishing  touch  to  the  unsound  condition  of  affairs ; 
but  the  general  downfall  and  consequent  misery  did  not 
come  upon  the  country  until  after  General  Jackson  had 
finished  his  presidential  career. 

255.  Election  of  Martin  Van  Buren.  —  Rise  of  the 
Whig  Party.    1836.     Had  the  experience  of  1837  come 
a  few  months  earlier  than  it  did,  the  election  of  the  fall 
of  1836  might  not  have  ratified  Jackson's  choice  of  Van 
Buren  to  take  his  place.     As  it  was,  the  able  politician- 
statesman  of  New  York  was  elected  President  by  a  clear 
popular  majority  over  three  opposing  candidates.     The 
National  Republicans,  the  Anti-Masons,  and  some  other 
The  wwg     elements  opposed  to  the  Jacksonian  Democracy 
party.          nacj  now  unfte(^  an(j  had  taken  the  name  of 

Whigs.  Their  candidate  was  General  William  H.  Har 
rison.  Judge  Hugh  L.  White,  of  Tennessee,  was  a  rival 
Democratic  candidate,  and  Daniel  Webster  received  the 
votes  of  the  Massachusetts  Whigs.  Of  the  electoral 
votes,  Van  Buren  received  170,  Harrison  73,  White  26, 
Webster  14. 

256.  Influences   and   Effects  of   the  Presidency  of 
Jackson.      It   is  more  than    possible  that  the  natural 
movement  of  events,  under  any  presidency  in  the  govern 
ment,  would  have  swept  the  country  on  to  a  catastrophe 
in  business,  as  ruinous,  perhaps,  as  that  which  came  in 
1837  ;  but  President  Jackson  is  responsible  none  the  less 
for  the  effects  of  his  arbitrary  dealing  with  matters  which 
he  did  not  comprehend.     In  some  degree,  the  panic  of 
1837  must  be  counted  among  his  legacies  to  the  country, 
when  the  eight  years  of  his  rule  (called  by  more  than 
one  historian  his  "reign")  at  Washington  was  closed. 
The  legacies  of  effect  from  that  extraordinary  adminis- 


THE   JACKSON    PERIOD.  415 

tration  of  a  personal  will  in  the  government  were  numer 
ous  and  lasting  and  large.  The  national  char 
acter  was  affected  profoundly,  through  one  whole  national 
generation,  at  least ;  for  the  ruder  and  less  edu 
cated  people  were  fascinated  and  strangely  influenced  by 
this  roughly  powerful  man.  In  one  way  it  was  an  influ 
ence  immensely  good,  helping  to  popularize  national  feel 
ings,  which  still  needed  that  culture,  even  in  the  north 
and  west.  Though  he  tried,  as  a  southerner,  to  cham 
pion  "  state  rights,"  Jackson's  political  instincts  were 
wholly  national,  his  patriotism  wholly  American,  and  his 
admirers  throughout  the  country  were  made  to  feel  as  he 
felt.  He  gave  them  new  reasons,  too,  for  national  pride. 
His  peremptory  way  of  doing  things  had  some  fortunate 
results  in  foreign  affairs.  It  brought  the  country  very 
close  to  war  with  France  in  1835,  but  it  accomplished  a 
settlement  of  long-pending  claims  for  French 

,  ,    ,.  A  •  -i        Successful 

depredations   on  American    commerce   in   the  foreign 
Napoleonic  wars.      The  persistent   refusal  of  ] 
England  to  open  her  West  India  trade  to  American  ship 
ping  was  overcome  in  1830,  and,  though  that  was  done 
by  the  suave  diplomacy  of  Van  Buren,  Jackson  got  the 
credit  of  "bringing  the  English  to  terms." 

On  the  other  hand,  the  disposition  of  General  Jackson 
to  be  "  a  law  unto  himself  "  was  not  calculated  to  dissemi 
nate  law-abiding  habits  and  respect  for  legal  pro 
cesses  among  the  people  who  looked  up  to  him 
with  admiring  eyes  ;  and  the  country  appears  to 
have  shown  a  quite  marked  deterioration  in  that  respect 
—  a  marked   tendency   to   lawlessness  and    disorder  — 
during  the  period  in  which  his  example  of  character  was 
the  most  conspicuous  one  and  his  influence  very  great. 

257.   The  Business  Collapse  of  1837.     In  the  early 
days  of  April,  1837,  when  President  Van  Buren  had  been 


416      EXPANSION    IN    THE    GREAT   VALLEYS. 

barely  a  month  in  the  White  House,  the  breaking  of 
bubbles  in  the  business  world  was  begun,  by  commercial 
failures  starting  at  New  York.  Each  downfall  caused 
others,  and  before  the  month  ended  the  spreading  process 
of  panic  and  ruin  had  strewn  the  whole  country  with 
wrecks.  On  the  loth  of  May  the  New  York 
payment  banks  suspended  the  redemption  of  their  notes 
in  coin,  and  their  example  was  followed  every 
where  within  the  next  week.  The  prostration  of  busi 
ness  was  the  most  nearly  universal  that  the  country  had 
known. 

To  most  people  the  catastrophe  was  a  terrifying  sur 
prise,  and  its  causes  were  utterly  misunderstood.  It  was 
quite  commonly  supposed  to  be  altogether  a  consequence 
of  bad  measures  by  the  government,  having  the  "  specie 
circular"  for  its  immediate  cause  and  the  overthrow  of 
the  Bank  of  the  United  States  for  a  cause  more  remote. 
That  the  general  conditions  in  business  had 
not  under-  been  fatally  disordered  in  themselves,  and  that 
the  government  had  done  no  more  at  the  most 
than  to  quicken  the  disease,  was  a  fact  which  not  many 
could  see.  Those  who  believed  that  the  trouble  came 
wholly  from  ill-doings  of  the  government  were  equally 
persuaded  that  the  government  might  undo  what  it  had 
done.  Immediately  there  was  clamor  for  a  withdrawal 
of  the  "specie  circular,"  and  for  a  re-nationalizing  of  the 
Bank  of  the  United  States.  Van  Buren  had 
Bufen's  the  wisdom  and  the  courage  to  resist  those  de 
mands  ;  and,  among  economists  of  the  present 
day,  enlightened  by  the  added  experience  of  sixty  and 
more  years,  there  is  hardly  a  question  of  the  sound  states 
manship  of  his  course,  in  which  he  braved  adverse  public 
opinion  to  the  end  of  his  term. 

258.   Action  of  President  Van  Buren.  —  His   "In- 


THE   JACKSON    PERIOD.  417 

dependent  Treasury "  System.  1837-1840.  Having 
called  a  special  session  of  Congress,  to  meet  in  Septem 
ber,  the  President  set  the  circumstances  of  the  country 
and  of  the  government  before  it  in  a  message  of  rare 
clearness  and  force.  The  aim  of  his  exposition  was  to 
show  that,  instead  of  being  called  upon  to  palliate  the 
effects  of  past  excesses  in  business,  by  remedies  that 
would  only  delay  a  true  recovery,  the  government  should 
take  a  lesson  from  what  had  happened,  and  should  sepa 
rate  itself  from  the  whole  system  of  commercial  finance, 
with  the  natural  working  of  which  it  ought  never  to  in 
terfere.  Since  the  suspension  of  the  banks,  the  Treasury 
had  been  holding  its  own  funds,  and  the  President  urged, 
that  that  be  made  the  established  practice  for  the  future. 
He  asked  Congress  to  provide  for  the  system 
of  an  "independent  treasury,"  with  branches  pendent 
in  the  chief  cities  (called  commonly  the  "  sub- 
treasury  "  system),  and  so  make  it  impossible  for  politics 
to  enter  into  what  ought  to  be  a  purely  business  manage 
ment  of  banking  affairs.  Time  has  proved  the  wisdom 
of  this  proposal,  and  the  independence  of  the  Treasury 
has  long  been  a  fixed  fact  in  the  United  States ;  but 
President  Van  Buren  argued  for  it  vainly  at  the  time. 
The  House  rejected  a  bill  in  accord  with  his  recommen 
dations,  which  the  Senate  had  passed ;  but  he  pressed 
the  measure  persistently  until,  in  1840,  it  became  law. 

It  is  the  distinction  of  Van  Buren' s  administration  that 
it  contended   bravely  for  sound  principles   of   political 
economy,  touching  money  and  banking,  and  that  it  did 
so  with  important  educating  effects.    The  lead 
ers  of  the  President's  party  in  New  York,  Silas  banking 
Wright  and  others,  shared  his  intelligent  views 
on  these  subjects,  and  their  influence  brought  about  the 
adoption,  in  1838,  of  a  general  banking  law  in  that  State, 


418        EXPANSION    IN   THE    GREAT   VALLEYS. 

which  stopped  the  loose  chartering  of  banks  by  special 
acts,  and  set  a  potent  example  of  reform. 

Apparent  recovery  from  the  great  financial  depression 
of  1837  was  more  rapid  than  the  real  cure.  In  exactly 
Recovery  a  vear  ^rom  tne^r  suspension  the  New  York 
andreiapse.  banks  felt  able  to  resume  specie  payments,  and 
resumption  was  quite  general  in  the  summer  and  fall  of 
1838.  Trade  sprang  up  again  in  too  lively  a  spirit ;  there 
was  too  much  buying  of  foreign  goods,  and  land  specula 
tion  began  to  revive.  The  result  was  a  relapse  in  1839, 
brought  on  by  a  state  of  stress  in  England ;  and  from 
this  second  collapse  of  business  the  recovery  of  the  coun 
try  was  slow  and  hard. 

259.  The   Texas   Question.      1837.     It    was   during 
these   years,  as  related  already,  that  the   exciting   and 
momentous  struggle  in  Congress  over  the  right  of  pe 
tition  went  on.     As  one  effect  of  that  new  conflict,  the 
Texas  question  began  now  to  loom  large  in  the  politics 
Annexation  °^  tne  time.     A  strong  resistance  to  the  pro- 
resisted,       jected  annexation  of   the   Texan   republic,  as 
slave  territory,  was  prepared.     Proposals  for  annexation 
came  to  President  Van   Buren  from  a  Texas  agent  at 
Washington,  in  August,  1837  an^  were  declined.     To 
accept  them  meant  probable  war  with  Mexico,  as  well  as 
offence  to  a  large  body  of  the  American  people,  and  the 
question  was  not  allowed  to  reach  Congress,  through  any 
action  of  the  executive,  during  Van  Buren's  term. 

260.  Rebellion   in   Canada.     1837-1838.       An  out 
break  of  rebellion  in  Canada,  in  1837-38,  growing  out  of 
a  bad   system  of  colonial  government,  awakened  much 
sympathy  in  the  United  States,  and  a  popular  desire  to 
help  it  on.     Our  government  had  difficulty  in  keeping 
the  nation  from  becoming  involved  in  another  war  with 
Great    Britain,   especially   when   a    militia    force   from 


THE  JACKSON    PERIOD.  419 

Canada  invaded  the  American  shore  of  the  Niagara  and 
burned  a  small  steamer,  the  Caroline,  which  the  rebels 
had  used.  In  faithfully  carrying  out  the  obligations  of 
international  law  and  working  for  the  preservation  of 
peace,  the  President  offended  much  heated  public  feeling, 
especially  in  his  own  State. 

261.  Presidential  Election  of  184O.  In  this,  as  in 
his  dealing  with  the  business  troubles  of  the  day,  Presi 
dent  Van  Buren  did  his  duty  at  the  cost  of  public  favor, 
and  did  it  with  a  firmness  that  claims  high  respect. 
He  coveted  a  reelection  ;  but  that  approval  of  his  ad 
ministration  was  denied.  He  was  renominated  by  his 
party  in  1840,  with  little  chance  of  success.  The  Whigs 
put  General  Harrison  in  nomination,  again  disappointing 
the  ambition  of  their  leader,  Henry  Clay.  For  Vice- 
President  they  nominated  John  Tyler,  of  Virginia,  a 
Calhoun  Democrat,  who  had  opposed  Jackson's 

,  .„  ,    J  Character 

bank  and  tariff  measures,  but  whose  present  of  cam- 
party  position  was  not  well  defined.  No  "  plat 
form,"  or  declaration  of  principles  and  policy,  was  put 
forth  by  the  Whig  convention,  its  plan  being  to  win  votes 
on  the  mere  demand  for  a  "  change."  The  plan  was  car 
ried  out  with  success,  in  an  extraordinary  campaign  of 
songs  and  hurrahs.  There  was  not  much  discussion  of 
political  questions,  but  more  singing,  cheering,  march 
ing,  and  meeting  in  great  gatherings  for  every  kind  of 
political  merrymaking  than  was  ever  known  before  or 
since ;  and  "  Tippecanoe  and  Tyler  too  " l  were  borne 
1  General  Harrison  figured  in  the  campaign  principally  as  the 
hero  of  the  battle  of  Tippecanoe  (see  sect.  198).  A  foolish 
attempt  by  one  of  the  Democratic  papers  to  belittle  him,  by  saying 
that  a  pension  of  a  few  hundred  dollars  and  a  barrel  of  hard  cider 
would  content  him  in  his  log  cabin  for  life,  gave  a  cue  to  the  Whigs 
which  they  turned  to  good  account.  Log  cabins  and  hard  cider 
became  effective  features  of  the  Harrison  demonstrations. 


420        EXPANSION    IN    THE    GREAT   VALLEYS. 

into  office  on  a  wave  of  enthusiasm  which  nothing  could 
resist.  Van  Buren  carried  only  one  northern  State, 
Illinois,  and  but  five  States  in  the  south.  His  electoral 
vote  was  60;  Harrison's,  234.  / 


TOPICS    AND    SUGGESTED    READING    AND    RESEARCH. 

239.    President  Jackson  and  his  Advisers. 

TOPICS  AND  REFERENCES. 

i.  Contrasts  between  President  Jackson  and  his  predecessors. 
2.  His  belief  in  the  Union.  3.  Changed  influences  surrounding 
the  executive.  —  The  "kitchen  cabinet."  4.  Martin  Van  Buren 
and  the  "Albany  Regency"  in  New  York.  Wilson,  Division, 
9-12,  23-26,  28-30;  Roosevelt,  Benton,  72-75;  Parton,  Jackson, 
iii.  ch.  xvi.  ;  Sumner,  Jackson,  140-145  ;  Schouler,  iii.  494-496; 
Shepard,  95-96;  Hoist,  United  States,  ii.  27-31. 


240.    The  "  Spoils  System." 

TOPICS  AND  REFERENCES. 

1.  Removals  from  office  before  Jackson.     Lalor,  iii.  565-569; 
Morse,  Jefferson,  215-225;  Benton,  i.  159-162. 

2.  Introduction  of  the  four  years'  term  of  office.     3.    "  Spoils 
system"  in  New  York  and  other  States.     4.  Its  invasion  of  the 
national  public  service.     Roosevelt,  Benton,  79-85  ;   Schurz,  Clay, 
1.332-336;  Sumner,  Jackson,   145-149;  Wilson,  Division,  26-27, 
30-34;  Schouler,  iii.  175,  453,  455-462;  Fiske,  Civil  Gov't,  261- 
263;  Shepard,  38-48,  177-183,  199;  Sargent,  i.  282-287;  Benton, 
i.  1 60,  162;  Hart,  Contewp's,  iii.  531-535. 

241.    Forecast  of  Presidential  Policy. 

TOPICS  AND  REFERENCES. 

1.  Warning  of  hostility  to  the  United  States  Bank.     Sumner, 
Jackson,  236-247  ;  Wilson,  34-35,  70-79;  Burgess,  Middle  Period, 
190-200;  Schurz,  Clay,  i.  351-354;  Schouler,  iii.  469-474;  Ben- 
ton,  i.  123-124,  and  ch.  xlix. 

2.  "  State  rights  "  opposition  of  the  President  to  internal  im 
provements  by  the  general  government.     Burgess,  Middle  Period, 


TOPICS,    REFERENCES,    AND    RESEARCH.      421 

166-170;    Sumner,  Jackson,   193-194;   Wilson,  38-39;    Schouler, 
iii.  480-481. 


242.    Treatment  of  Indian  Tribes. 

TOPICS  AND  REFERENCES. 

i.  Violation  of  national  treaties  by  Georgia  upheld.  2.  Refusal 
to  enforce  mandates  of  the  Supreme  Court.  3.  Removal  of  tribes 
to  Indian  Territory.  4.  Second  Seminole  War  and  Black  Hawk 
War.  Sumner,  Jackson,  180-183;  Wilson,  35-38;  Schouler,  iii. 
477-480;  Benton,  ch.  li.  ;  Sargent,  i.  177-1/9,  209-213;  Hoist,' 
United  States,  ii.  292-311. 

243.    President  Jackson  and  the  Protective   Tariff. 
—  Calhoun  and  Nullification. 

TOPICS  AND  REFERENCES. 

i.   Attitude  of  President  Jackson  towards  the  protective  policy. 

2.  Feeling  in  the  south.  —  Revival  of  the  "nullification"  theory. 
—  Calhoun's  writings  (text  in  MacDonald,  ii.  231-237).     Schouler, 
iii.  468,  481-482,  440-444,  489-491  ;  Burgess,  Middle  Period,  170- 
184;  Wilson,  Division,  41-52;    Hoist,   Calhoun,   76-84,   96-103; 
Hoist,    United  States,    i.    459-470 ;    Sumner,   Jackson,    207-220 ; 
Roosevelt,  Benton,  88-96  ;  Clay,  v.  400-406  ;  Hart,  Contempts,  iii. 
544-548. 

3.  The  Hayne  and  Webster  debate,  and  how  it  arose  (text  in 
Webster,  iii.  248-355;  MacDonald,  ii.   240-259;  Johnston,  Am. 
Orations,  i.  213-282).     Schouler,  iii.  482-488;  Benton,  i.  ch.  xliv.  ; 
Sargent,  i.  169-174. 

4.  The  President's  feeling.  —  His  rupture  with  Calhoun.     Sum- 
nvc,  Jackson,  151-159;  Hoist,  Calhoun,  87-96;  Wilson,  Division, 
52-54;  Roosevelt,  Benton,  97-98  ;  Schouler,  iii.  488-489,  498-501  ; 
Benton,  i.  ch.  xlvi.,  liii. 

244.    Cabinet  Reconstruction. 

TOPICS  AND  REFERENCES. 

i.   Cause   of   cabinet   changes  in   1831.-    2.    The   new  cabinet. 

3.  Change  in  the  "  kitchen  cabinet."     Sumnzr,  Jackson,  159-163  ; 
Wilson,  Division.  54-55  ;  Schouler,  iii.  501-502  ;  Benton,  i.  ch.  liv.; 
Sargent,  i.  184-186. 


422  THE   JACKSON    PERIOD. 

245.    The  Bank  Question  in  the  Presidential 

Canvass. 
TOPICS  AND  REFERENCES. 

i.  Parties,  candidates,  and  issues.  2.  Clay's  wish  to  make  the 
"bank  question"  a  political  issue.  3.  Proposed  compromise  re 
fused.  4.  Re-chartering  act  of  Congress  vetoed  by  the  President 
(text  in  MacDonald,  ii.  261-268).  Schurz,  Clay,  i.  354~357,  372- 
383;  Sumner,  Jackson,  254-276 ;  Roosevelt,  Benton,  124-130; 
Burgess,  Middle  Period,  200-209  >  Wilson,  Division,  79-80  ;  Hoist, 
United  States,  ii.  39-50;  Peck,  175-192;  Webster,  iii.  391-447; 
Clay,  v.  523-535  ;  Benton,  i.  ch.  Ixiii.-lxviii. 

246.    The  Tariff  Act  of  1832. 

TOPICS  AND  REFERENCES. 

i.  Principles  embodied  in  the  tariff  of  1832.  2.  Its  offensive- 
ness  to  the  south.  Taussig,  102-105;  Elliott,  246-266;  Schurz, 
Clay,  i.  357-365  ;  Sumner,  Jackson,  221-223  ;  Burgess,  Middle 
Period,  184-189,  220-221;  Wilson,  Division,  55-59;  Hoist,  United 
States,  i.  471-475  ;  Peck,  153,  158-161  ;  Clay,  ^437-486  ;  Benton, 

1.  ch.  Ixix. 

RESEARCH.  —  De  Tocqueville's  view  of  American  political  parties 
in  1832  compared  with  what  he  distinguished  as  the  "great  par 
ties  "  of  an  earlier  time.  Tocqueville,  i.  222-227. 

247.    Reelection  of  President  Jackson. 

TOPICS  AND  REFERENCES. 

i.    Parties   and   their  candidates   in  the   presidential    canvass. 

2.  Result  of  the  election.     Shepard,  202-212;  Wilson,  Division, 
62-64;  Johnston,  Am.  Politics,  118-120;  Benton,  i.  ch.  Ixxiii. 

248.    Nullifying  Ordinance  of  South  Carolina.  — 
The  "Compromise  Tariff." 

TOPICS  AND  REFERENCES. 

i.  Ordinance  of  nullification  (text  in  MacDonald,  ii.  268-271  ; 
Larned,  Ready  Ref.}.  2.  Action  taken  by  the  President.  —  His 
proclamation  (text  in  MacDonald,  ii.  273-283).  Hoist,  United 
States,  i.  475-484  ;  Sumner,  Jackson,  281-285  ;  Burgess,  Middle 
Period,  221-231  ;  Schurz,  Clay,  ii.  4-9;  Roosevelt,  Benton,  100- 
103  ;  Peck,  193-197  ;  Benton,  i.  ch.  Ixxviii.-lxxx. 


TOPICS,   REFERENCES,   AND   RESEARCH.     423 

3.  Action  in  Congress.  —  The  "  Force  Bill "  (text  in  MacDon- 
ald,  ii.  284-289)  and  the  "  Compromise  Tariff."  4.  The  settlement 
Of  the  difficulty.  Schurz,  Clay,  ii.  9-22  ;  Burgess,  Middle  Period, 
231-241  ;  Sumner,  Jackson,  285-291  ;  Hoist,  Calhoun,  104-109  ; 
Hoist,  United  States,  i.  501-505;  Roosevelt,  Benton,  103-113; 
Taussig,  109-1 12  ;  Peck,  203-214  ;  Wilson,  Division,  59-68  ;  Clay, 
v.  536-569 ;  Benton,  i.  ch.  Ixxxi.-lxxxvi. 
RESEARCH.  —  De  Tocqueville's  reasoning,  in  1831-1835,  as  to 

"  the  chances  of  duration  of  the  American  Union."     Tocqueville, 

i-  491-535- 


249.    Removal  of  Government  Deposits  from  the 
United  States  Bank. 

TOPICS  AND  REFERENCES. 

x.  Question  of  the  safety  of  government  deposits  in  the  bank. 
2.  The  President's  removal  of  them,  and  how  it  was  accomplished 
(texts  in  MacDonald,  ii.  289-303).  Sumner,  Jackson,  291-310; 
Johnston,  Am.  Politics,  123-124;  Schurz,  Clay,  ii.  25-31  ;  Hoist, 
United  States,  ii.  51-68  ;  Burgess,  Middle  Period,  279-281  ;  Shep- 
ard,  213-215;  Peck,  217-222;  Wilson,  Division,  80-82;  Kendall, 
374-392 ;  Benton,  i.  ch.  Ixxv.,  Ixxvii.,  and  371-400 ;  Clay,  v.  575- 
620;  Webster,  iii.  506-551,  iv.  3-81. 

3.  After  history  of  the  bank.     Sumner,  Jackson,  337-342  ;  Ben- 
ton,  i.  ch.  cxi. 

4.  View  to  be  taken  of  the  overthrow  of  the   bank.     5.   The 
Senate's  censure  of  the  President.  —  The  President's  protest  (text 
in  MacDonald,  ii.  306-317).     The  expunging  of  the   resolution. 
Hoist,  United  States,  ii.  68-76;  Schurz,  Clay,  ii.  31-43,  99-106; 
Roosevelt,  Benton,    132-136,  139-142;    Peck,   224-241,  317-327; 
Benton,  i.  ch.  xcix.-ci.,  ciii.,  cxxii.-cxxiv.,  cxli.,  clix.-clxi.  ;  Kendall, 
392-422;  Sargent,  258-273,  332-344;  Webster,  iv.   103-147,  292- 
297 ;  Clay,  vi.  45-60. 

250.    Aggressive  Anti-slavery  Agitation.  —  The 
Abolitionists. 

TOPICS  AND  REFERENCES. 

i.  Beginning  of  a  crusade  against  slavery.  2.  Uncompromising 
ground  of  the  Abolitionists.  3.  Influence  of  their  agitation  pro- 


424  THE   JACKSON    PERIOD. 

moted  by  the  slaveholding  interest.  4.  Formation  of  anti-slavery 
societies.  5.  Causes  of  feeling  in  the  south.  —  Fears  of  insurrec 
tion. —  Demands  for  silencing  the  abolitionists.  6.  Differing  effects 
in  the  north.  7.  The  anti-slavery  sentiment  that  grew  in  the  free 
States.  Garrison,  i.  ch.  vii.-xiv. ;  Goldwin  Smith,  30-96  ;  Schurz, 
Clay,  ii.  70-78  ;  Burgess,  Middle  Period,  244-251  ;  Hoist,  United 
States,  ii.  80-118;  Peck,  269-273;  Hart,  Chase,  36-39,  55-66; 
Hart,  Contempts,  iii.  595-597,  602-614. 

RESEARCH.  —  President  Jackson  and  other  leading  men  in  Wash 
ington,  as  seen  by  a  sagacious  foreign  observer  in  1835.  Mar- 
tineau,  i.  147-184. 

251.    Suppression  in  Congress  of  the  Right  of 
Petition. 

TOPICS  AND  REFERENCES. 

i.  Attempt  to  reject  petitions  for  emancipation  in  the  District  of 
Columbia.  2.  Attempt  to  exclude  anti-slavery  writings  from  the 
mails.  Hoist,  Calhoun,  124-139,  143-150;  Hoist,  United  States,  ii. 
120-139,  235~245  5  Schurz,  Clay,  ii.  78-86;  Shepard,  233-238; 
Roosevelt,  Benton,  163-170;  Burgess,  Middle  Period,  251-261; 
Benton,  i.  ch.  cxxx.-cxxxi. ;  Peck,  273-281  ;  Hart,  Contempts,  iii. 
619-622. 

3.  Persistent  agitation  of  the  slavery  question  by  Calhoun  and 
his  followers.  —  The  rights  they  disputed.  4.  Defence  of  the 
right  of  petition  by  John  Quincy  Adams.  5.  The  "  Atherton 
Gag,"  and  final  suppression  of  anti-slavery  petitions.  Hoist,  United 
States,  ii.  245-289,  469-479;  Hoist,  Calhoun,  165-181;  Schouler, 
iv.  296-302,  307-308,  423-425  ;  Schurz,  Clay,  ii.  152-163  ;  Benton, 
i.  ch.  cxxxv.,  ii.  ch.  xxxiii. 
RESEARCH.  —  The  attempt  in  1842  to  censure  John  Quincy  Adams 

for  presenting  a  petition  which  asked  for  the  dissolution  of  the 

Union. 

252.    Texas. 

TOPICS  AND  REFERENCES. 

i.  Feelings  which  the  "slave  power"  had  arrayed  against 
itself.  2.  Sources  of  its  power.  3.  Desire  for  Texas.  —  Situation 
in  that  Mexican  province.  4.  American  and  British  settlers  in 
Texas.  5.  The  successful  Texan  revolt.  Roosevelt,  Benton,  \  73- 


TOPICS,  REFERENCES,  AND    RESEARCH.     425 

181  ;  Burgess,  Middle  Period,  290-294;  Hoist,  United  States,  ii. 
551-574;  Schurz,  Clay,  ii.  87-91;  Wilson,  Division,  141-143; 
Benton,  i.  ch.  cxliv.-cxlv. ;  Hart,  Contemp"s,  iii.  637-641. 


253.    Extraordinary  National   Growth.  —  Beginnings 
of  a  Speculative  Mania. 

TOPICS  AND  REFERENCES. 

i.  Increase  of  population  and  spread  of  settlement  since  1820. 
2.  The  principal  stimulations.  3.  Fevered  spirit  of  speculation. 
Shepard,  247-252;  Wilson,  Division,  89-90,  102-104;  Hoist, 
United  States,  ii.  173-174.  178-186;  Schurz,  Clay,  ii.  113-114; 
,  136,  322-325. 


254.    Second  Era  of  "Wild-cat"  Banking  and 
Inflation. 

TOPICS  AND  REFERENCES. 

i.  Effect  of  President  Jackson's  removal  of  deposits.  2.  Dis 
tribution  of  surplus  revenue  and  its  effect.  The  President's 
"specie  circular"  (text  in  MacDonald,  ii.  327-329)  and  its  ef 
fect.  Shepard,  253-261;  Roosevelt,  Benton,  144-156,  189-192; 
Schurz,  Clay,  ii.  115-127;  Wilson,  Division,  86-88,  91-92;  Hoist, 
United  States,  ii.  174-178,  186-194;  Peck,  299-306;  Benton,  i. 
ch.  cxlvi.,  civ. 

255.    Election  of  Martin  Van  Buren. 

TOPICS  AND  REFERENCES. 

i.  Circumstances  and  result  of  the  presidential  election  of  1836. 
2.  Formation  of  the  Whig  party.  Johnston,  Am.  Politics,  128, 
132  ;  Shepard,  219-241  ;  Schurz,  Clay,  ii.  95-97  ;  Sumner,  /#<:&$•<?#, 
374-382  ;  Benton,  i.  ch.  clii. 

256.  Influence  and  Effects  of  Jackson's  Presidenoy. 

TOPICS  AND  REFERENCES. 

i.  President  Jackson  and  the  "  Crisis"  of  1837.  2.  His  influ 
ence  on  the  character  of  his  generation.  3.  His  national  spirit. 
4.  The  good  and  evil  of  his  influence.  Schurz,  Clay,  ii.  106-112  ; 


426  THE  JACKSON    PERIOD. 

Sumner,  Jackson,  279-280  ;  Peck,  329-341  ;  Hoist,  United  States, 
ii.  76-79;  Peck,  329-341. 

5.    Foreign  affairs  in  President  Jackson's  administration.     Sum 
ner,  Jackson,  164-171,  343-348. 
RESEARCH.  —  General  Jackson  in  private  life,  as  described  by  his 

intimate  friends.     Benton,  i.  ch.  clxv. ;  Kendall,  686 ;  Parton, 

Jackson,  iii.  ch.  xlii. 

257.    Business  Collapse  of  1837. 

TOPICS  AND  REFERENCES. 

i.  Commercial  failures  and  bank  suspensions.  2.  Common 
misunderstanding  of  the  causes.  3.  Demands  on  the  government 
resisted  by  the  President.  Shepard,  245-273 ;  Sumner,  Am.  Cur 
rency,  102-161  ;  Walker,  Money,  ch.  xxi.  ;  Peck,  349-356;  Hoist, 
United  States,  ii.  194-201  ;  Schouler,  iv.  276-282 ;  Benton,  ii.  ch. 
ii.-vii. 

258.    Action  of  President  Van  Buren.  —  His 
"  Independent  Treasury  "  System. 

TOPICS  AND  REFERENCES. 

i.  Argument  of  the  President's  message.  2.  Plan  and  purpose 
of  the  "independent  treasury"  system.  3.  Distinction  of  Presi 
dent  Van  Buren's  administration.  Shepard,  ch.  5x.  ;  Kinley  ; 
Bolles,  ii.  351-358;  Wilson,  Division,  94-95,  97-98;  Schurz,  Clay, 
ii.  132-144;  Hoist,  United  States,  ii.  201-208;  Peck,  356-369; 
Schouler,  iv.  282-285,  324~325 1  Webster,  iv.  402-499 ;  Clay,  vi. 
63,  86,  94-133,  170-194  ;  Benton,  ii.  ch.  viii.,  xi. 

4.  The  general  banking  law  of  New  York.     Wilson,  Division, 

95-97- 

5.  Apparent  recovery  of  business  in  1838,  and  relapse  in  1839. 
Hoist,  United  States,  ii.  210-217;  Shepard,  317-318;  Schouler,  iv. 
292-294,  347-348 ;  Benton,  ii.  ch.  xx.-xxiii. 

259.    The  Texas  Question. 

TOPICS  AND  REFERENCES. 

i.  Annexation  declined  by  President  Van  Buren.  —  Growth  of 
opposition.  Burgess,  Middle  Period,  295-301 ;  Schouler,  iv.  303- 
307 ;  Shepard,  306-307 ;  Benton,  ii.  ch.  xxiv. 


TOPICS,  REFERENCES,  AND   RESEARCH.     427 

260.    Rebellion  in  Canada. 

TOPICS  AND  REFERENCES. 

i.  Difficulty  in  avoiding  war  with  England.  Lodge,  Webster, 
246-249,  252  ;  Shepard,  300-306 ;  Lothrop,  28-37  ;  Benton,  ii.  ch. 
Ixxv.-lxxvi. 

261.    Presidential  Election  of  184O. 

TOPICS  AND  REFERENCES. 

i.  Re-nomination  of  Van  Buren.  2.  Whig  nomination  of  Gen 
eral  Harrison  and  John  Tyler.  3.  Peculiar  character  of  the  can 
vass  and  election.  —  The  result:  Hoist,  United  States,  ii.  360- 
405;  Schurz,  Clay,  ii.  171-189;  Shepard,  323-339;  Schouler,  iv. 
327-341 ;  Sargent,  ii.  89-96,  105-111  ;  Benton,  ii.  ch.  Iviii. 


SECTIONAL   CONTENTION. 
1840-1860. 


CHAPTER   XIII. 

EXPANSION  TO  THE  PACIFIC  I  FOR  FREE  LABOR  OR  SLAVE 
LABOR:  WHICH?    1841-1848. 

262.  Death  of  President  Harrison. — V ice-President 
Tyler  as  President.  —  His  Rupture  with  the  Whigs. 
1841-1842.  General  Harrison  enjoyed  the  honors  of 
the  presidency  a  single  month.  He  died,  after  a  brief 
illness,  on  the  4th  of  April,  1841,  and  the  Vice-President 
was  called  to  his  place.  This  put  Mr.  Tyler  in  a  false 
position  and  produced  an  unfortunate  state  of  things. 
He  was  a  Democrat  in  his  political  opinions,  elected  to 
office  by  Whig  votes.  In  the  vice-presidency  there  might 
have  been  no  serious  friction  between  him  and  the 
party  with  which  he  was  expected  to  act ;  but  in  the 
presidency  it  was  sure  to  come.  More  than  friction 
came,  in  fact,  soon  after  Congress  met  for  a  special 
independent  session  in  June.  Both  houses  were  controlled 
SouSiea,  by  the  whigs,  and  both  acted  under  the  im 
perious  lead  of  Clay.  Their  first  work  was  to 
sweep  away  the  independent  treasury  which  Van  Buren 
had  labored  so  hard  to  create,  and  President  Tyler 
signed  their  bill.  Likewise  he  approved  another  mea 
sure  in  the  Whig  programme,  which  was  to  divide  annu 
ally  among  the  States  the  net  proceeds  from  the  sales 


EXPANSION   TO    THE    PACIFIC.  429 

of  public  lands.     In  most  parts  of  the  country  this  dis 
tribution  was  demanded  eagerly  as  a  measure  of  relief, 
many  of  the  States  having  overburdened  themselves  with 
debt  in  the  wild  period  before   1837.     Some  were  fail 
ing  to  pay  interest  on  their  bonds  ;  a  few  were  bringing 
disgrace  and  discredit  on  the  country  by  talk  of  repudi 
ating  their  debts.    The  distributing  act  passed  ; 
but   with   the   proviso    that,    whenever    tariff  states, 
duties  should  be  raised  above  twenty,  per  cent., 
the  distribution  of  land  revenues  should  cease ;  and  that 
proviso,  as  we  shall  see,  made  the  act  of  no  effect. 

But  these  were  not  the  measures  that  Clay  and  the 
Whigs  had  most  at  heart.  Above  all  things  they  wanted 
to  incorporate  a  new  Bank  of  the  United  States,  and  it 
was  on  a  bill  for  that  purpose  that  their  clash 
with  the  President  came.  He  vetoed  it,  on  vetoes, 
grounds  which  might,  apparently,  be  overcome. 
After  consultation  with  him,  another  measure  was 
framed,  supposed  to  be  adapted  to  his  views  ;  but  either 
he  had  been  strangely  misunderstood,  or  else  his  views 
had  changed,  for  when  the  new  bill  reached  him  he 
vetoed  that,  too.  This  ended  the  last  attempt  ever 
made  to  set  up  a  great  national  bank,  related  in  a  semi 
official  way  to  the  government  of  the  United  States. 
Most  students  of  the  subject  now  give  approval  to 
Tyler's  veto,  as  well  as  to  Jackson's  ;  but  President 
Tyler's  conduct  in  connection  with  the  second  bill  does 
not  appear  in  a  favorable  light. 

The  Whigs  broke  relations  with  the  President  and 
opened    hostilities    at    once.     Every    member   of    the 
cabinet  (he  had  retained  Harrison's)  resigned, 
excepting  Daniel  Webster,  who  was  Secretary  ofWMg 
of  State,  and  who  had  opened  an  important 
negotiation  with    England  which   he   wished  to  carry 


430  SECTIONAL   CONTENTION. 

through.  The  administration  became  practically  a  Dem 
ocratic  one,  though  no*  acknowledged  as  such  by  the 
Democratic  party,  and  the  fruits  of  their  victory  in  1840 
were  snatched  from  the  Whigs.  Their  next  conflict 
with  the  President  occurred  upon  a  revision  (1842)  of 
the  "  Compromise  Tariff"  of  1833,  made  necessary  by 
Tariff  of  so  great  a  falling  off  in  the  revenue  from  cus 
toms  that  the  government  was  in  distress. 
Many  of  the  rates  qf  duty  were  raised  above  twenty  per 
cent.,  and  this,  by  the  effect  of  the  proviso  above  men 
tioned,  rescinded  the  act  for  distributing  land  revenues. 
The  Whigs  sought  to  avert  that  effect,  but  the  President 
would  not  consent. 

263.  "Dorr  Rebellion"  in  Rhode  Island.  —  Anti- 
Rent  Disturbances  in  New  York.  1841-1844.  Two 
parts  of  the  country,  Rhode  Island  and  New  York,  were 
disturbed  seriously  at  this  time  by  movements  of  popu 
lar  discontent.  The  old  royal  charter  of  Rhode  Island 
was  still  the  basis  of  the  government  of  that  State,  and 
its  restriction  of  the  suffrage  to  freeholders  of 
!iSdege  land  had  never  been  changed.  In  1841  the 
disfranchised  citizens  attempted  to  take  by 
force  what  the  privileged  class  refused  to  give,  and  set 
up  a  government  at  Providence  which  disputed  authority 
with  that  of  the  old  regime.  The  latter,  having  law  on 
its  side,  could  claim  support  from  the  federal  govern 
ment,  which  was  given  with  effect.  The  revolutionary 
movement  (called  "the  Dorr  rebellion"  from  the  name 
of  its  leader  and  governor-elect)  collapsed  in  1842  ;  but 
its  end  was  attained.  Rhode  Island  adopted  a  constitu 
tion  which  broadened  the  suffrage  and  silenced  discon 
tent. 

The  New  York  troubles  had  an  equally  ancient  ori 
gin,  in  the  old  creation  of  Dutch  patroon  and  English 


EXPANSION    TO    THE    PACIFIC.  431 

manorial  estates  (see  sect.  33).  The  lands  in  those  huge 
estates  were  let  to  tenants  on  perpetual  leases,  j^.^ 
subject  to  annual  rent  payments  and  other  JjJlJjJ1*" 
claims,  which  grew  more  irksome  as  time  went  1841-1844- 
on  and  as  democratic  ideas  gained  force.  The  manorial 
titles  were  disputed,  and  combinations  were  formed  to 
resist  payment  of  rents,  by  both  lawful  and  unlawful 
means.  At  this  period  the  doings  of  the  "  anti-renters  " 
were  very  disturbing  for  some  years.  They  failed  to 
break  the  obnoxious  land  titles  ;  but  the  troubles  were 
ended  gradually  by  concessions  which  enabled  most  of 
the  tenants  to  buy  their  lands. 

264.  The  Ashburton   Treaty.     1842.     Webster  re 
mained  in  the  Tyler  cabinet  until  May,  1843,  when  he 
withdrew,    having   finished    an    important    task.     Ever 
since  the  peace  of    1783,  our  northeastern  boundary, 
between  Maine,  New  Hampshire,  and  the  British  pro 
vinces,  had  been  in  dispute.     Webster  had  now  brought 
it  to  a  settlement,  in  a  treaty  concluded  with  Lord  Ash- 
burton,  who  came  to  Washington  with  special  powers. 
The   so-called    Ashburton    Treaty,    signed   August   9, 
1842,  included  an  important  arrangement  for  coopera 
tion  with  England  in  a  naval  policing  of  the  African 
coast,  to  stop  the  piratical  slave  trade.     Furthermore, 
it  disposed  of  questions  arising  out  of  the  Canadian 
rebellion,  or  "  Patriot  War,"  and  provided  for  the  ex 
tradition  of  criminals  escaping  from  one  country  to  the 
other ;  but  it  left  open  the  Oregon  boundary  question, 
which  was  destined  to  make  trouble  very  soon. 

265.  Texas   Annexation    Treaty   rejected    by    the 
Senate.    1844.     Webster  in  the  State  Department  had 
blocked  action  looking  to  the  annexation  of  Texas,  and 
his  retirement  gave  the  President  a  free  hand  to  do  in 
that  matter  according  to  his  desire.     President  Tyler 


432  SECTIONAL   CONTENTION. 

gave  the  portfolio  of  the  State  Department  to  a  strong 
annexationist,  Mr.  Upshur,  and  opened  secret  negotia 
tions  with  the  Texas  government,  in  the  midst  of  which 
Mr.  Upshur  was  accidentally  killed.  Mr.  Calhoun  was 
then  induced  (March,  1844)  to  take  the  State 

Calhoun 

negotiates,  Department,  for  the  purpose  of  carrying  the 
Texas  business  through.  The  result  was  a 
treaty  of  annexation,  signed  and  sent  to  the  Senate  in 
April,  but  unexpectedly  rejected  there,  after  six  weeks 
of  debate,  by  35  votes  against  16.  The  secret  manner  in 
which  the  President  had  acted,  and  the  probable  con 
sequence  of  war  with  Mexico,  weighed  heavily  against 
the  treaty,  even  among  southern  public  men.  Jackson 
used  his  influence  in  its  favor;  but  Senator  Benton,  of 
Missouri,  and  other  staunch  Jackson  Democrats,  were 
against  it,  and  it  was  opposed  in  public  letters  by  Clay 
and  Van  Buren,  as  meaning  war,  and  as  being  a  new 
cause  of  discord  in  the  land. 

The  vital  issue  in  the  matter  was  that  which  arose 
between  the  "slave  power,"  seeking  an  enlargement  of 
its  own  absolute  dominion,  and  the  increasing  opposition 
in  the  northern  States  to  the  aggressions  of  that  power. 
The  undisguised  object  of  the  acquisition  was  to  secure 
True  object  ^our  or  more  new  slave  States.  Ingenious 
^Jj"3  efforts  were  made  by  Calhoun  and  Tyler  to 
convince  the  south  that  English  and  Mexican 
influences  in  Texas  would  abolish  slavery  there,  unless 
the  country  was  taken  out  of  their  reach ;  and  those 
arguments,  which  consolidated  the  south  for  annexation, 
turned  more  feeling  against  it  in  the  north.  Whether 
the  opposing  forces  would  suffice  or  not  to  defeat  the 
project  was  now  to  be  seen ;  for  the  question  went  im 
mediately  to  the  great  jury  of  the  nation,  in  the  presi 
dential  and  congressional  election  of  1844, 


EXPANSION   TO   THE   PACIFIC.  433 

266.  The  Texas  Question  and  the  Presidential 
Election.  —  Annexation  accomplished.  1 844- 1 845 . 
Both  parties  had  made  their  presidential  nominations 
while  the  Texas  treaty  was  pending  in  the  Senate.  The 
Whigs  nominated  Clay  by  acclamation,  four  days  after 
his  public  announcement  of  opposition  to  an-  Party 
nexation,  and  thus  the  party  accepted  his  Platjorm- 
ground.  Van  Buren,  on  the  other  hand,  lost  the  Demo 
cratic  nomination  by  reason  of  his  similar  declaration. 
James  K.  Polk,  of  Tennessee,  lately  Speaker  of  the  House 
of  Representatives,  whose  principal  recommendation  to 
the  convention  was  the  ardor  of  his  desire  for  Texas, 
became  the  nominee.  As  a  cunning  bid  for  northern 
consent  to  the  taking  in  of  Texas,  the  American  claim 
to  Oregon  was  coupled  with  it,  in  a  resolution  Texas 
which  demanded  "  the  re-occupation  of  Oregon  o?egon, 
and  the  re-annexation  of  Texas  at  the  earliest  1844> 
practicable  period."  Both  proposals  were  thus  put  in 
the  light  of  being  merely  for  the  taking  of  what  had 
formerly  belonged  to  us ;  and  the  phrase  "  re-annexation 
of  Texas  "  imposed,  without  doubt,  on  many  ignorant 
minds.  It  was  founded  on  the  theory  that  Texas  be 
longed  by  right  to  the  Louisiana  territory  which  we 
bought  from  France  (see  sect.  179) ;  but  it  ignored  the 
fact  that  we  had  abandoned  that  claim  in  our  treaty  of 
1819  with  Spain  (see  sect.  224). 

News  of  the  doings  of  this  Democratic  convention, 
held   at    Baltimore,    May   27-29,    1844,    were  xirthot 
transmitted  to  Washington  by  the  Morse  sys-  tSegSp?,10 
tern  of  electric  telegraphy,  over  a  line  that  had  1844> 
been  opened  only  four  days  before,  and  which  was  the 
first  ever  built. 

Distinctly,  the  presidential   election  of   1844  turned 
upon  the  question  of  annexing  Texas,  and  it  seems  to 


434  SECTIONAL   CONTENTION. 

be  certain  that  Clay  would  have  won  on  that  issue 
Olay,s  if  he  had  kept  himself  firmly  on  the  ground 
mistake.  which  he  took  at  first.  But  he  grew  anxious 
about  southern  votes  as  the  canvass  went  on,  and  wrote 
explanatory  letters  that  showed  a  wavering  state  of 
mind.  The  effect  was  to  turn  against  him  an  anti- 
slavery  vote  sufficient  to  cause  his  defeat.  Garrison 
and  the  extreme  abolitionists  never  voted,  taking  no 
part  in  political  action  ;  but  other  radicals  in  anti-slavery 
opinion  had  formed  a  "  Liberty  party,"  which 

The  Liberty  /' 

party,  had  cast  about  7000  votes  in  1840  for  James 
G.  Birney,  and  which  now  named  Birney  for 
President  again.  The  votes  given  to  Birney,  more  than 
60,000  in  all,  were  fatal  to  Clay.  They  decided  the 
election  in  New  York,  and  the  36  electoral  votes  of 
that  State  turned  the  scale  in  favor  of  Polk. 

Apparently,  the  jury  of  the  people  had  decided  that 
Texas,  with  her  slaves  and  slave  laws,  should  be  taken 
into  the  Union,  and  that  the  weak  and  distracted  repub 
lic  of  Mexico  should  be  defied.  Both  President  and 
Congress  took  that  meaning  from  the  election,  and 
were  eager  to  accomplish  the  annexation  before  a  new 
President  and  a  new  Congress  could  come  in.  They 
concluded  that  it  could  be  done  without  treaty,  by  a 
joint  resolution  of  Congress,  and  acted  on  that 
annexed,  plan.  The  annexing  resolution  reached  the 
President  and  was  signed  on  the  ist  of  March, 
1845  (see  MaP  XV.).  By  its  terms,  four  States,  be 
sides  Texas  proper,  might  thereafter  be  formed  in  the 
territory  claimed  by  the  annexed  republic,  and  such 
States  should  be  admitted  to  the  Union  with  or  without 
slavery,  as  they  willed,  if  formed  south  of  the  Missouri 
Compromise  line.  What  seemed  to  be  a  crowning  tri 
umph  for  the  "  slave  power  "  had  been  won. 


EXPANSION   TO   THE   PACIFIC.  435 

At  nearly  the  same  time,  in  an  act  passed  March  3, 
1845,  the  admission  of  Florida  to  the  Union,  with  a 
constitution  that  excluded  free  negroes  and  for-  Fioridaand 
bade  the  legislature  to  legalize  the  emancipa-  mitted*d~ 
tion  of  slaves,  was  extorted  as  an  equivalent  1845-1846- 
for  the  admission  of  Iowa  into  the  list  of  free  States.1 

On  the  other  hand,  in  the  same  session,  John  Quincy 
Adams  won  his  long,  heroic  battle  for  the  right  of  peti 
tion,  the  House  rescinding  its  unconstitutional  rule. 

267.  The   Programme   of    President    Polk.     1845. 
The  cabinet  of  President  Polk  included  three  men  of 
subsequent  note  :  George  Bancroft,  the  histo-  Polk,s 
rian,  who  took  the  Navy  Department ;  Robert  cablnet- 

J.  Walker,  in  the  Treasury  ;  and  James  Buchanan,  Sec 
retary  of  State.  Mr.  Schouler  quotes  a  letter  to  himself 
from  Mr.  Bancroft,  in  which  it  is  related  that  the  new 
President,  soon  after  entering  office,  said  to  the  writer  : 
"There  are  four  great  measures  which  are  to  be  the 
measures  of  my  administration  :  one,  a  reduction  of 
the  tariff  ;  another,  the  independent  treasury ;  a  third, 
the  settlement  of  the  Oregon  boundary  question  ;  and, 
lastly,  the  acquisition  of  California."  2  That  programme 
was  exactly  carried  out,  and  the  history  of  its  execution 
is  the  history  of  the  administration  of  President  Polk. 

268.  Settlement  of  the  Oregon  Boundary  Dispute. 
1845-1846.     The  Oregon  business  was  the  first  to  be 
taken  in   hand.     Calhoun,  under  Tyler,  had  opened  it 
already,  and  Buchanan  resumed  the  discussion,  propos 
ing  the  49th  parallel  for  a  boundary  line.     This  pro 
posal  was  rejected,  the   British  government  regarding 

1  A  boundary  dispute  with  Missouri  delayed  the  actual  admis 
sion  of  Iowa  until  December,  1846. 

2  Schouler,  History  of  the  United  States,  iv.  498. 


43^  SECTIONAL   CONTENTION. 

the  Columbia  River  as  the  natural  bound.  The  ques 
tion  went  then  to  Congress,  in  December,  1845,  with 
a  recommendation  that  twelve  months'  notice  of  the 
abrogation  of  the  convention  for  joint  occupancy  of 
Oregon  be  given,  and  with  uncompromising  assertions 
of  our  right  to  the  whole  region  of  dispute.  The  un 
defined  "  Oregon  "  of  that  day  was  the  country  west  of 
the  Rocky  Mountains,  lying  between  the  northern 
boundary  of  Mexico  (which  we  had  settled  by  our  treaty 
The  Oregon  °f  l^I9  with  Spain  as  being  the  42d  degree  of 
claim.  north  latitude  — see  sect.  224)  and  the  south 
ern  boundary  of  Russian-American  possessions,  which 
both  England  and  the  United  States  had  settled  with 
Russia  at  the  line  of  54°  40'.  We  had  a  well-grounded 
claim  to  the  whole  drainage  area  of  the  Columbia  River 
(see  sect.  225)  ;  north  of  that  there  seems  to  have  been 
no  reason  for  disputing  the  British  claims.  Neverthe 
less,  the  tone  of  the  President's  message  and  of  the 
speeches  that  followed  it  in  Congress  revived  a  sense 
less  cry  of  "  Fifty-four  forty  or  fight,"  which 
forty  or  the  supporters  of  Polk  had  started  in  the  presi 
dential  campaign.  Common  sense  prevailed  in 
the  end  ;  the  49th  parallel  was  seen  to  be  a  reasonable 
line,  and  the  British  government  found  a  cogent  reason 
for  accepting  it,  in  the  fact  that  American  settlers  were 
filling  the  valley  of  the  Columbia,  and  were  likely,  soon 
or  late,  to  make  the  country  their  own.1  On  that  basis 

1  The  story  told  in  many  histories,  that  the  measures  of  govern 
ment  and  the  movement  of  emigration  which  secured  Oregon  to 
the  United  States  were  consequent  on  the  heroic  undertakings  of 
a  missionary,  the  Rev.  Marcus  Whitman,  who  made  a  perilous 
journey  across  the  continent,  from  the  Columbia,  in  the  winter 
of  1843,  to  rouse  the  country  on  the  subject,  has  been  discredited 
by  some  recent  investigations.  That  the  journey  was  heroically 


EXPANSION    TO   THE    PACIFIC.  437 

the  Oregon  boundary  question  was  settled  peacefully  and 
honorably,  in  June,  1846  (see  Maps  X.  and  XV.). 

269.  War  with  Mexico. —  Its  Cause  and  Beginning. 
1845-1846.  To  take  the  revolted  Texans  into  the 
American  Union  while  Mexico  claimed  them  as  the  sub 
jects  of  her  government  was  a  challenge  of  war.  In  the 
legal  sense,  a  state  of  war  followed  at  once,  the  Mexican 
minister  quitting  Washington,  and  the  Mexican  gov 
ernment  refusing  to  receive  an  envoy  from  the  United 
States  ;  while  American  troops  were  despatched  to  Texas 
and  a  naval  squadron  to  the  Gulf.  Actual  hostilities 
did  not  occur  immediately  because  the  challenged  nation 
was  in  a  disordered  state ;  and  there  would  Unjust 
have  been  no  actual  war  if  the  annexation  of  united0' 
Texas  had  involved  nothing  more  than  the  states- 
taking  of  the  territory  which  the  Texans  occupied  and 
from  which  Mexican  authority  had  been  expelled.  That 
was  the  province  of  Texas,  as  organized  and  named 
under  the  Mexican  administration  ;  the  province  within 
which  the  revolt  had  occurred,  and  outside  of  which  it 
had  made  no  change.  That  province  extended  southwest- 
ward  along  the  Gulf  from  the  Sabine  River  to  the  Nueces, 
beyond  which  stream  the  annexed  "  Republic  of  Texas  " 
had  no  ground,  either  in  past  history  or  existing  fact. 
But  it  claimed  to  the  Rio  Grande,  and  northward  to  the 
old  Spanish  bounds  (see  Map  XV.) ;  and  it  had  assumed 
in  the  annexation  treaty  to  convey  that  claim  to  the 

undertaken  and  performed,  and  that  Mr.  Whitman  rendered  im 
portant  services  to  a  party  of  emigrants  with  whom  he  returned  in 
1843,  is  unquestioned  ;  but  it  is  shown  that  his  visit  east  was  for 
purposes  connected  with  his  mission,  and  had  no  real  connection 
with  the  stir  of  interest  on  the  Oregon  question.  See  Professor 
E.  G.  Bourne  on  "  The  Legend  of  Marcus  Whitman,"  in  The 
American  Historical  Review,  January,  1901. 


438  SECTIONAL   CONTENTION. 

United  States.  What  this  meant  was  described  in 
plain  terms  by  Senator  Benton,  of  Missouri,  an  honest 
Benton's  statesman,  who  opposed  Tyler's  treaty  when 
views.  it  wentto  the  Senate  in  1844.  "The  treaty," 
he  said,  "in  all  that  relates  to  the  boundary  of  the  Rio 
Grande,  is  an  act  of  unparalleled  outrage  on  Mexico. 
It  is  the  seizure  of  2000  miles  of  her  territory  without 
a  word  of  explanation  to  her,  and  by  virtue  of  a  treaty 
with  Texas,  to  which  she  is  no  party.  This  slice  of  the 
republic  of  Mexico,  2000  miles  long  and  some  hundred 
broad,  —  all  this  our  President  has  cut  off  from  its 
mother  empire  and  presents  to  us,  and  declares  it  is 
ours  till  the  Senate  rejects  it.  He  calls  it  Texas  !  and 
the  cutting  off  he  calls  ^-annexation.  Humboldt  calls 
it  New  Mexico,  Chihuahua,  Coahuila,  and  Nuevo  San 
Tander  (now  Tamaulipas),  and  the  civilized  world  may 
qualify  this  ^-annexation  by  the  application  of  some 
odious  and  terrible  epithet."1  The  " unparalleled  out 
rage,"  as  proposed  in  1844,  was  condemned  and  rejected 
by  the  Senate ;  but  now,  in  1845, tnat  same  "  s^ce  of  the 
republic  of  Mexico,  2000  miles  long,"  was  again  called 
"  Texas  "  by  President  Polk,  and  assumed  to  be  acquired 
by  the  joint  resolution  which  made  Texas  an  American 
State. 

General  Zachary  Taylor,  commanding  the  forces  sent 
to  Texas,  was  ordered  by  the  President  at  the  outset  to 
cross  the  Nueces  and  take  position  on  its  southwestern 
side.  Mexico,  torn  by  fresh  revolutions,  submitted  to  the 
invasion  for  six  months  ;  but  when,  in  January,  1846, 
Taylor  was  ordered  to  move  on  to  the  Rio  Grande, 
and  to  plant  his  army  where  it  threatened  Matamoras, 
Mexican  forces  came  over  to  oppose  him  ;  an  American 
reconnoitring  party  was  attacked,  and  President  Polk 
1  Benton,  Thirty  Years '  View,  ii.  601-602. 


EXPANSION    TO    THE    PACIFIC.  439 

was  given  the  opportunity  to  say,  in  an  inflammatory 
message  to  Congress  :  "  Mexico  has  passed  the 

r    i      T  T    •      j  c-  i         •          IT  President 

boundary  or  the  United  btates,  has  invaded  our  Folk's in- 
territory,  and  shed  American  blood  upon  the  message, 
American    soil."     Thoughtless    people   every 
where  accepted  the  statement,  and  were  fired  with  what 
passes  for  "  patriotism  "  in  shallow  minds.     War,  once 
begun,  found  support  in  that  kind  of  feeling,  north  as 
well  as  south  ;  though  the  iniquity  of  it  was  felt  deeply 
by  all  that  was  best  in  the  land.     By  the  congressional 
elections  of  1846  the  party  responsible  for  the  war  was 
reduced  from  a  majority  of  60  in  the  House  of  Repre 
sentatives  to  a  minority  of  8. 

270.  War  with  Mexico.  —  Campaigns  and  Con 
quests.  —  Treaty  of  Guadalupe  Hidalgo.  1846-1848. 
On  the  8th  of  May,  1846,  a  few  days  after  the  first  col 
lision  on  the  Rio  Grande,  General  Taylor,  at  Palo  Alto, 
repelled  an  attack  in  strong  force  by  the  Mexicans,  and 
retaliated  the  next  day,  striking  the  enemy  at  PaloAlto 
Resaca  de  la  Palma  and  driving  them  back  to  ajfapatma! 
the  southern  side  of  the  river.  The  following  May>  1846< 
week  he  crossed  with  his  own  army,  took  Matamoras, 
and  waited  to  be  reinforced.  There  was  a  pause  then 
for  some  months,  in  this  quarter,  while  volunteers  were 
being  raised  and  other  military  preparations  made. 

In  the  interval,  General  Kearney  was  ordered  to  move 
from  Fort  Leavenworth  into  New  Mexico,  and  thence 
to  California,  while  Commodore  Sloat,  commanding  our 

squadron  in  the  Pacific,  was  to  seize  desirable 

.  ^     .  r  A       i  Seizure  ol 

points  on  the  Lalirornia  coast.     At  the  same  California, 
time  orders  went  to  Colonel  John  C.  Fremont, 
who  had  been  exploring  the  Rocky  Mountain  and  Pacific 
coast  regions  for  some  years,  directing  him  to  assist  in 
securing  that  northern  California  country  which  Polk 


440 


SECTIONAL   CONTENTION. 


had  marked  for  acquisition  two  years  before.  Fremont, 
Sloat,  and  Commodore  Stockton,  Sloat's  successor,  to 
gether  with  a  few  hundred  American  settlers,  practically 
took  possession  of  the  country  before  Kearney  arrived. 


FIELD  OF  GENERAL  TAYLOR'S  CAMPAIGN. 

The  latter,  meeting  with  no  serious  resistance,  had 
occupied  New  Mexico,  had  established  an  American 
governor  at  Santa  Fe,  and  had  declared  the  province 
annexed  to  the  United  States.  From  Santa  Fe*  General 
Kearney  had  sent  part  of  his  command,  under  Colonel 
Doniphan,  southward,  through  Chihuahua,  to  a 
junction  with  General  Taylor,  who  advanced 
in  September  from  Matamoras  to  Monterey, 
capturing  that  fortified  city  after  obstinate  fighting  for 
four  days  (September  21-24). 

A  new  plan  of  campaign  was  now  adopted,  with  Gen 
eral  Winfield  Scott  in  chief  command,  and  part  of 
Taylor's  army  was  called  to  assist  Scott's  movement  on 
the  city  of  Mexico  from  Vera  Cruz.  At  this  juncture 
Santa  Anna,  who  had  regained  power  in  Mexico,  took 
advantage  of  the  weakening  of  Taylor  and  attempted  to 


EXPANSION    TO   THE   PACIFIC. 


441 


overwhelm  his  small  force  of  5200  men  by  an  attack 
with   15,000.     His  attack  (February  23,  1847),   Buena 
made  at  Buena  Vista,  not  far  to  the  southwest   p^ary 
from  Monterey,  failed  disastrously,  costing  him  23' 1847i 
a  loss  of  2000  men.     With  this  victory  at  Buena  Vista 
the  operations  of  General  Taylor  were  closed. 

On  the  7th  of  March,   1847,  Scott's  army  of   about 
12,000  reached  Vera  Cruz;   on  the  27th  the  city  was 
surrendered  to  it ;  a  fortnight  later  its  march  VeraCruz, 
to  the  Mexican  capital,  200  miles  distant,  was  ™*™*27'' 
begun.      The  mountain  pass  of   Cerro  Gordo  Aprnis, 
was  forced  on   the   i8th   of  April,  and  there  1847' 
was  no  more  seri 
ous    fighting    till 
the    capital    was 
nearly      reached. 
At  Puebla  the  in 
vading  army  rest 
ed    during    June 
and    July,    while 

Unavailing     peace         SCOTT'S  ROUTE  FROM  VERA  CRUZ  TO  MEXICO. 

negotiations  were 

carried  on.  Early  in  August  the  march  was 
and  the  defences  of  the  city,  held  by  about 
30,000  men,  were  reached  on  the  i8th.  On 
the  i  gth  the  assault  began,  and  three  battles, 
Contreras,  San  Antonio,  and  Cherubusco,  were 
fought  that  day  and  the  next.  Then  another 
parley  suspended  the  war  for  a  few  days.  It 
was  resumed  on  the  8th  of  September,  in  suc 
cessful  assaults  on  Mexican  positions  at  Casa 
Mata  and  Molino  del  Rey.  On  the  I3th  the 
strong  fortress  of  Chapultepec  was  stormed, 
its  defenders  were  driven  into  the  city,  and 


resumed, 

Contreras, 
San  An 
tonio, 

Gheruousco, 
August  19- 
20,  1847. 

fruitless 

Casa  Mala, 
Molino  del 
Rey,  Cha 
pultepec, 
Mexico, 
September 
8-16, 1847. 

the  city 


442  SECTIONAL   CONTENTION. 

itself  was  then  taken  after  three  days  of  desperate  fight 
ing  in  the  streets.  The  Mexicans  had  made  an  heroic 
defence ;  they  were  vanquished  by  qualities  in  the 
smaller  American  army  which  we  can  justly  be  proud 
of,  even  though  we  cannot  feel  satisfied  with  the  occa 
sion  that  called  such  qualities  forth. 

Notwithstanding  the  loss  of  their  capital  city,  the  Mex 
icans  were  not   submissive  until  January,   1848,  when 
they  opened  negotiations  with  Mr.  Trist,  a  commissioner 
from  President  Polk  who  had  power  to  treat  for  peace. 
On  the  2d  of  February  a  treaty  was  signed  at 

Treaty  of 

Guadaiupe  Guadalupe  Hidalgo,  by  which  Mexico  relin- 
February  quished  all  claim  to  Texas,  established  the  Rio 
Grande  as  the  southwestern  boundary  of  that 
State,  and  ceded  to  the  United  States  the  great  terri 
tory  then  called  New  Mexico  and  California,  which 
included  Nevada  and  Utah,  parts  of  Colorado,  Wyo 
ming,  and  Arizona,  as  well  as  the  California  and  New 
Mexico  that  are  so  named  at  the  present  time  (see  Map 
XV.).  For  this  cession  the  sum  of  $15,000,000  was  paid 
to  Mexico,  and  claims  of  Americans  against  that  repub 
lic  to  the  amount  of  $3,250,000  were  assumed,  making 
the  transaction  a  compulsory  sale.  Five  years  later,  by 
what  is  known  as  the  Gadsden  Purchase,  the  remainder 
of  Arizona,  south  of  the  Gila  River,  was  bought  for 
$10,000,000  (see  Map  XV.). 

271.  Mormon  Migration  to  Utah.  —  Gold  Discovery 
in  California.  —  Rising  tide  of  Foreign  Immigration. 
1846-1849.  Before  the  treaty  with  Mexico  was  signed, 
and,  therefore,  before  either  Utah  or  California  had  be 
come  part  of  the  United  States,  events  had  prepared 
for  the  speedy  settlement  of  both.  The  religious  com 
munity  calling  itself  the  "Church  of  the  Latter  Day 
Saints,"  but  known  commonly  as  that  of  the  Mormons, 


EXPANSION   TO   THE  PACIFIC.  443 

first  formed  by  Joseph  Smith  at  Palmyra,  New  York,  in 
1830,  but  removed  to  successive  settlements,  in 
Ohio  (1831),  in  Missouri  (1838),  and  in  Illinois  mentsoi 
(1840),  was  driven  by  mob  violence  from  its 
town   of  Nauvoo,   Illinois,   in  the  spring  of  1846.     It 
migrated  westward,  across  the  desert  plains  and  beyond 
the  mountains,  to  the  number  of  17,000  souls.     Smith, 
the   apostle  of   these   people,  had  been   killed  by  the 
Illinois  mob,  and  the  new  head  of  their  church  was  Brig- 
ham  Young.  Young  led-them  to  the  Utah  valley 
of  the  Great  Salt  Lake,  which  was  reached  by  saitLake, 
the  vanguard  of  their  movement  in  the  sum 
mer  of  1847.    They  prospered  in  their  distant  settlement, 
and  large  bodies   of   converts  were   drawn   into  union 
with  them  there. 

The  event  that  drew  a  still  larger  population  and  with 
more  rapidity  into  northern  California  was  the  discovery 
of  gold,  which  occurred,  near  the  site  of  the 
present  city  of  Sacramento,  in  the  winter  of  of  gold, 
1848.     The  discovery  was  followed  by  a  pro 
digious  rush  of  gold-seekers   from   every  part    of   the 
world. 

These  special  movements  of  population  were  coinci 
dent,  too,  with  the  beginning  of  an  enormous  increase 
of  general  immigration  from  Europe  to  the 
United  States,  caused,  first,  by  a  failure  of  the 
potato  crop  and  a  consequent  fearful  famine  in  1845-1848- 
Ireland,  during  the  years  1845-46-47,  and  afterward  by 
political  disturbances  in  Germany  and  elsewhere,  in 
1848.  That  movement  of  immigration  did  not  end  with 
the  ending  of  its  immediate  causes,  but  has  continued 
ever  since,  transferring  somewhat  more,  on  an  average, 
than  a  quarter  of  a  million  of  people  yearly  from  other 
countries  to  ours. 


444  SECTIONAL   CONTENTION. 

272.  Independent  Treasury  restored.  —  The  Walker 
Tariff.     1846.     Of  the  four  measures  planned  by  Presi 
dent  Polk  when  he  Centered  office  we  have  traced  the 
success  of  two  :  the  settlement  of  the  Oregon  boundary 
and  the  acquisition  of  California.     The  remaining  two 
were  accomplished  in  1846,  when  Van  Buren's  independ 
ent  treasury  was  reestablished,  and  a  new  tariff   law, 
described  in  purpose  as  being  "  a  tariff  for  revenue  with 
incidental  protection,"  and  known  as  "the  Walker  Tar 
iff,"  was  passed. 

273.  The  Question  of  Slavery  in  the  Territories.  — 
Intensified  Feeling.  —  The  Wilmot   Proviso.     1846- 
1848.     The  vast  addition  now  made   to  the  national 
domain,  by  the  Oregon  treaty  and  by  the  results  of  the 

Mexican  War,  raised  the  question  concerning 

Increased         ,  .._... 

anti-  slavery  in  the  Territories  to  an  importance  so 


momentous  —  so  manifestly  vital  —  that  it  went 

the  north.  ..    .      ,  .  ,  .   . 

to  depths  of  feeling  in  the  country  which  no 
thing  had  touched  before.  Churches  were  divided  upon 
it,  sectionally,  and  the  old  political  parties  were  breaking 
up.  Great  numbers  of  'northern  people,  who  had  acted 
more  or  less  in  alliance  with  the  slaveholding  interest 
hitherto,  went  into  the  anti-slavery  ranks. 

In  August,  1846,  the  question  arose  in  Congress  on 
two  measures,  almost  simultaneously,  and  was  raised  in 
each  instance  by  Democratic  representatives  from  the 
north.  In  the  first  instance,  on  a  bill  to  organize  the 
Territory  of  Oregon,  Mr.  Thompson,  of  Pennsylvania, 
moved  an  amendment  excluding  slavery,  and  the  amend 
ment  was  adopted  by  a  large  majority  of  the  House; 
but  the  Senate  stifled  the  bill.  In  the  second  instance, 
on  a  bill  to  appropriate  money  for  the  negotiations  with 
Mexico,  then  in  progress,  Mr.  Wilmot,  of  Pennsylvania, 
moved  and  carried  a  similar  proviso,  that  slavery  should 


EXPANSION   TO   THE   PACIFIC.  445 

exist  in  no  territory  acquired  by  treaty  from  Mexico ; 
and  that,  too,  caused  the  bill  to  fail  in  the  Sen-  The 
ate,  after  it  had  passed  the  House.  At  the  next 
session  of  Congress,  the  "Wilmot  Proviso" 
was  again  attached  by  the  House  to  a  bill  relating  to 
the  conquests  from  Mexico,  and  again  rejected  by  the 
Senate ;  and  again  the  latter  body  refused  a  territorial 
organization  to  Oregon  if  slavery  was  to  be  shut  out. 
In  1848,  however,  after  weeks  of  raging  debate,  the 
demand  for  a  civil  government  in  Oregon  became  so 
urgent  that  the  Senate  gave  way,  and  passed  a  bill  that 
contained  the  excluding  clause  (see  Map  XIV.).  But 
nothing  could  be  done  to  protect  the  great  region  called 
New  Mexico  and  California  from  invasion  by  the  slave 
holder  with  his  slaves. 

274.  The  New  Theory  of  Slaveholding  Rights  in 
the  Territories.  1847.  The  "  slave  power  "  and  its  par 
tisans  had  advanced  now  to  a  new  constitutional  theory 
on  the  subject,  contending  that  the  general  government 
had  no  power  to  exclude  from  the  Territories  anything 
that  was  recognized  as  "property"  by  the  laws  of  any 
State.  Hence,  they  claimed,  the  owners  of  slaves,  which 
were  "property"  under  the  laws  of  half  the  States, 
could  not  be  barred  from  taking  them  into  any  part  of 
that  domain  which  belongs  in  common  to  all  the  States. 
When  the  settlers  of  a  Territory  acquired  the  "  sover 
eignty  "  of  a  state  organization,  then  they  might  exclude 
slavery  by  their  laws,  if  they  willed  ;  but  no  legislative 
body  had  power  to  do  so  in  advance  of  that  time.  This 
theory,  put  forward  in  1847  by  Mr.  Rhett,  of  South 
Carolina,  in  the  House,  and  by  Calhoun  and  Jefferson 
Davis  in  the  Senate,  was  entirely  new.  The  right  of 
Congress  to  deal  with  slavery  in  the  Territories  had  been 
established  in  practice  for  half  a  century,  —  particularly 


44^  SECTIONAL   CONTENTION. 

established  by  the  Missouri  Compromise,  as  well  as  by 
the  confirmation  of  the  Ordinance  of  1787  (see  sects. 
151  and  227).  To  annul  that  long  admitted  right,  and 
to  open  every  Territory  to  slavery,  now  grew  to  be  a 
fixed  determination  in  the  south,  while  the  opposing 
determination  grew  as  steadily  at  the  north. 

TOPICS    AND    SUGGESTED    READING   AND    RESEARCH. 

262.  Death  of  President  Harrison.  —  Vice-President 
Tyler  as  President.  —  His  Rupture  with  the  Whigs. 

TOPICS  AND  REFERENCES. 

i.  Mr.  Tyler's  false  position  when  made  President.  2.  Whig 
measures  that  he  approved.  3.  Default  and  repudiation  in  certain 
States.  4.  The  President's  bank-bill  vetoes.  5.  Whig  hostility. 
—  Resignation  of  the  cabinet,  except  Webster.  Schurz,  Clay, 
ii.  198-219;  Schouler,  iv.  367-396;  Wilson,  Division,  133-139; 
Hoist,  United  States,  ii.  412-450;  Clay,  vi.  274-296;  Benton,  ii. 
ch.  xliii.-xliv.,  Ixi.,  Ixiii.-lxv.,  Ixviii.,  Ixxix.-lxxxv.;  Sargent,  ii. 
122-136. 

263.  "  Dorr  Rebellion  "  in  Rhode  Island.  —  Anti-Rent 

Disturbances  in  New  York. 

TOPICS  AND  REFERENCES. 

1.  Cause  and  result  of  the  "  Dorr  Rebellion."     G.  W.  Greene, 
Rhode  Island,  ch.  xxxi. 

2.  Origin  of  the  anti-rent  disturbances  in  New  York.     Schuyler, 
i.  243-285. 

264.    The  Ashburton  Treaty. 

TOPICS  AND  REFERENCES. 

i.   The  treaty  (text  in  MacDonald,  ii.  335-343).  —  Its  main  sub 

ject.     2.    Other  matters   included   in  it.      Lodge,    Webster,   252- 

260  ;  Schouler,  iv.  396-404  ;  Webster,  vi.  270-390  ;  Benton,  ii.  ch. 

ci.-cvi. 

RESEARCH.  —  The  map  questions  connected  with  the  treaty.   Web 
ster,  ii.  143-153. 


TOPICS,   REFERENCES,   AND    RESEARCH.       447 

265.  Texas  Annexation  Treaty  rejected  by  the 

Senate. 

TOPICS  AND  REFERENCES. 

i.  Action  of  President  Tyler  in  securing  the  treaty.  2.  Grounds 
of  objection  to  it.  3.  Objects  of  the  annexation,  in  the  interest  of 
slavery.  Hoist,  Calhoun,  222-245  ;  Hoist,  United  States,  ii.  602- 
657,  673-677  ;  Schouler,  iv.  44Q-451,  457~459>  47°  J  Burgess,  Mid 
dle  Period,  302-308  ;  Wilson,  Division,  144-145  ;  Schurz,  Clay,  ii. 
235-241 ;  Benton,  ii.  ch.  cxxxv.,  cxxxviii.-cxlii. 

266.  The  Texas  Question  and  the  Presidential 
Election.  —  Annexation  accomplished. 

TOPICS  AND  REFERENCES. 

i.  Clay  nominated  in  opposition  to  the  annexation,  against  Polk, 
its  advocate.  2.  Oregon  claims  coupled  with  the  Texas  question. 
-  The  false  coloring  of  both.  Wilson,  Division,  145-146  ;  Schouler, 
iv.  460-461,  465-469,  471-474;  Hoist,  United  States,  ii.  657-673; 
Shepard,  344-354  ;  Johnston,  Am.  Politics,  145-146;  Hart,  Con 
tempt,  iii.  649-652. 

3.  First  practical  use  at  this  time  of  the  electric  telegraph.     Sar 
gent,  ii.  231-232  ;  Benton,  ii.  ch.  cxxxiii.;  Schouler,  iv.  469. 

4.  Why  and  how  Clay  lost  the  election.  —  The  Liberty  party. 
Schurz,  Clay,  ii.  241-265;  Schouler,  iv.  474-480  ;  Hart,  Contempts, 
iii.  646-649  ;  Johnston,  Am.  Politics,  146-147. 

5.  Hurried  action  of  President  and  Congress  to  accomplish  the 
annexation  (text  in  MacDonald,  ii.  343-346).    Hoist,  United  States, 
ii.  677-712  ;  Hoist,  Calhoun,  251-256  ;    Burgess,  Middle  Period, 
308-310,  318-323  ;  Schouler,  iv.  482-488  ;  Benton,  ii.  ch.  cxlvii.- 
cxlviii. 

6.  Admission  of  Florida  and  Iowa.     Schouler,  iv.  488-489. 

7.  The  triumph  of  John  Quincy  Adams.     Sargent,  ii.  254-257  ; 
Hoist,  United  States,  ii.  541-543  ;  Schouler,  iv.  480-481. 
RESEARCH.  —  The  grief  of  the  Whigs  over  the  defeat  of  Henry 

Clay.     Schurz,  Clay,  ii.  265-267  ;  Sargent,  ii.  232-254. 

267.    The  Programme  of  President  Polk. 

TOPICS  AND  REFERENCES. 

i.  The  cabinet  of  President  Polk.  2.  The  four  measures  planned 
by  President  Polk.  Schouler,  iv.  495-500. 


448  EXPANSION    TO    THE    PACIFIC. 

268.   Settlement  of  the  Oregon  Boundary  Dispute. 

TOPICS  AND  REFERENCES. 

i.  The  undefined  region  of  the  dispute.  2.  Senselessness  of 
the  cry,  "  Fifty-four  forty  or  fight."  3.  The  reasonable  settlement 
made  (text  in  McDonald,  ii.  355-358).  Burgess,  Middle  Period, 
311-317,  324-326;  Hoist,  Calhoun,  261-272;  Schouler,  iv.  504- 
514;  Wilson,  Division,  147-148  ;  Benton,  ii.  ch.  clvi.-clix. 

269.  War  with  Mexico.  —  Its  Cause  and  Beginning. 

TOPICS  AND  REFERENCES. 

i.  Annexation  of  Texas  proper  would  not  have  caused  war. 
2.  War  the  consequence  of  our  daiming  what  had  never  belonged 
to  Texas.  3.  Senator  Benton's  characterization  of  the  transaction. 
Benton,  ii.  ch.  cxlix.;  Hart,  Contempts,  iii.  652-655;  Schouler,  iv. 
518-525  ;  Hoist,  United  States,  iii.  ch.  iv.,  vii.;  Hoist,  Calhoun, 
274-279;  Grant,  i.  33-34  ;  Webster,  v.  253-261,  271-301;  Burgess, 
Middle  Period,  327-331. 

4.  Collision  provoked  on  the  Rio  Grande.  —  Inflammatory  mes 
sage  of  President  Polk  (text  in  MacDonald,  ii.  346-353;  Hart, 
Contempts,  iv.  20-23).  Schouler,  iv.  525-528  ;  Nicolay  and  Hay, 
i.  270-273;  Lincoln,  i.  100-107. 

RESEARCH.  —  i.  The  character  of  Thomas  H.  Benton.  Roosevelt, 
Benton.  2.  Lowell  on  the  Mexican  War,  in  the  "  Biglow 
Papers." 

270.  War  with  Mexico.  —  Campaigns  and  Conquests. 

—  Treaty  of  Guadalupe  Hidalgo. 

TOPICS  AND  REFERENCES. 

i.  Opening  of  General  Taylor's  campaign.  2.  General  Kear 
ney's  easy  conquest  of  New  Mexico.  —  Seizure  of  California.  3. 
Taylor  at  Monterey.  Grant,  i.  ch.  vii.-viii. ;  Schouler,  iv.  528-535  ; 
Hoist,  United  States,  iii.  258-268  ;  Benton,  ii.  ch.  clxii.-clxiv.;  H. 
H.  Bancroft,  xvii.  ch.  i.-xvi. 

4.  Taylor's  victory  at  Buena  Vista.  5.  General  Scott's  cam 
paign.  —  Capture  of  the  city  of  Mexico.  Paris,  i.  ch.  iv. ;  Grant,  i. 
ch.  ix.-xii.;  Hart,  Contempts,  iv.  28-31;  Hoist,  United  States,  iii. 
331-335;  Wilson,  Division,  151-152;  H.  H.  Bancroft,  xvii.  ch.  xiii. 

6.    Cessions  to  the  United  States  by  the  treaty  of  Guadalupe 


TOPICS,    REFERENCES,    AND    RESEARCH.      449 

Hidalgo  (text  in  MacDonald,  ii.  365-372).     Hoist,  United  States, 
iii.  344-347;  Wilson,  Division,  152-153. 

7.    The  "  Gadsden  Purchase  "  (text  in  MacDonald,  ii.  390-395). 

271.    Mormon  Migration  to  Utah.  —  Gold  Discovery 
in  California. — Rising  Tide  of  Foreign  Immigration. 
TOPICS  AND  REFERENCES. 

1.  Origin  of  the  Mormon  Church.  —  Its  successive  migrations, 
and  settlement  in  Utah.     Schouler,  iv.  546-549. 

2.  Gold  discovery  in   California.     Sherman,  i.  68-82  ;    H.  H. 
Bancroft,  xviii.  ch.  ii.-iv. 

3.  Causes   of  increased   immigration   from    Europe.      Wilson, 
Division,  162-164. 

272.    The  Independent  Treasury  restored.  —  The 

Walker  Tariff. 
TOPICS  AND  REFERENCES. 

i.  The  four  measures  of  President  Polk  accomplished  (text  of 
treasury  act  in  MacDonald,  ii.  3^8-365).  Schouler,  iv.  514-518; 
Wilson,  Division,  154-155. 

273.    The  Question  of  Slavery  in  the  Territories.  — 

The  "  Wilmot  Proviso." 
TOPICS  AND  REFERENCES. 

i.  Shall  the  new  domain  be  for  slave  labor  or  free  labor  ?  — 
Intensified  feeling  in  the  country.  2.  The  question  in  Congress 
concerning  Oregon.  3.  The  question  concerning  New  Mexico 
and  California.  —  The  "Wilmot  Proviso."  Shepard,  354-357; 
Hoist,  United  States,  iii.  284-308,  322-327,  348-358,  385-397, 
400-401;  Hoist,  Calhoun,  279-285;  Burgess,  Middle  Period,  334- 
337,  340-344;  Wilson,  Division,  153-15?  5  Schouler,  iv.  543-546; 
Hart,  Contempts,  iv.  35-40. 

274.    New  Theory  of  Slaveholding  Rights  in  the 

Territories. 
TOPICS  AND  REFERENCES. 

i.  The  new  constitutional  theory  of  the  "  slave  power."  2.  The 
ground  of  conflict  changed.  Hoist,  United  States,  iii.  308-320  ; 
Hoist,  Calhoun,  292-307,  310-313;  Burgess,  Middle  Period,  342- 
344;  Benton,  ii.  ch.  clxvii.-clxviii.,  clxxiv. 


CHAPTER   XIV. 

THE    MADDENING   SLAVERY    QUESTION.       1848-1860. 

275.  Presidential  Canvass  of  1848.  —  Election  of 
Taylor  and  Fillmore.  The  question  between  the  "  Wil- 
mot  Proviso  "  and  the  new  claim  of  slaveholding  rights 
in  the  Territories  —  the  question,  that  is,  between  lim 
iting  and  spreading  slavery  —  was  the  one  subject  of 
absorbing  interest  in  the  country  when  the  presidential 
election  of  1848  approached;  yet  the  politicians  of  the 
old  parties  made  blind  attempts  to  keep  it  out  of  the 
canvass,  by  taking  no  ground  on  either  side.  Large 
numbers,  in  consequence,  broke  away  from  them  in  the 
north,  and  combined,  Whigs  and  Democrats,  under  the 
name  of  "  Free  Soilers,"  in  a  new  anti-slavery 

"  Freo 

soiiers,"      movement,  led  by  friends  and  followers  of  Van 

1848. 

Buren,  in  New  York.  The  New  York  Demo 
crats  in  this  movement  had  undertaken  to  array  their 
own  party  against  further  extensions  of  slavery,  and  had 
failed.  Among  their  leaders  were  such  men  as  Silas 
Wright,  Samuel  J.  Tilden,  Dean  Richmond,  William  Cul- 
"Barn-  ^en  Bryant,  and  John  A.  Dix.  They  accepted 
an?°Hunk-  tne  queer  name  of  "  Barnburners,"  because  their 
crs*"  opponents  (whom  they  styled  "  Hunkers,"  or 

"  old  fogies  ")  accused  them  of  acting  like  a  farmer  who 
burned  his  barn  to  rid  it  of  rats. 

The  Democratic  national  convention  nominated  Lewis 
Cass,  of  Michigan,  for  President ;  the  Whig  convention 
named  General  Zachary  Taylor,  one  of  the  heroes  of 


THE    MADDENING    SLAVERY   QUESTION.      451 

the  Mexican  War.  The  former  convention  issued  some 
meaningless  phrases  on  political  questions,  while  the 
latter  said  nothing  at  all.  The  Barnburner  Democrats, 
refusing  to  support  Cass,  put  Van  Buren  in  nomination, 
and  their  action  was  endorsed  by  a  great  convention  at 
Buffalo,  where  Whigs,  Democrats,  and  Abolitionists 
united  in  declaring  for  "  free  soil,  free  speech,  free  labor, 
and  free  men." 

The  nomination  of  Van  Buren  was  not  satisfactory  to 
the  general  body  of  anti-slavery  Whigs  in  New  York,  and 
most  of  them  were  persuaded  to  vote  for  General  Tay 
lor,  the  Whig  nominee.  Van  Buren,  in  consequence,  by 
drawing  heavily  from  the  Democratic  vote  in  New  York 
and  little  from  the  Whig  vote,  turned  the  election  in 
Taylor's  favor.  The  Vice-President  elected  was  Millard 
Fillmore,  of  New  York. 

276.  Pro-slavery  and  Anti-slavery  Demands.  1849. 
When  President  Taylor  entered  office,  in  the  spring  of 
1849,  the  rush  of  gold-seekers  to  California  was 

i      -J-         ^         i  •  T.       .en-          California 

deciding  the  slavery  question  there,  by  filling  goia-hunt- 

,.,.,'  ers  reject 

the  country  with  a  population  that  had  no  use  or  slavery, 
desire  for  slaves.  Prompted  by  the  President, 
who  had  no  sectional  views  on  the  subject  of  slavery, 
though  a  slaveholder  himself,  the  Calif ornians  framed  and 
adopted  a  free-state  constitution,  established  a  govern 
ment,  and  applied  for  admission  to  the  Union.  The  Mor 
mons  of  Utah  were  organized  politically  already,  in  what 
they  named  the  "  State  of  Deseret,"  and  the  few  inhabit 
ants  of  New  Mexico  were  taking  steps  to  the  same  end.  In 
the  President's  view  the  whole  problem  would  solve  itself, 
if  Congress  would  let  events  take  their  natural  course ; 
but  his  proceedings  and  proposals  in  the  matter  were 
resented  by  the  extremists  of  the  south,  whose  prominent 
leaders  were  Jefferson  Davis  and  Robert  Barnwall  Rhett. 


452  SECTIONAL   CONTENTION. 

Nobody  could  think  it  possible  to  force  slavery  on  the 
people  who  were  gathering  in  California,  nor  to  keep  the 
increasing  thousands  of  those  people  with  no  organized 
government  for  an  indefinite  period  of  time ;  but  the 
California  question  furnished  an  opportunity  for  press- 
pro-siavery  mg  other  pro-slavery  demands,  and  to  press 
demands.  them  in  a  threatening  way.  There  were  (i)  the 
demand  for  opening  the  whole  remainder  of  the  terri 
tory  lately  Mexican  to  slavery ;  (2)  for  the  surrender  of 
a  large  part  of  New  Mexico  to  Texas,  on  her  boundary 
claims ;  (3)  for  fresh  legislation  to  carry  out  that  provi 
sion  of  the  Constitution  which  declares  that  persons 
"held  to  service  or  labor  in  one  State,  under  the  laws 
thereof,  escaping  into  another,  .  .  .  shall  be  delivered 
up  on  claim  of  the  party  to  whom  such  service  or  labor 
may  be  due."  l  For  the  execution  of  this  mandate  of  the 

Constitution  a  "  fugitive  slave  law  "  had  been 
slave  law  among  the  Federal  statutes  since  1793  ;  but  that 

law  entrusted  the  execution  to  state  officials, 
who  might  be  (according  to  a  decision  of  the  Supreme 
Court),  and  who  were,  forbidden  by  the  laws  of  some 
States  to  perform  the  duties  required.  Therefore  it  was 
demanded,  on  indisputable  grounds  of  constitutional  ob 
ligation,  that  Congress  should  enact  a  more  effective  law, 
appointing  Federal  officials  to  carry  it  out. 

Against  these  radical  pro-slavery  demands  from  one 
section  came  the  radical  anti-slavery  demands  from  the 

other,  (i)  for  the  Wilmot  Proviso,  applied  to  all 
slavery        present  and  future  Territories  ;  (2)  for  the  aboli- 
Lds'      tion  of  slavery  in  the  District  of  Columbia  ;  (3) 
for  the  prohibition  of  all  slave  trade  between  the  States. 
The  feeling  on  each  side  took  heat  from  the  other,  and 
conditions  were  well  prepared  for  an  outburst  of  flame. 
1  Art.  IV.  sect.  ii.  clause  3. 


THE    MADDENING   SLAVERY   QUESTION.     453 

277.    Compromise    of    185O.  —  Death   of    President 
Taylor.  —  Accession  of  President  Fillmore.     President 
Taylor,  stout-hearted  old  soldier  and  patriot,  regarded 
the  threatening  situation  without  dismay.    Like  Jackson, 
his  feelings  were  wholly  national ;  he  scorned  the  sec 
tional  spirit,  and  was  sternly  unwilling  to  give  way  to  it 
in  the  least.     If  he  had  had  his  way,  the  crisis  reached  a 
dozen  years  later  might  have  come  upon  the  country  in 
1850  or  1851,  and  possibly  with  a  different  result.     But 
the  temper  of  Congress  was  not  so  inflexible.    Clay,  "  the 
great  compromiser,"  brought  his  peculiar  influ 
ence  to  bear  on  the  strained  feeling  of  the  time,   compro- 
and  postponed  the  inevitable  rupture  by  a  last 
transient  truce.     Under  his  lead  a  conservative  majority 
from  both  parties  in  Congress  enacted  a  series  of  mea 
sures  which  were  judged  to  be  an  acceptable  "compro 
mise  "  between  the  pro-slavery  and  anti-slavery  demands. 
Webster,  Cass,  and  Stephen  A.  Douglas  were  the  promi 
nent  northern  supporters  of  Clay  in  his  undertaking  ;  his 
scheme  as  a  whole  was  opposed  on  one  side  by  Jefferson 
Davis,  and  on  the  other  side  by  Seward  and  most  of  the 
anti-slavery  Whigs.    The  influence  of  the  admin 
istration  was  against  it  until  President  Taylor's  President 
death,  which  occurred,  after  a  brief  illness,  on   July?,' 
the  Qth  of  July,  1850.     Mr.  Fillmore,  who  be 
came -President  then,  approved  all  the  pending  compro 
mise  bills,  and  signed  them  when  they  passed. 

Nothing  else  in  the  compromise  proceeding  gave  rise 
to  so  much  feeling  as  Webster's  participation  in  it.     His 
speech  in  the  Senate  debate,  which  brought  the  Wel)ster's 
weightiest  argument  and  the  most  powerful  in-  orwarch1 
fluence  to  Clay's  support,  grieved  and  angered  8Peech-" 
a  vast  number  of  his  old  admirers  in  the  north.     It  was 
looked  upon,  most  unreasonably,  as  a  bid  for  the  presi- 


454  SECTIONAL   CONTENTION. 

dency ;  as  though  the  south  could  make  him  President 
without  the  good-will  that  he  alienated  in  the  north. 
Opinion  at  the  present  day  does  more  justice  to  Web 
ster's  sincerity,  whatever  may  be  its  judgment  on  the 
wisdom  of  his  course.  He  feared  for  the  Union,  and  he 
convinced  himself  that  nature  had  forbidden  slavery  in 
New  Mexico  and  Utah,  which  time  proved  to  be  the  fact. 
In  his  grand  way  he  said  :  "  I  would  not  take  pains  use 
lessly  to  reaffirm  an  ordinance  of  nature,  nor  to  reenact 
the  will  of  God."  As  for  the  Fugitive  Slave  Law,  he 
advocated  jury  trial  for  the  fugitive,  but  he  did  not  insist 
upon  it,  and  he  left  the  Senate,  to  become  Secretary  of 
State  in  Fillmore's  cabinet,  before  the  bill  came  to  a 
vote. 

The  five  measures  of  the  "  Compromise  of  1850  "  (i)  es 
tablished  territorial  governments  in  Utah  and  New  Mex- 
The  five  'lco>  w^tn  no  reference  to  slavery  ;  (2)  admitted 
measures.  California  as  a  free  State  ;  (3)  gave  $10,000,000 
to  Texas  for  her  New  Mexico  claim  ;  (4)  substituted  a  new 
Fugitive  Slave  Law  for  that  of  1793  ;  and  (5)  abolished 
the  slave  trade,  but  not  slavery,  in  the  District  of  Colum 
bia.  The  several  acts  were  passed  by  differing  votes, 
the  radicals  on  the  two  sides  voting  together  against  the 
Texas  proposition,  and  opposedly  on  everything  else.  In 
reality,  the  so-called  "compromise"  satisfied  only  a  mid 
dle  feeling  of  cool  conservatism  in  the  country,  that  was 
peaceable  enough  without  it ;  while  the  dangerous  an 
tagonisms  were  not  pacified  at  all. 

278.  The  Fugitive  Slave  Law.  1850.  The  antago 
nisms  were  not  only  not  pacified,  but  they  were  intensi 
fied  by  one  of  the  measures  of  the  "  compromise  "  —  the 
Fugitive  Slave  Law.  Had  that  law  done  no  more  than 
fulfil  in  a  strict  way  the  hard  requirement  of  the  Consti 
tution,  nobody  who  upholds  the  Constitution  could  deny 


THE   MADDENING   SLAVERY   QUESTION.     455 

that  it  was   a  rightful   act.     But  it   destroyed   all   the 

safeguards  of  freedom  for  every  black  man  in 

every  State.     If  a  white  man  claimed  him  as  a  oi  freedom 

.  .  .  .  .  destroyed, 

slave,  it  was  not  the  white  man  who  must  prove 

his  claim  by  more  than  a  bare  affidavit,  but  the  negro 
who  must  prove  his  right  to  be  free.  He  was  denied 
even  the  safeguards  of  a  thief,  whom  the  law  assumes 
to  be  innocent  till  his  guilt  is  proved.  He  could  not 
testify  in  his  own  behalf.  He  was  denied  trial  by  jury. 
He  was  denied  a  judge  of  the  bench ;  for  the  claim 
against  his  liberty  was  to  be  heard  and  determined,  "  in 
a  summary  manner,"  by  a  fee-paid  commissioner,  whom 
the  law  bribed  against  him,  by  making  the  official  fee 
ten  dollars  if  the  black  man  was  sent  to  slavery  and 
five  dollars  if  he  was  set  fi-ee. 

Such  a  law  could  not  be  enforced  in  northern  commu 
nities  without  excitements  of  passionate  feeling.     Every 
case   that   occurred   under  it  —  every   surrender   of   a 
claimed  fugitive  —  did    more  than  the  abolitionists  had 
ever  done  to  convert  northern  people  to  some  part,  at 
least,  of  abolitionist  beliefs.     Senator  Seward,   Theappflal 
in  a  Senate  debate  on  the   compromise  mea-  SgiJr 
sures,  had  made  casual  allusion  to  "  a  higher  law-" 
law  than  the  Constitution,"  and  the  phrase  was  caught 
up.     To  obstruct,  resist,  frustrate,  the  execution  of  the 
statute  came  to  be  looked  upon  by  many  people  as  a  duty 
dictated  by  the  " higher  law"  of   moral  right.      Legis 
latures  were  moved  to  enact  obstructive  "  personal  liberty 
laws ; "  and  quiet  citizens  were  moved  to  riotous  acts. 
Active  undertakings  to  encourage  and  assist  the  escape 
of  slaves  from  southern  States  were  set  on  foot,   The 
and  a  remarkable  organization  of  helping  hands  ^SuS1" 
was    formed,    in  what   took   the  name  of  the  Rallway-" 
"  Underground  Railway,"  to  secrete  them  and  pass  them 


456  SECTIONAL   CONTENTION. 

on  to  the  safe  shelter  of  Canadian  law.  The  slaveholders 
lost  thousands  of  their  servants  for  every  one  that  the 
law  restored  to  their  hands. 

The  story  of  "  Uncle  Tom's  Cabin,"  by  Mrs.  Harriet 
Beecher  Stowe,  may  fairly  be  counted  among  the  pro 
ducts  of  the  Fugitive  Slave  Law,  and  no  other 

"  Uncle 

Tom's>(  book  ever  produced  an  extraordinary  effect  so 
quickly  on  the  public  mind.  In  book  form  it 
was  published  in  March,  1852,  and  it  was  read  every 
where  in  civilized  countries  within  the  next  two  or  three 
years.  Its  picture  of  slavery  was  stamped  ineffaceably 
on  the  thought  of  the  whole  world,  and  the  institution 
was  arraigned  upon  it,  for  a  more  impressive  judgment 
than  Christendom  had  ever  pronounced  before.  That 
the  picture  was  not  a  true  one  of  the  general  and  com 
mon  circumstances  of  southern  slavery,  but  that  the  inci 
dents  put  together  in  the  story  were  all  possible,  has 
been  proved  beyond  doubt. 

279.  Incidents  of  the  Period.  1849-1852.  In  polit 
ical  affairs  the  domestic  history  of  the  United  States, 
during  the  four  years  of  Taylor  and  Fillmore,  was  filled 
almost  entirely  with  the  agitations  to  which  slavery  gave 
Material  rise-  ^  was  a  time  of  great  material  prosperity 
prosperity.  and  advance.  Railroad  and  telegraph  building 
went  on  with  rapidity ;  movements  of  travel  and  trade 
were  enormously  increased  ;  steamers  were  supplanting 
sailing  vessels  on  the  ocean,  as  well  as  on  rivers  and  lakes  ; 
large  organizations  of  every  kind  of  undertaking,  in  reform 
work,  lecture-touring,  news-collecting,  and  the  like,  were 
becoming  practicable ;  life  on  all  sides  was  broadened  and 
quickened,  and  the  nation  was  acquiring  a  new  know 
ledge  of  itself. 

Several  occurrences  of  interest  or  excitement  had  their 
origin  in  foreign  affairs.  In  1850  Mr.  Clayton,  then 


THE   MADDENING   SLAVERY   QUESTION.     457 

Secretary  of  State,  negotiated  what  seemed  to  be  a  treaty 
of  importance  with  the   British   minister,   Sir  ciayton- 
Henry  Lytton  Bulwer,  to  guarantee  the  neu-  Treaty* 
trality  of  any  ship    canal  that   might    be   cut   185°- 
through   the   Isthmus  of  Panama,   or   through    Central 
America  at  any  other  point.     But  many  years  were  to 
pass,  and  the  Clayton-Bulwer  treaty  was  to  give  way  to 
another,   before  the   long-projected   inter-oceanic    canal 
could  be  built. 

Results  of  more  importance  came  from  a  naval  expe 
dition  sent  to  Japan  in  1852,  under  Commodore 

J    J  Expedition 

Perry,  who  succeeded  in  negotiating  the  first  to  Japan, 
treaty  by  which  the  Japanese  government  con 
ceded  rights  and  privileges  of  intercourse  and  commerce 
with  any  foreign  people. 

The  rising  of   1848-49  in  Hungary,  against  Austrian 
misrule,  gave  rise  to  two  incidents  of  note.     The  first 
was  a  spirited  correspondence  between  Chevalier  Hulse- 
mann,  the  Austrian  representative  at  Washing-  The 
ton,  and  Mr.  Webster,  after  the  latter  became  StteSre,mann 
Secretary  of  State.     Austria  was  offended  by  1850i 
action  taken  in  sending  an  agent  to  Hungary  to  watch 
the  course  of  events,  and  Webster  delighted  his  country 
men  by  the  vigor  of  his  reply  to  her  complaints.     The 
second  incident  was  a  visit  to  America,  in  1851, 
by  Kossuth,  the  wonderfully  eloquent  Hunga-  Kossntn, 
rian  leader,  who  hoped  to  renew  the  struggle 
of  his  country  with  American  help.     He  excited  an  en 
thusiasm  which  might    have  swept  the    United    States 
into  reckless  meddling  with  European  affairs,  if  those 
who  were  responsible  for   the  government  had  allowed 
themselves  to  be  moved  by  the  momentary  feeling  of 
the  people. 

Since  the  annexation  of  Texas  and  the  conquests  from 


458  SECTIONAL   CONTENTION. 

Mexico,  a  restless  craving  for  more  territorial  expansion 
had  been  showing  itself  in  parts  of  the  south.  Cuba 
was  a  special  object  of  desire.  President  Polk  had  tried 
without  success  to  buy  the  island  from  Spain,  and  less 
scrupulous  undertakings  were  then  set  on  foot  President 

Taylor  suppressed  one  filibustering  scheme  in 
Expedition,  1849.  Another,  concocted  in  1851  by  a  Cuban 

named  Lopez,  launched  an  expedition  of  about 
500  men  from  New  Orleans  and  landed  it  in  Cuba,  where 
it  suffered  quick  defeat.  The  leader  and  some  others 
were  executed,  and  a  large  part  of  the  force  perished  in 
fight  or  from  disease. 

280.  Presidential  Canvass  of  1852.  Election  of 
Franklin  Pierce.  If  the  Compromise  of  1850  gave  sat 
isfaction,  as  was  said  above,  to  nothing  but  a  middle  feel 
ing  of  cool  conservatism  in  the  country,  that  feeling 
must  have  been  predominant,  even  after  two  years  of 
a  vigorous  enforcement  of  the  Fugitive  Slave  Law ;  for 
the  anti-slavery  sentiment  of  the  north  showed  less  vigor 
Apathy  m  tne  presidential  election  of  1852  than  four 
slavery  years  before.  The  attempt  in  1848  to  unite 

anti-slavery  Whigs  and  Democrats  in  a  common 
defence  of  "  free  soil  "  had  had  a  discouraging  result. 
Most  of  the  Whigs  had  drawn  away  from  it  at  the 
beginning,  and  now  Van  Buren  and  the  majority  of  his 
followers  were  back  within  their  old  party  lines. 

Both  parties,  in  the  national  conventions  of  1852, 
pledged  themselves  to  maintain  the  compromise  measures 
and  to  resist  agitations  on  the  subject  of  slavery  ;  but  the 
Democratic  party  gave  evidence  of  more  heartiness  in 
the  pledge  than  the  Whigs  could  show.  Anti-slavery 
influences  in  the  latter  were  strong  enough  to  defeat 
Fillmore,  the  candidate  of  the  southern  Whigs,  as  well 
as  Webster,  who  had  a  faithful  following,  and  to  make 


THE   MADDENING  SLAVERY   QUESTION.     459 

another  military  nomination,  in  the  person  of  General 
Scott.  For  the  Democratic  nomination,  Cass,  Scott 
Buchanan,  and  Douglas  were  rivals  who  de-  pfjjjj* 
feated  one  another,  and  the  prize  went  to  Frank-  1852t 
lin  Pierce,  of  New  Hampshire,  a  pleasing  gentleman,  much 
liked  by  those  who  knew  him,  and  one  whose  political 
views  were  highly  satisfactory  to  the  south.  That  was  his 
strength,  and  the  strength  of  his  party.  The  time  had 
come  in  American  politics  when  the  fighting  for  or  against 
slavery  was  the  only  hearty  fighting  that  could  be  done, 
The  Democratic  party  gained  strength  from  the  firmness 
of  its  footing  on  the  southern  side  ;  while  the  Whig  party, 
going  positively  to  neither  side,  was  weakened  on  both, 
and  came  to  the  end  of  its  career.  A  surviving  remnant 
of  the  Free  Soil  party  nominated  John  P.  Hale.  Pierce 
was  elected  by  an  overwhelming  majority  of  votes. 

Both  Webster  and  Clay  died  while  the  strife  for  the 
presidency  went  on,  the  former  in  October,  the  latter  in 
June. 

281.  Minor  Incidents  of  the  Administration  of  Pre 
sident  Pierce.     1853-1854.    One  event  of  the  period  of 
President  Pierce  looms  so  large  that  all  others  seem  in 
significant;  but  some  incidents  of  importance  occurred, 
which  may  be  mentioned  first.     Once  more  Austria  raised 
a  question  with  the  American  government,  by  attempting, 
in  Turkey,  to  lay  hands  on  a  Hungarian  refugee,  Martin 
Koszta,    who    had   resided    in    America   since  The 
his  escape  from  Hungary,  and  had  declared  his  §2? 
intention  to  become  a   citizen  of   the    United  1853' 
States.     Captain  Ingraham,  of  the  United  States  sloop-of- 
war  St.    Louis,  forced  an  Austrian   brig-of-war  to  give 
him  up,  and  the  captain's  action  was  upheld.     Mr.  Marcy, 
Pierce's  Secretary  of  State,  justified  the  proceeding  on 
principles  from  which  this  country  is  not  likely  to  recede. 


460  SECTIONAL   CONTENTION. 

Another  important  performance  in  the  State  Depart 
ment  was  the  negotiation  of  a  treaty  of  reciprocity  with 
Canada,  opening  the  markets  of  each  country  to  most  of 
Canadian  tne  natura^  products  of  the  other,  free  of  duty, 
treat7,°clty  an<^  increasing  the  privileges  of  American  fish- 
ermen  on  the  British-American  coast.  The 
treaty  was  ratified  in  1854,  and  was  in  force  until  1866, 
when  it  was  abrogated  by  action  of  the  United  States. 

With  less  credit  to  itself,  the  administration  of  Presi 
dent  Pierce  was  tolerant,  at  least,  of  unscrupulous  designs 
walker  in  upon  Cuba,  and  winked  at  the  doings  of  one 
?855,agua'  Walker,  who  harassed  Nicaragua  with  filibus 
tering  undertakings  for  a  number  of  years.  It 
prompted  also  a  strange  proceeding  on  the  part  of  three 
American  plenipotentiaries  in  Europe,  Mr.  Soule,  Mr. 
Buchanan,  and  Mr.  Mason,  who  met  at  Ostend,  in  Oc 
tober,  1854,  and  joined  in  preparing  an  extraordinary 

document,  known  as  athe  Ostend  Manifesto." 
The  Ostend  .......  ,. 

Manifesto,  In  substance  this  advised  the  immediate  ac 
quisition  of  Cuba,  by  purchase  if  possible,  by 
force  if  needful,  on  the  ground  that  the  peace  and  safety 
of  the  United  States  required  the  island  to  be  ours.  If, 
as  people  believed  at  the  time,  the  government  was  mak 
ing  ready  to  act  on  such  advice,  its  plans  were  interfered 
with  by  another  measure,  which  raised  so  much  excite 
ment  in  the  country  that  nothing  else  could  be  taken  in 

hand. 

282.  Repeal  of  the  Missouri  Compromise  by  the 
Kansas-Nebraska  Act.  1 854.1  That  measure  was  one 
repealing  the  Missouri  Compromise,  thereby  admitting 
slavery  to  the  whole  domain  from  which  the  compact  of 
1820  (see  sect.  227)  had  shut  it  out.  In  January,  1854, 
its  author,  Senator  Douglas,  of  Illinois,  reported  from 
i  See  Map  XIV. 


THE   MADDENING   SLAVERY   QUESTION.     461 

the  Senate  Committee  on  Territories  a  bill  to  organize 
what  was  then  called  the  Territory  of  Nebraska,  embrac 
ing  what  is  now  comprised  in  the  States  of  Kansas,  Ne 
braska,  the  Dakotas,  and  so  much  of  Montana,  Wyoming, 
and  Colorado  as  lies  on  the  eastern  side  of  the  Rocky 
Mountains  (see  Map  XL).  The  report  assumed,  what 
seems  to  have  entered  no  mind  before,  that  the  effect  of 
the  Compromise  of  1850,  in  its  provision  relating  to  New 
Mexico  and  Utah,  was  to  establish  the  principle  Doctrlne  of 
of  "popular  sovereignty,"  or  "squatter  sover- 
eignty,"  as  Calhoun  had  styled  it,  with  con- 
ternpt  ;  the  principle,  that  is,  "  that  all  questions  per- 
taining  to  slavery  in  the  Territories,  and  the  new  States 
to  be  formed  therefrom,  are  to  be  left  to  the  decision 
of  the  people  residing  therein."  Pursuant  to  this  dis 
covery,  the  Nebraska  Bill  reported  by  Senator  Douglas 
provided  that  States  organized  in  the  Territory  should 
be  "  received  into  the  Union  with  or  without  slavery, 
as  their  constitutions  may  prescribe."  Subsequently  a 
clause  was  added  that  repealed  the  enactment  of  1820  in 
positive  terms,  and  two  Territories,  named  Kansas  and 
Nebraska,  were  created  in  the  region,  instead  of  one. 

After  three  months  of  an  excitement  which  exceeded 
all  previous  agitations,  the  Kansas-Nebraska  Bill  became 
law.  It  was  opposed  by  every  northern  Whig  in  both 
branches  of  Congress,  and  by  nearly  half  the  northern 
Democrats  in  the  lower  House.  In  the  Senate,  Douglas 
carried  with  him  all  but  four  of  his  Democratic  colleagues 
from  the  north.  The  political  effect  of  the  bill 
was  to  drive  great  numbers  from  the  Demo-  northarn°n* 
cratic  party  in  the  northern  States,  who  did  not 
return  to  it,  as  in  1848  ;  but  a  strong  wing  of  that  party 
still  held  the  pro-slavery  ground  in  nearly  every  free 
State.  On  the  other  hand,  northern  and  southern  Whigs 


462  SECTIONAL   CONTENTION. 

parted  company  on  the  new  slavery  question  so  com 
pletely  that  their  national  organization  came  to  an  end. 

283.  Rise  of   the  Republican    Party.     1854-1855. 
The  northern  Whig  leaders   now  hoped  and  strove  to 
reconstruct  their  party  on  anti-slavery  grounds,  and  to 
gather  all  the  forces  of  opposition  into  its  ranks  ;  but  that 
could  not  be  done.     To  bring  anti-slavery  Whigs  and 
Democrats  into  harmonious  union  an  entirely  new  organ 
ization   was   required,    and  such  organizations 

Union  of  '     . 

anti-  never   rise   at    command ;    they  are   always   a 

elements  in  growth.     In  this  case  the  growth  was  begun 

the  north.  .  .  ~  . 

by  a  popular  movement  in  several  States,  mostly 
western,  during  the  summer  of  1854.  In  Michigan,  Wis 
consin,  and  Vermont  the  people  going  into  the  new  move 
ment  took  the  name  of  "  Republicans,"  and  that  name 
was  accepted  as  the  movement  spread.  It  advanced 
somewhat  slowly  in  the  east,  not  only  because  the  old 
Whig  organization  gave  way  to  it  less  readily  there,  but 
also  because  of  hindrance  from  another  political  move 
ment  which  was  running  at  this  time  a  short-lived  career. 

284.  The   "  Know   Nothing,"  or   American,   Party. 
1852-1855.      The    movement    in    question   had   been 
started,  about   1852,   in  some  eastern  cities,  by  native 
Americans,  who  objected  to  the  speedy  way  in  which 
foreign  immigrants  were  made  citizens  and  endowed  with 
political  rights.     At  first  it  took  the  form  of  a  secret 
society,  whose  members  were  bound  by  oath  to  divulge 
nothing  of  its  plans. '   In  jeering  allusion  to  the  ignorance 
they  professed  when  questioned,  they  were  called  "  Know 
Nothings,"  and  accepted  the  name.    As  one  consequence 
of  the  Kansas-Nebraska  legislation,  breaking  former  party 
ties,  many  voters  went  into  the  Know  Nothing  order, 
in  1854  and  1855.    Many  state  elections  were  controlled 
by  them,  and  a  strong  representation  in  Congress  was 


THE    MADDENING   SLAVERY   QUESTION.      4^3 

secured.  The  secret  methods  of  the  order  were  then 
mostly  abandoned,  and  assuming  the  name  of  the  Amer 
ican  Party,  it  entered  the  political  field  in  an  open  way, 
absorbing  the  more  conservative  among  the  Whigs  of  the 
north,  and  the  whole  of  the  Whig  party  in  the  south. 

285.  The  Strife  for  Kansas.  1855-1856.  In  1855 
the  anti-slavery  Whigs  gave  up  the  attempt  to  maintain 
their  own  party  organization,  and,  with  Senator  Seward 
of  New  York  as  their  acknowledged  chief,  went  into  the 
"  Republican  "  movement,  which  then  took  form  in  every 
northern  State.  Events  in  Kansas  were  stimulating  its 
growth. 

When  the  Kansas-Nebraska  Bill  became  law,  Senator 
Sumner  said :  "  It  annuls  all  past  compromises  with 
slavery,  and  makes  all  future  compromises  impossible. 
Thus  it  puts  freedom  and  slavery  face  to  face  and  bids 
them  grapple."  l  No  description  of  the  conse 
quences  of  the  bill  could  be  more  exact.  The  "grapple" 

In  Kansas. 

"grapple  came  instantly  in  Kansas,  where 
the  first  decision,  for  or  against  slavery,  by  choice  of  the 
settlers  in  the  Territory,  would  have  to  be  made.  Which 
interest  would  bestir  itself  most  effectually  to  populate 
that  ground  of  strife  became  the  grand  question  of  the 
day.  Bordered  as  Kansas  was  by  the  slaveholding  State 
of  Missouri,- the  advantages  of  position  were  on  Emlgration 
the  slaveholding  side  ;  but  the  advantages  of  to  Kansas- 
resource  and  spirit  were  on  the  other.  Stimulated  and 
assisted  in  all  possible  ways,  a  stream  of  emigration  to 
Kansas  was  soon  in  motion  from  the  free  States.  Stren 
uous  efforts  to  move  a  counter-stream  from  the 

,          ~  .  ,     ,  Invasions 

slave  States  were  made,  with  less  success ;  but  from 

in  substitution  for  actual  settlers,  armed  bodies 

of  Missourians  (styled  "  border  ruffians  "  in  the  contro- 

1  Rhodes,  i.  490. 


464  SECTIONAL   CONTENTION. 

versies  of  the  time)  were  marched  in,  to  hold  elections  and 
overpower  the  actual  occupants  of  the  land.  For  nearly 
two  years,  from  the  spring  of  1855,  Kansas  was  the  scene 
of  a  desperate  struggle  between  its  real  inhabitants  and 
those  invaders  from  the  neighboring  State.  In  that 
period  three  appointed  governors  of  the  Territory 
(Reeder,  Geary,  and  Walker),  who  went  out  to  it  with 
pro-slavery  sympathies,  changed  their  views  when  the 
facts  of  the  situation  became  known  to  them,  and  each, 
in  turn,  was  driven  to  resign  because  he  would  not  be  a 
party  to  the  flagrant  wrong.  In  the  warfare  of  the  fierce 
struggle  there  were  lawless  violence  and  barbarity  on 
both  sides.  Lawrence,  the  principal  Kansas  town,  was 
half  destroyed  in  1856  by  a  mob,  collected  and  acting  as 
the  posse  of  a  marshal  of  the  United  States.  In  retalia 
tion,  "old  John  Brown  of  Ossawotomie"  (of  whom  more 
Old  John  wiH  soon  ke  told),  leading  a  little  band  of  his  own 
Brown.  sons  and  others,  slew  five  pro-slavery  settlers  on 
Pottawotomie  Creek  in  cold  blood.  Nothing  else  in  the 
life  or  death  or  character  of  that  fierce  hater  of  slavery 
can  cleanse  him  of  the  foulness  of  this  murderous  deed. 

286.  Election  of  Speaker  Banks.  —  Assault  on  Sen 
ator  Sumner.  How  rapidly  the  new  Republican  party 
was  consolidating  the  anti-slavery  sentiment  of  the  north 
became  apparent  when  the  Thirty-fourth  Congress  as 
sembled  in  December,  1855,  and  the  House  of  Repre 
sentatives  attempted  to  elect  a  Speaker.  At  the  end  of 
a  struggle  which  lasted  two  months,  Nathaniel  P.  Banks, 
a  Massachusetts  Republican,  was  raised  to  the  chair  by 
the  votes  of  representatives  most  of  whom  had  been 
chosen  to  Congress  in  1854  as  "  Americans  "  or  as  Whigs. 
The  Republican  party  was  now  so  broadly  organized  that 
it  could  enter  the  presidential  contest  of  1856  with  good 
hopes  of  success. 


THE    MADDENING   SLAVERY   QUESTION.     465 

Before  that  contest  opened,  the  passionate  feelings  that 
went  into  it  were  heated  yet  more  by  a  violent  speech 
from  Senator  Sumner,  on  "  The  crime  against  Smnner'S 
Kansas,"  followed  by  a  cowardly  assault  on  the  Brooks1?* 
Senator,  made  by  one  of  the  Congressmen  from  SJJ1!!},011' 
South  Carolina,  Preston  Brooks.     The  senator  1856< 
was  struck  repeated  blows  upon  the  head  with  a  heavy 
cane,  as  he  sat  writing  at  his  desk  in  the  Senate  Cham 
ber,  unable  to  rise  until  he  had  wrenched  the  desk  from 
its  fastenings,  and  then  only  to  fall  unconscious  on  the 
floor.     For  three  years  he  was  disabled  by  spinal  injuries, 
and  he  never  recovered  full  health.     Brooks,  applauded 
in  his  own  State  and  other  parts  of  the  south,  was  not 
expelled  from  Congress,  but  resigned,   and  his  district 
reflected  him,  with  only  six  opposing  votes. 

287.  Presidential  Canvass  of  1856.  —  Election  of 
President  Buchanan.  In  June,  1856,  the  presidential 
canvass  was  opened  fully,  by  the  Democratic  nomination 
of  James  Buchanan  and  the  Republican  nomination  of 
John  C.  Fremont.  Previously,  in  February,  the  Ameri 
can  party  had  named  Millard  Fillmore  as  its  candidate, 
and  the  nomination  was  endorsed  afterward  by  a  remnant 
of  the  Whigs.  The  Democratic  convention  pledged  ad 
herence  to  the  principles  of  the  Kansas-Nebraska  act ; 
the  Republicans  declared  it  to  be  "  the  right  and  duty  of 
Congress  to  prohibit  in  the  Territories  those  twin  relics 
of  barbarism,  polygamy  and  slavery ;  "  the  American  party 
avoided  the  question.  The  latter  figured  little  in  the 
northern  canvass,  but  importantly  in  the  south,  where 
the  contest  was  entirely  between  Buchanan  and 
Fillmore.  The  free-state  vote  for  Fremont  was  Fillmore, ' 
heavier  than  Buchanan's  by  more  than  a  hun 
dred  thousand  ;  but  votes  were  cast  for  the  former  in  only 
four  slave  States,  and  there  were  only  a  few  more  than 


466  SECTIONAL   CONTENTION. 

one  thousand  Republican  votes  in  those  four.  He  was 
truly  a  sectional  candidate,  and  that  weighty  argument 
against  him  was  pressed  vehemently,  backed  by  continual 
declarations  from  southern  newspapers  and  public  men 
that  the  slave  States  would  not  submit  to  his  election  by 
a  sectional  vote.  The  argument  and  the  menace  had  more 
influence  in  1856  than  four  years  later,  and  no  doubt  it  is 
fortunate  they  did. 

Buchanan  was  elected,  but  not  by  a  majority  of  the 
popular  vote.  He  carried  five  northern  States,  and  all  of 
the  south  save  Maryland,  which  gave  Fillmore  his  only 
electoral  votes.  It  could  hardly  be  said  that  the  country, 
by  Buchanan's  election,  had  accepted  the  Calhoun  doc 
trine,  that  Congress  had  no  power  to  exclude  slavery  from 
any  Territory ;  but  the  vote  appeared  to  go  close  to  that 
meaning ;  especially  when  coupled  with  the  fact  that  the 
same  election  gave  Buchanan  a  majority  in  Congress  to 
support  his  administration. 

288.  The  Dred  Scott  Decision.  1857.1  The  "  slave 
power"  was  triumphant;  but  a  greater  triumph  was  to 
come.  Two  days  after  Buchanan's  inauguration,  the  Su 
preme  Court  of  the  United  States  made  public  its  deci 
sion  of  a  case  in  which  it  found  opportunity  to  affirm  the 
doctrine  of  Calhoun.  The  case  was  of  a  slave 
Scott's  cm-  named  Dred  Scott,  who  sued  for  the  freedom 

zensnlp. 

of  himself  and  his  family,  and  two  questions 
were  involved :  (i)  Could  Dred  Scott  be  recognized  as  a 
"  citizen,"  with  a  right  as  such  to  sue  in  a  United  States 
court  ?  The  court  decided  that  no  slave  or  descendant  of 
a  slave  could  be  a  citizen  of  the  United  States.  That  suf 
ficed  to  end  the  case,  by  putting  Dred  Scott  out  of  court, 
and  the  justices  were  agreed  at  first  that  they  should  go  no 
further  ;  but  pressure  is  said  to  have  been  put  upon  them 
i  See  Map  XIV. 


THE    MADDENING    SLAVERY   QUESTION.     467 

to  declare  themselves,  for  political  effect,  on  the  second 
question  brought  into  the  argument  of  the  case,  namely : 
(2)  Was  Dred  Scott  made  free  by  the  act  of  his  master, 
who  took  him  for  two  years  into  the  northern  part  of  the 
Louisiana  Territory,  where  slavery  was  forbidden  by  the 
enactment  known  as  the  Missouri  Compromise  ? 
Chief  Justice  Taney,1  sustained  by  four  asso-  tionaiityof 
ciate  justices  from  slave  States  and  one  from  a  souri  com- 
free  State,  pronounced  thereupon  the  opinion 
that  "  no  word  can  be  found  in  the  Constitution  which 
gives  Congress  greater  power  over  slave  property  than 
property  of  any  other  description  ;  "  hence  the  enactment 
of  1820  "is  not  warranted  by  the  Constitution  and  is 
therefore  void." 

And  so  the  holding  of  slaves  in  any  Territory  of  the 
United  States,  present  or  future,  could  be  hindered  by  no 
power,  residing  anywhere,  until  its  inhabitants  acquired 
the  sovereignty  of  the  constitution  of  a  State.  The 
Douglas  doctrine  of  "squatter  sovereignty"  or  "popu 
lar  sovereignty"  went  down  under  this  absolute  decision 
as  completely  as  the  authority  of  Congress  went  down, 
though  Douglas  tried  hard  to  persuade  himself  and  others 
that  it  did  not. 

289.  Collapse  in  Business.  —  Mormon  Rebellion. 
1857.  The  Dred  Scott  decision,  delighting  the  south 
and  astounding  the  north,  came  on  the  country  at  a  time 
when  political  feeling  was  much  deadened  by  troubles 
in  the  business  world.  For  nearly  a  decade,  successive 
occurrences  in  Europe  —  revolution  and  war  on  the  con 
tinent,  following  famine  in  Ireland  —  had  been  disturb 
ing  production  in  that  part  of  the  world  and  stimulating 
it  in  the  United  States,  until  everything  in  the  latter  was 
overdone.  The  return  of  peace  to  Europe  in  1856  was 
1  Appointed  in  1836  by  President  Jackson. 


468  SECTIONAL   CONTENTION. 

followed,  in  1857,  by  a  commercial  collapse  nearly  equal 
to  that  of  1837. 

Among  the  events  of  the  year  was  a  rebellious  attempt 
of  the  Mormons  in  Utah  to  resist  the  appointment  of 
a  territorial  governor,  displacing  the  president  of  their 
church,  Brigham  Young.  President  Fillmore  had  ap 
pointed  Young  to  the  governorship  when  the  Territory 
was  organized ;  and  now  President  Buchanan  gave  the 
office  to  a  Gentile.  The  Mormon  opposition  became  so 
threatening  that  a  considerable  army  escorted  the  new 
governor  to  Salt  Lake  City,  in  the  spring  of  1858. 

290.  Kansas,  and  the  Lecompton  Constitution. 
1857.  Under  Governor  John  W.  Geary,  for  several 
months,  and  then  under  Governor  Robert  J.  Walker  — 
both  of  them  honorable  men,  who  held  pro-slavery  opin 
ions,  but  who  strove  for  fair  dealing  with  the  anti-slavery 
majority  in  the  Territory  —  a  much  quieter  state  of  things 
prevailed  in  Kansas  during  1857.  But  the  fairness  of  these 
governors  was  not  pleasing  to  those  at  Washington  who 
dictated  the  policy  of  Buchanan,  as  they  had  dictated  the 
policy  of  Pierce.  When  Geary  became  discouraged  and  re 
signed,  Walker  was  persuaded  to  take  the  place, 
to  Governor  President  Buchanan  assuring  him  that  he  should 
be  supported  in  a  straightforward  attempt  to 
ascertain  the  will  of  the  real  inhabitants  of  Kansas  con 
cerning  slavery,  and  have  it  carried  out.  The  territorial 
legislature,  which  the  free-state  settlers  would  not  recog 
nize,  had  ordered  an  election  of  delegates  to  a  constitu 
tional  convention  to  be  held  in  June,  1857.  The  Presi 
dent  agreed  with  Walker  that  any  constitution  framed 
by  the  convention  then  elected  should  be  submitted  to 
a  free  and  fair  vote  of  the  people.  Governor  Walker  so 
announced,  and  tried  to  persuade  the  free-state  men  to 
take  part  in  the  election  ;  but  they  feared  fraud.  More- 


THE   MADDENING   SLAVERY   QUESTION.     469 

over,  they  had  adopted  a  constitution,  framed  by  a  con 
vention  held  at  Topeka  in  October,  1855,  which  they 
claimed  to  be  the  expression  of  the  will  of  a  majority  of 
the  Kansas  people.  Therefore  they  held  aloof  from  the 
convention  election,  but  they  came  out  to  vote  in  the 
election  of  a  new  legislature,  and  won  seats  enough  to 
give  them  full  control. 

The  pro-slavery  convention,  meeting  at  the  town  of 
Lecompton,  constructed  a  constitution  which  not  only 
placed  slave  property  on  the  same  footing  as  other  pro 
perty,  but  forbade  any  alteration  of  that  fundamental  law. 
It  then  appointed  an  election,  to  be  held  in  December, 
at  which  the  people  might  vote,  not  for  or  against  the 
constitution,  but  " for  the  constitution  with  slavery"  or 
"  for  the  constitution  without  slavery ; "  and,  whatever 
their  vote  might  be,  the  right  of  property  in  slaves 
already  brought  into  the  Territory  should  not  TI^".^ 
be  impaired.  This  was  "a  vile  fraud,"  said  Gov-  fraud-" 
ernor  Walker,  who  denounced  it  without  reserve,  and  he 
resigned  when  he  learned  that  the  administration  would 
give  it  approval  and  support.  In  his  letter  of  resignation 
he  declared  that  he  knew  the  Lecompton  constitution  to 
be  the  work  of  a  small  minority,  and  opposed  by  "an 
overwhelming  majority"  of  the  Kansas  people. 

291.  Revolt  of  Senator  Douglas.  —  Defeat  of  the 
Lecompton  Fraud.  1857-1858.  At  once  Senator 
Douglas  took  a  manly  stand  with  Governor  Walker 
against  the  Lecompton  fraud,  breaking  with  the  adminis 
tration,  and  bringing  about  a  rupture  in  the  Democratic 
party  that  never  was  healed.  The  Lecompton 

.  .  ,       ,  ,,  Lecompton 

constitution  "with  slavery      was  carried  easily  constitution 
at   the   December   election,  for  the  free-state 
men  would  not  vote.     In  February,  1858,  it  was  sent  to 
Congress  by  the  President,  who  recommended  the  admis- 


47°  SECTIONAL   CONTENTION. 

sion  of  Kansas,  with  this  for  its  organic  law,  and  who 
asserted  in  his  message  that  "  Kansas  is,  at  this  moment, 
Submitted  as  much  of  a  slave  State  as  Georgia  or  South 
to  congress.  Carolina."  Then  a  battle  opened  in  Congress 
which  stirred  the*  old  excitement  afresh.  Douglas  was 
the  hero  of  the  fight ;  the  Republicans  were  content  to 
be  his  allies,  and  gave  him  the  lead.  He  could  not  over 
come  the  strong  Democratic  majority  in  the  Senate,  but 
he  did  break  that  in  the  House.  The  result  of  a  dis 
agreement  between  the  two  branches  of  Congress  was 
a  shabby  compromise,  according  to  which  the  Lecomp- 
ton  constitution  was  offered  to  the  people  of  Kansas  with 
a  bribe.  If  they  voted  to  accept  it,  they  should  have 
statehood  at  once,  and  receive  a  large  grant  of  govern- 
The  re-  ment  land.  If  they  voted  against  it,  Kansas 
looted  tribe.  would  remain  a  Territory  till  its  population  rose 
to  93,000,  and  the  land  grant  would  be  lost.1  The  vote 
was  taken  on  these  conditions  in  August,  and  the  pro- 
slavery  constitution  was  rejected  by  11,300  against  1788. 
292.  Rally  of  Northern  Democrats  to  Douglas.  - 
The  Douglas  and  Lincoln  Debate.  1858.  The  ques 
tion  was  settled  ;  the  attempt  to  fasten  slavery  upon 
Kansas  had  failed,  and  the  cost  of  the  attempt  to  the 
"  slave  power  "  had  been  greater  than  it  knew.  If  the 
men  who  acted  for  it  at  Washington,  and  who  controlled 
the  President,  planned  deliberately,  as  some  believe  they 
did,  to  shatter  the  northern  wing  of  their  party  and 
insure  the  election  of  an  anti-slavery  President,  in  order 
to  excite  the  slave  States  to  secession  and  rebellion,  they 
planned  well.  Douglas  was  treated  as  a  traitor  to  his 
party,  and  pursued  with  unmeasured  abuse.  The  effect 

1  Four  days  after  the  passage  of  the  Kansas  bill  Minnesota  was 
admitted  to  the  Union  with  a  free-state  constitution.  At  the  next 
session  of  Congress  Oregon  came  in. 


THE    MADDENING   SLAVERY   QUESTION.     4/1 

was  to  rally  the  greater  part  of  the  northern  Democracy 
to  his  support.     His  senatorial  term  was  about  to  expire, 
and  the  election  of  the  next  legislature  in  Illinois  became 
an  exciting  event.     Against  Douglas,  Abraham 
Lincoln  was  put  in  nomination  by  the  Repub-  ana 
licans  ;  and  then  followed  a  personal  canvass  of  Lincoln, 
the  State  by  these  two  men  which  had  conse 
quences  of  immeasurable  importance,  for  the  reason  that 
it  drew  the  attention  of  the  country  to  Mr.  Lincoln  and 
made  something  of  his  character  and  ability  known. 

In  his  own  State  Mr.  Lincoln  was  famous  and  beloved 
already,  as  a  man  of  singular  wisdom  and  uprightness ; 
but  he  had  acquired  no  prominence  before  the  nation 
at  large.  By  good  fortune  it  was  arranged  that  Mr. 
Lincoln  and  Senator  Douglas  should  hold  seven  joint 
meetings,  for  public  debating  of  the  questions  at  issue 
between  them.  Those  debates,  in  the  summer  of  1858, 
reported  in  many  newspapers,  were  a  revelation  of 
Abraham  Lincoln  to  multitudes  of  people  in  Revelatlon 
all  the  States.  Such  simple  and  clear,  yet  pro- 
found  and  powerful  reasoning  had  never  been 
applied  to  the  dreadful  slavery  question  before.  Douglas 
was  a  debater  of  extraordinary  adroitness  and  force  ;  but 
the  stand  he  had  taken,  on  his  theory  of  "  popular  sov 
ereignty,"  not  caring,  as  he  declared,  "  whether  slavery 
be  voted  up  or  down,"  put  his  argument  on  grounds 
that  showed  to  a  disadvantage  in  most  minds,  under 
the  search-light  of  moral  sense  and  common  sense  which 
Lincoln  turned  upon  them. 

His  bold  fight  against  the  Lecompton  fraud  gave  the 
senator  a  strong  claim  to  reelection,  and  the  result  of 
the  canvass  was  in  his  favor,  so  far  as  concerned  that 
event ;  but  he  marred  his  future  chance  for  the  presi 
dency  by  a  new  offence  to  the  south.  By  shrewd  ques- 


472  SECTIONAL   CONTENTION. 

tioning,  in  debate  at  Freeport,  Mr.  Lincoln  forced  him 
to   say  that,  in  his  judgment,  the  people  of  a 
"Freeport     Territory,  by  "  unfriendly    legislation,"    might 
make  it  impossible  to  hold  slaves,  and  thus  prac 
tically  nullify  the  Dred  Scott  decision.     This  "  Freeport 
doctrine,"  as  it  was  styled,  raised  a  new  clamor  against 
Douglas  in  the  south,  and  provoked  a  new  constitutional 
claim,  namely,  that  Congress  must  protect  slavery  in  the 
Territories  by  Federal  law. 

293.  The  Purpose  of  the  Republican  Party.  Be 
fore  his  debates  with  Douglas  began,  speaking  to  the 
convention  which  named  him  for  senator,  Mr.  Lincoln 
set  forth  the  inexorable  issue  that  the  country  had  to 
face  in  these  plain  words :  "  We  are  now  far  into  the 
fifth  year  since  a  policy  [that  of  Douglas]  was  initiated 
with  the  avowed  object  and  confident  promise  of  putting 
an  end  to  slavery  agitation.  Under  the  operation  of  that 
policy,  that  agitation  has  not  only  not  ceased,  but  has  con- 
Tne  slavery  stantly  augmented.  In  my  opinion  it  will  not 
s£ted°by  cease  until  a  crisis  shall  have  been  reached  and 
Lincoln.  passed.  'A  house  divided  against  itself  can 
not  stand.'  I  believe  this  government  cannot  endure 
permanently  half  slave  and  half  free.  I  do  not  expect 
the  Union  to  be  dissolved  —  I  do  not  expect  the  house 
to  fall  —  but  I  do  expect  it  will  cease  to  be  divided.  It 
will  become  all  one  thing  or  all  the  other.  Either  the 
opponents  of  slavery  will  arrest  the  further  spread  of  it, 
and  place  it  where  the  public  mind  shall  rest  in  the 
belief  that  it  is  in  the  course  of  ultimate  extinction  ;  or 
its  advocates  will  push  it  forward  till  it  shall  become 
alike  lawful  in  all  the -States." 

Four  months  later  Senator  Seward  expressed  the  same 
belief  in  less  penetrating  words.  "  It  is,"  he  said,  "an  ir 
repressible  conflict  between  opposing  and  enduring  forces, 


THE   MADDENING   SLAVERY   QUESTION.    473 

and  it  means  that  the   United   States   must  and  will, 
sooner  or  later,  become  either  entirely  a  slave-  statedby 
holding  nation  or  entirely  a  free-labor  nation."  Sflward- 

The  conviction  expressed  in  these  two  utterances  was 
now  becoming  ripened  very  rapidly  in  the  minds  of  a 
majority  of  the  people  at  the  north  :  That  the  conflict 
between  slavery  and  freedom  was  "  irrepressible  ;  "  that 
no  compromise  could  end  it ;  and  that  the  plain  duty  of 
the  opponents  of  slavery  was,  not  to  undertake  any 
violent  uprooting  of  the  system  where  it  existed  already, 
but,  as  proposed  in  Mr.  Lincoln's  perfect  statement,  to 
"  arrest  the  further  spread  of  it,  and  place  it  ivhere  the 
public  mind  shall  rest  in  the  belief  that  it  is  in  the  coiirse 
of  ultimate  extinction!'  That  was  the  undertaking  for 
which  the  Republican  party  was  formed,  and  the  approval 
of  which  was  drawing  to  that  party  a  majority  of  the 
northern  people. 

294.   John    Brown's   Attempt   at   Harper's    Perry. 
1859.    This  undertaking  gave  no  countenance  to  attacks 
on  slavery  in  the  slave  States  ;  least  of  all  to  such  an 
attack  as  was  attempted  by  John  Brown  (he  of 
the   Kansas   war,    see   sect.    285),    who,   with  of  the 

armory. 

eighteen   followers,    surprised   and   seized   the 
United  States  armory  at  Harper's  Ferry,  on  the  night  of 
October  16,  1859.    Brown's  plan  was  to  push  on  to  some 
place  in  the  Virginia  mountains  that  he  could  fortify  and 
hold,  and  from  which  he  could  make  incursions  to  lib 
erate  and  arm  the  slaves  ;  but  the  people  at   Harper's 
Ferry   and    the    neighborhood    armed    against   him   so 
quickly  that   he  got  no  farther.     By  noon  of  the  I7th 
he  was  besieged  in  the  engine  house  of  the  ar 
mory,  and  that  night  the  besiegers  were  joined  Robert E. 
by  a  force  of  United  States  marines,  under  Colo 
nel  Robert  E.  Lee  (afterward  General  Lee,  of  the  Con- 


474  SECTIONAL   CONTENTION. 

federate  army).  The  next  morning  they  stormed  the 
building  and  captured  Brown,  with  six  of  his  companions 
who  were  then  alive.  Ten  of  Brown's  party  and  five  of 
the  townspeople  had  been  killed  in  the  fighting ;  Brown 
himself  was  badly  wounded  in  the  final  assault.  Two 
weeks  after  the  capture  he  was  tried  for  treason,  con- 
Trial  and  spiracy,  and  murder,  and  was  condemned  to 
execution.  death  .  on  the  2d  of  December  he  was  hanged. 

His  bearing  in  the  interval  impressed  even  his  captors ; 
for  he  was  calmly  contented  with  his  fate,  and  appeared 
to  have  no  doubt  that  he  had  been  an  instrument  in 
God's  hands. 

295.  Threatening  Declarations  in  the  South.  1859- 
1860.  If  Brown  had  confederates,  outside  of  his  little 
armed  company,  they  were  few,  and  included  no  one  in 
political  life.  This  is  the  only  conclusion  to  be  drawn 
from  evidence  obtained  on  his  trial  and  from  the  results 
Deepening  °^  a  Senate  investigation.  The  political  effect  of 
feeling.  ^is  startling  attempt  was  to  deepen  the  feeling, 
pro-slavery  and  anti-slavery,  that  was  already  intense. 
This  fact  appeared  when  the  Thirty-sixth  Congress  came 
together,  three  days  after  the  execution  of  John  Brown, 
and  the  House  became  engaged  in  a  contest  for  Speaker 
that  lasted  two  months.  The  Republicans  lacked  four 
of  a  majority;  but  they  drew  votes  from  the  Democrats 
and  elected  their  candidate  in  the  end.  Throughout  the 
following  session  the  tone  of  southern  speeches  and  the 
southern  press  was  more  threatening  than  ever  before. 
Again  and  again  it  was  declared  that  the  south  would 
never  submit  to  the  election  of  a  "  Black  Republican  " 
President ;  yet  those  who  declared  so  were  preparing  for 
action  at  the  Democratic  national  convention  that  would 
almost  insure  that  result.1 

1  See  letter  of  Henry  A.  Wise  in  Nicolay  and  Hay,  ii.  302. 


THE   MADDENING   SLAVERY   QUESTION.    475 

296.  Presidential  Canvass  of  1 860.  —  Election  of 
Abraham  Lincoln.  When  the  delegates  to  the  Demo 
cratic  convention  came  together,  at  Charleston,  in  April, 
1860,  a  majority  of  the  whole  convention,  representing 
an  overwhelming  majority  of  the  party  in  the  free  States, 
demanded  the  nomination  of  Douglas,  as  the  only  can 
didate  whom  the  party  could  expect  to  elect.  The  south 
ern  minority  declared  that  no  candidate  should  have 
their  support  who  would  not  repudiate  the  doctrines  of 
Douglas  and  accept  the  latest  slaveholding  dogma,  that 
Congress  must  protect  slavery  in  the  Territories  from 
" unfriendly"  territorial  laws.  On  this  the  party  was 
hopelessly  split.  Most  of  the  delegates  from  the  cotton- 
growing  States  withdrew,  and  the  remaining  convention 
adjourned,  to  meet  again  at  Baltimore  in  June.  At 
Baltimore  a  further  secession  of  delegates  from 
the  slave  States  occurred,  and  Douglas  was  tionsof 
nominated  by  those  who  remained.  The  seced-  Bre?ken*n< 
ing  Democrats  named  John  C.  Breckenridge  of 
Kentucky  as  their  candidate,  on  the  platform  which  the 
Douglas  Democrats  had  refused. 

Meantime,  in  May,  the  Republicans,  in  convention  at 
Chicago,  had  made  Abraham  Lincoln  their  standard- 
bearer,  disappointing  the  expectation  of  many,  Nomlnatlon 
that  Senator  Seward  would  be  named.  But  ofLlncoln- 
Lincoln  had  been  growing  in  the  esteem  of  discerning 
people,  though  few  had  yet  discovered  him  to  be,  politi 
cally,  the  wisest  and  strongest  man  of  his  day. 

A  fourth  nomination  was  made  in  May,  by  linger 
ing  adherents  to  the  Whig  and  American  parties,  who 
united  in  what  they  named  the  Constitutional  Nomination 
Union  party,  and  brought  John  Bell,  of  Ten-  ofBeU- 
nessee,  with  Edward  Everett,  of  Massachusetts,  into  the 
field. 


476  SECTIONAL   CONTENTION. 

Of  the  result  of  the  election  there  could  be  but  one 
doubt :  would  it  be  settled  by  the  popular  vote  ?  Neither 
Douglas  nor  Breckenridge  could  hope  to  win  a  majority  in 
the  electoral  college ;  but  Lincoln  might  do  so,  and  the 
Republican  canvass  for  him  was  conducted  with  a  vigor 
that  his  opponents  could  not  rouse.  It  was  in  this  presi 
dential  campaign,  and  by  the  champions  of  Lincoln,  that 
marching  companies  for  torchlight  processions 
(called  "Wide  Awake  Clubs"  at  the  time) 
were  first  organized  and  drilled.  On  the  6th 
of  November  the  momentous  election  occurred,  and  the 
Republicans  were  victorious  in  every  free  State.  The 
slave  States  were  carried  for  Breckenridge,  excepting 
Missouri,  which  gave  Douglas  a  majority,  and  Virginia, 
Lincoln's  Kentucky,  and  Tennessee,  which  were  carried 
election.  for  ge]j  New  jersev  divided  its  electoral 

votes,  giving  Lincoln  4  and  Douglas  3.  In  all,  Lincoln 
had  1 80  electoral  votes,  Breckenridge  72,  Bell  39,  Doug 
las  12.  But  this  does  not  indicate  the  popular  vote,  of 
which  Lincoln  received  1,866,452,  Douglas  1, 375, 157, 
Breckenridge  847,953,  Bell  590,631. 

TOPICS    AND    SUGGESTED    READING    AND    RESEARCH. 

275.    Presidential  Canvass  of  1848.  —  Election  of 
Taylor  and  Fillmore. 

TOPICS  AND  REFERENCES. 

i.  The  absorbing  political  question.  —  Blind  attempts  to  keep  it 
out  of  the  presidential  canvass.  2.  New  anti-slavery  movement 
of  the  "  Free  Soilers."  3.  "  Barnburners "  and  "  Hunkers  "  in 
New  York.  4.  Nominations  for  the  presidency.  —  Result  of  the 
election.  Hoist,  United  States,  iii.  358-385,  397-400,  402-403  ; 
Schurz,  Clay,  ii.  291-314;  Hart,  Chase,  95-102;  Johnston,  Am. 
Politics,  156-157. 


TOPICS,   REFERENCES,   AND   RESEARCH.      4/7 

276.    Pro-slavery  and  Anti-slavery  Demands. 

TOPICS  AND  REFERENCES. 

i.  How  the  slavery  question  was  decided  in  California.  2. 
President  Taylor's  policy.  —  Resentment  of  southern  extremists. 
3.  Pro-slavery  demands.  —  Grounds  for  claiming  a  new  fugitive 
slave  law.  4.  Anti-slavery  demands.  —  Heated  feeling  of  the 
time.  Schurz,  Clay,  ii.  319-331;  Lothrop,  63-75,  77;  Hoist, 
United  States,  iii.  404-407,  413,  461-484;  Rhodes,  i.  104-119; 
Hart,  Chase,  120-123. 

277.    The    Compromise   of    185O.  —  Death  of   Presi 
dent  Taylor.  —  Accession  of  President  Fillmore. 

TOPICS  AND  REFERENCES. 

i.  Jacksonian  spirit  of  President  Taylor.  —  Different  temper  of 
Congress.  2.  Compromise  brought  about  by  Henry  Clay. —  Its 
leading  supporters  and  opponents.  3.  Death  of  President  Taylor. 
—  Approval  of  compromise  measures  by  President  Fillmore. 
Lothrop,  79-103;  Rhodes,  i.  119-137,  171-180;  Hoist,  United 
States,  iii.  484-496,  515-543;  Schurz,  Clay,  ii.  331-3555  Clay,  iii. 
ch.  vi.-vii.,  appendix,  and  vi.  426-591  ;  Seward,  i.  94-131  ;  John 
ston,  Am.  Orations,  ii.  46-83,  118-134. 

4.  Webster's  "  Seventh  of  March  speech."  —  Feeling  excited  by 
it  (text  in  Webster,  v.  324-367,  and,  abridged,  in  Johnston,  Am. 
Orations,  ii.  84-117).     Rhodes,  i.  137-161  ;  Hoist,  United  States, 
iii.  497-507 ;  Hart,  Contempts,  iv.  52-56. 

5.  The  five  measures  of  the  compromise  (text  in  MacDonald,  ii. 
378-390).     Hoist,  United  States,  iii.  543-548,  555-561  ;  Rhodes,  i. 
181-185  ;  Schurz,  Clay,  ii.  355-364. 

6.  The  feeling  that  was  satisfied  by  the  compromise.     Hoist, 
United  States,  iii.  561-562,  iv.  14-21  ;  Schurz,  Clay,  ii.  366-375. 

278.    The  Fugitive  Slave  Law. 

TOPICS  AND  REFERENCES. 

i.  Provisions  of  the  law  (text  in  Larned,  Ready  Ref.j  Hart, 
Contempts,  iv.  56-58),  and  how  they  destroyed  the  safeguards  of 
freedom  for  black  men.  2.  Passionate  feelings  excited  by  the  law. 
3.  Appeals  to  a  "higher  law."  —  Personal  liberty  laws  (text  in 
Hart,  Contempts,  iv.  93-96).  —  Riotous  acts.  Rhodes,!.  185-189, 


4/8      THE   MADDENING   SLAVERY   QUESTION. 

207-213,  222-226,  162-168,  ii.  73-74;  Hoist,  United  States,  iii. 
548-555,  iv.  21-40,  v.  61-70;  Schurz,  C/^y,  ii.  369-372,  375-376 ; 
Nicolay  and  Hay,  iii.  ch.  ii. ;  Lothrop,  104-105;  Seward,  i.  51-93  ; 
Hart,  Contempts,  iv.  84-91. 

4.  The  "  Underground  Railway."     Hart,  Contempts,  iv.  80-83, 
91-93;  Rhodes,  ii.  74-77 ;  Siebert. 

5.  "  Uncle  Tom's  Cabin."     Rhodes,  i.  278-285,  362-365  ;  Hoist, 
United  States,  iv.  237-242. 

279.    Incidents  of  the  Period.     1849-1852. 

TOPICS  AND  REFERENCES. 

i.  Material  prosperity  and  advance.  2.  Clayton-Bulwer  Treaty 
(text  in  MacDonald,  ii.  373-377).  Rhodes,  i.  199-202;  Wharton, 
ii.  ch.  vi.  sect.  150. 

3.  Perry's  expedition  to  Japan.     Griffis,  ch.  xxvii.-xxxiii. 

4.  The  Hulsemann  letter  (text  in  Webster,  vi.  488-506).     Rhodes, 
i.  205-206  ;  Hoist,  United  States,  iv.  65-75. 

5.  Kossuth's  visit.     Hoist,  United  States,  iv.  75-100;  Lothrop, 
112-118  ;  Rhodes,  i.  231-243. 

6.  The  Lopez  expedition.     Rhodes,  i.  216-222;  Hoist,  United 
States,  iv.  45-63. 

280.    Presidential  Canvass  of  1852.  —  Election  of 
Franklin  Pierce. 

TOPICS  AND  REFERENCES. 

i.  Weakened  anti-slavery  sentiment.  2.  Nomination  of  Gen 
eral  Scott  by  the  Whigs  and  of  Franklin  Pierce  by  the  Democrats. 
3.  Cause  of  Democratic  strength.  —  Election  of  Pierce.  Hoist, 
United  States,  iv.  133-134,  140-231;  Rhodes,  i.  243-261,  269-278; 
Nicolay  and  Hay,  i.  330-333. 

4.    Deaths  of  Webster  and  Clay.     Rhodes,  i.  261,  285-288. 

281.    Minor  Incidents  of  the  Pierce  Administration. 

TOPICS  AND  REFERENCES. 

1.  The  Martin  Koszta  affair.     Rhodes,  i.  416-419. 

2.  Reciprocity  treaty  with  Canada.     Rhodes,  ii.  8-9;   Treaties 
and  Conventions,  448-452. 


TOPICS,    REFERENCES,    AND    RESEARCH.      479 

3.    "Ostend    Manifesto"    (text    in    MacDonald,    ii.    405-412). 
Rhodes,  ii.  10-44;  Hoist,  United  States,  v.  35-50. 
RESEARCH.  —  Walker's  filibustering  operations  in  Nicaragua  and 

elsewhere.     Hoist,  United  States,  v.  470-480,  vi.  158-164,  197- 

202. 

282.    Repeal  of  the  Missouri  Compromise  by  the 
Kansas-Nebraska  Act. 

TOPICS  AND  REFERENCES. 

i.  Senator  Douglas's  report  and  bill  (text  in  MacDonald,  ii. 
395-402).  2.  Assumed  effect  of  the  Compromise  of  1850.  3.  The 
principle  of  "popular  sovereignty,"  or  "squatter  sovereignty." 
4.  Division  of  Nebraska.  —  Provisions  of  the  Kansas-Nebraska 
bill  (text  in  MacDonald,  ii.  403-405).  5.  Passage  of  the  bill.  — 
Its  opponents  and  supporters.  6.  The  political  effect.  Hart, 
Chase,  133-135,  143-147;  Lothrop,  123-141  ;  Hoist,  United  States, 
iv.  282-461;  Nicolay  and  Hay,  i.  333-350;  Rhodes,  i.  424-490, 
494-506;  Storey,  117-118;  Lincoln,  i.  180-209;  Davis,  i.  27-28; 
Seward,  iv.  433-479 ;  Johnston,  Am.  Orations,  ii.  183-255;  Hart, 
Contempts,  iv.  97-100. 

283.    Rise  of  the  Republican  Party. 

TOPICS  AND  REFERENCES. 

i.  Failure  to  gather  anti-slavery  forces  into  the  Whig  party. 
2.  Rise  of  the  Republican  party.  3.  Lead  of  the  west  in  forming 
the  new  party.  Rhodes,  ii.  44-73  ;  Nicolay  and  Hay,  i.  ch.  xx.  ; 
Lothrop,  ch.  viii. ;  Storey,  117-130;  Hart,  Chase,  150-152;  Hart, 
Contempts,  iv.  100-104;  Hoist,  United  States,  v.  130-133;  Seward, 
iv.  225-240. 

284.    The  American  or  "Know  Nothing"  Party. 

TOPICS  AND  REFERENCES. 

i.  Native  American  organization  against  foreign-born  citizens. 
2.  The  secret  society  and  its  name.  3.  Formation  of  the  Ameri 
can  party.  Rhodes,  ii.  50-58;  Hoist,  United  States,  v.  79-129; 
Hart,  Chus£,  152-154. 


480      THE   MADDENING   SLAVERY   QUESTION. 

285.    The  Strife  for  Kansas. 
TOPICS  AND  REFERENCES. 

i.  Why  and  how  there  was  strife  for  Kansas.  2.  Emigration 
from  free  States.  —  Armed  invasion  from  Missouri.  3.  The  three 
governors  who  would  not  uphold  the  invasion.  Rhodes,  ii.  78-87, 
98-107,  236-240;  Nicolay  and  Hay,  i.  393-418;  Lothrop,  162-166; 
Hoist,  United  States,  v.  70-76,  138-172;  MacDonald,  ii.  413-415; 
Seward,  iv.  479-512;  Hart,  Contempts,  iv.  104-114. 

4.  Lawless  violence  on  both  sides.  —  Mob  destruction  of  Law 
rence,  and  massacre  by  John  Brown.  Hoist,  United  States,  v.  172- 
185,  286-313;  Hart,  Contempts,  iv.  114-118;  Rhodes,  ii.  150-168, 
215-220;  Nicolay  and  Hay,  i.  ch.  xxv. ;  ii.  191. 

286.    Election  of  Speaker  Banks.  —  Assault  on 
Senator  Sumner. 

TOPICS  AND  REFERENCES. 

1.  Rapid   anti-slavery  consolidation  in  the   Republican  party, 
shown  in  the  election  of  Speaker  Banks.     Rhodes,  ii.  107-117; 
Hoist,  United  States,  v.  186-223. 

2.  Senator  Sumner's  speech  (text  in  Johnston,  Am.  Orations, 
ii.  256-288)  and  Brooks's  assault  upon  him.     3.    Resignation  and 
reelection  of  Brooks.    Storey,  138-164;  Rhodes,  ii.  131-150;  Hoist, 
United  States,  v.  313-333;  Johnston,  Am.  Orations,  ii.  289-306. 

287.    Presidential  Canvass  of  1856.  —  Election  of 
President  Buchanan. 

TOPICS  AND  REFERENCES* 

i.  Nominations  of  Buchanan,  Frdmont,  and  Fillmore.  2.  Demo 
cratic  and  Republican  declarations.  Nicolay  and  Hay,  ii.  ch.  ii. ; 
Rhodes,  ii.  169-186;  Hoist,  United  States,  v.  256-270,  334-376. 

3.  Sectional  vote   for   Fre'mont.  —  Menaces   from    the    south. 
4.    Significance  of  Buchanan's  election.     Rhodes,  ii.  202-215,  22°^ 
236;  Hoist,  United  States,  v.  436-467. 

288.    Dred  Scott  Decision. 

TOPICS  AND  REFERENCES. 

i.  The  case  of  Dred  Scott  in  the  Supreme  Court.  2.  The  two 
questions  involved.  3.  Decision  of  the  court  that  no  descendant 
of  a  slave  could  be  a  citizen  of  the  United  States.  4.  Further  de- 


TOPICS,    REFERENCES,    AND    RESEARCH.     481 

cision  that  the  Missouri  Compromise  enactment  was  unconstitu 
tional  (text  in  MacDonald,  ii.  416-435).  5.  Effect  of  the  decision. 
Nicolay  and  Hay,  ii.  ch.  iv. ;  Rhodes,  ii.  249-271  ;  Hoist,  United 
States,  vi.  ch.  i. ;  Lincoln,  i.  228-235;  Hart,  Contempts,  iv.  122- 
135  ;  Lothrop,  181-186. 

289.    Collapse  in  Business.  —  Mormon  Rebellion. 

TOPICS  AND  REFERENCES. 

1.  Causes    of   business    collapse    in    1857.     Elaine,    i.    ch.    ix. ; 
Hoist,  United  States,  vi.  99-125;  Rhodes,  11.45-56. 

2.  Rebellious  attitude  of  Mormons.     Hoist,  Utiited  States,  vi. 
129-150,  255-261. 

290.    Kansas,  and  the  Lecompton  Constitution. 
TOPICS  AND  REFERENCES. 

i.  Effort  of  governors  Geary  and  Walker  to  deal  honestly  with 
the  Kansas  people.  2.  Buchanan's  assurance  to  Walker.  3.  Free- 
state  men  hold  aloof  from  the  convention  election.  4.  The  fraud 
of  the  Lecompton  constitution  (text  in  MacDonald,  ii.  435-437).  5. 
Walker's  denunciation  of  it.  Rhodes,  ii.  271-281  ;  Lothrop,  186- 
191 ;  Hoist,  United  States,  vi.  47-96  ;  Nicolay  and  Hay,  ii.  ch.  vi. ; 
Seward,  iv.  574-618;  Hart,  Contempts,  iv.  119-121. 

291.    Revolt  of  Senator  Douglas.  —  Defeat  of  the 

Lecompton  Fraud. 
TOPICS  AND  REFERENCES. 

i.  Stand  taken  by  Senator  Douglas.  2.  The  fraudulent  consti 
tution  sustained  by  President  Buchanan.  3.  Battle  in  Congress. 
—  Division  of  the  Democratic  party.  4.  Bribe  offered  to  Kansas 
and  rejected.  5.  Defeat  of  the  constitution.  Rhodes,  ii.  282-301  ; 
Hoist,  United  States,  vi.  ch.  iv.-v.  ;  Nicolay  and  Hay,  ii.  ch.  vii. ; 
Lothrop,  191-199. 

292.    Rally  of  Northern  Democrats  to  Douglas.  — 

The    Douglas  and  Lincoln  Debate. 
TOPICS  AND  REFERENCES. 

i.  Douglas's  reelection  contested  by  Abraham  Lincoln.  2.  Repu 
tation  of  Lincoln  in  Illinois.  3.  The  Lincoln  and  Douglas  debates 
(text  in  Lincoln,  i.  273-518).  —  Their  revelation  of  Lincoln's  abil- 


482      THE    MADDENING    SLAVERY    QUESTION. 

ity.  4.  Election  of  Douglas.  5.  His  "  Freeport  Doctrine,"  and 
the  new  demand  which  it  raised  in  the  south.  Nicolay  and  Hay, 
ii.  ch.  viii.-ix.  ;  Morse,  Lincoln,  i.  ch.  v. ;  Rhodes,  ii.  313-343; 
Hoist,  United  States,  vi.  267-298 ;  Tarbell,  i.  ch.  xviii. ;  Burgess, 
Civil  War,  i.  46-50. 


293.    The  Purpose  of  the  Republican  Party. 

TOPICS  AND  REFERENCES. 

i.    Lincoln's   statement   of   the   issue.     2.    Seward's   statement. 

3.   The  conviction  to  which  a  majority  in  the  north  was  brought. 

Lincoln,  i.  240-245  ;  Seward,  iv.  289-302;  Hart,  Contempts,  iv.  136- 

141  ;  Hoist,  vi.  265-269,  283-286. 

RESEARCH.  —  Compare  this  with  Calhoun's  view  of  the  possibili 
ties  of  the  preservation  of  the  Union.  Hoist,  Calhoun,  339- 
349- 

294.    John  Brown's  Attempt  at  Harper's  Ferry. 

TOPICS  AND  REFERENCES. 

i.  Brown's  seizure  of  the  armory  at  Harper's  Ferry,  and  his 
plan.  2.  Its  quick  discomfiture.  3.  Death  or  capture  of  most  of 
Brown's  party.  4.  His  trial,  condemnation,  and  execution.  5.  His 
contentment  with  his  fate.  Hoist,  United  States,  vii.  18-59; 
Rhodes,  ii.  383-416;  Nicolay  and  Hay,  ii.  ch.  xi. ;  Long,  85-86  ; 
Hart,  Contempts,  iv.  144-150. 
RESEARCH.  —  Different  views  of  John  Brown  and  his  undertaking. 

Hoist,  Brown,  156-175,  204-232;  Burgess,  Civil  War,  i.  36-44; 

Thoreau. 

295.    Threatening  Declarations  in  the  South. 

TOPICS  AND  REFERENCES. 

i.    No  confederates  of  Brown  in  public  life.  —  Political  effect  of 
his  attempt.     2.    Election  of  a  Republican  Speaker  of  the  House. 
3.   Threatenings  from  the  south.     Rhodes,  ii.  402,  417-440;  Hoist, 
United  States,  vii.  ch.  ii. ;  Elaine,  i.  155-156. 
RESEARCH.  —  Helper's    book,    "The    Impending   Crisis    of   the 

South,"  and  its  indication  of  a  rising  opposition  to  slavery  in  the 

south.     Burgess,  Civil  War,  i.  ch.  ii. 


TOPICS,    REFERENCES,   AND    RESEARCH.     483 

296.    Presidential  Canvass  of  1860.  —  Election  of 
Abraham  Lincoln. 

TOPICS  AND  REFERENCES. 

i.  Southern  secession  from  the  Democratic  national  convention 
at  Charleston.  2.  Adjournment  to  Baltimore  and  second  seces 
sion.  3.  Nomination  of  Douglas  by  northern  Democrats  and  of 
Breckenridge  by  southern.  Rhodes,  ii.  440-454,  473-475  ;  Nicolay 
and  Hay,  ii.  ch.  xiii.-xiv. ;  Hoist,  United  States,  i.  ch.  iii.,  v.  ; 
Burgess,  Civil  War,  i.  50-58,  69-70. 

4.  Nomination  of  Lincoln  by  the  Republicans,  and  of  Bell  and 
Everett  by  Americans  and  Whigs.  5.  Vigor  of  the  Republican 
canvass.  —  The  "  Wide  Awake  "  organization.  6.  Election  of 
Lincoln.  Morse,  Lincoln,  i.  ch.  vi. ;  Nicolay  and  Hay,  ii.  ch.  xv.- 
xvi. ;  Rhodes,  ii.  454,  456-473,  477-502 ;  Burgess,  Civil  War, 
i-  58-73  ;  Hoist,  United  States,  vii.  ch.  iv.,  vi.  ;  Hart,  Chase,  183- 
196;  Hart,  Contempts,  iv.  155-159;  Lothrop,  ch.  xi. ;  Seward,  iv. 
679-680 ;  Tarbell,  i.  ch.  xix.-xx. 


SECESSION,    CIVIL    WAR,    AND    REUNION. 
186O-1880. 


CHAPTER  XV. 

THE  WAR  FOR  THE  UNION. 

ITS  FIRST  PERIOD:  SPARING  SLAVERY.     1860-1862. 

297.  Secession  begun.  —  President  Buchanan's  Mes 
sage.  —  Efforts  at  Compromise.  December,  1860-Feb- 
ruary,  1861.  The  Republicans  had  won  the  presidency, 
but  they  controlled  neither  branch  of  Congress  ;  and  a 
Republican  President,  opposed  by  majorities  in  the 
national  legislature,  could  do  no  harm  to  slavery  if  he 
would.  So  argued  the  ablest  statesman  of  the  south, 
A  H  ste-  Alexander  H.  Stephens,  of  Georgia,  in  a  speech 
vemberiS!  to  the  legislature  of  his  State  after  the  elec 
tion  of  Lincoln  was  known.  Nevertheless, 
the  long-threatened  movement  of  secession  was  set  in 
stantly  on  foot.  South  Carolina  led  the  way,  calling 
a  convention  to  meet  on  the  i/th  of  December  for  the 
action  desired ;  and  the  Gulf  States  made  ready  to 
follow  her  lead.  What  would  the  national  govern 
ment  do  ? 

President  Buchanan  gave  his  answer  when  Congress 
met,  on  the  3d  of  December,  and  his  message  was  sent 
in.  It  was  a  message  which  Jefferson  Davis  (accord 
ing  to  his  own  account) l  and  other  disunion  leaders  had 

i  Davis,  Rise  and  Fall  of  the  Confederate  Government ',  i.  57-59. 


THE   WAR    FOR   THE   UNION.  485 

approved,  in  the  main,  before  it  was  sent.  They  re 
gretted  that  the  President  should  feel  called  upon  to 
question,  as  he  did,  the  right  of  the  slave  States  to 
secede  ;  but  that  mattered  little,  since  he  went  Buchanans 
on  to  argue  that  no  right  or  power  to  interfere  messa*e- 
with  their  secession  could  be  found.  Most  of  his  feel 
ings  and  opinions  were  in  agreement  with  theirs,  and  if 
one  of  their  own  number  had  been  President,  they  could 
hardly  have  controlled  the  executive  arm  of  the  gov 
ernment  more  completely  than  they  did. 

In  Congress,  the  first  impulse  was  to  labor  for  some 
new   contrivance    of   compromise.     Many    were    ready 
to  urge  the  repealing  of  all  "  personal  liberty  laws  "  in 
the  northern    States  which  hindered  the  execution  of 
the  Fugitive  Slave  Law;  but  that  would  not  suffice.    The 
slaveholding  interest  would  listen   to  nothing  less  than 
the   legalizing   and   protecting  of  slave  labor  in  every 
Territory,  as  a  constitutional  right.     Senator  Crittenden, 
of    Kentucky,    proposed    a   constitutional    amendment, 
restoring  the  Missouri  Compromise  line  of  36°   30',  ex 
tending  it  to  the    Pacific,  prohibiting  slavery  Proposed 
north  of  it,  and  protecting  slavery  south  of  it,   cJmpernod-en 
according  to  the  recent  demand.     Democrats  mise< 
generally,  at  the  north,  and  many  Republicans  were  dis 
posed  to  accede  to  this,  if  it  would  preserve  peace.     Mr. 
Seward  appears    to    have    had  a   hesitating  inclination 
that  way  ;  but  Mr.  Lincoln  stood  firm  in  private  remon 
strance   against  the   yielding  of  consent  to  any  exten 
sion  of  slavery  beyond  its  existing  bounds.     On  other 
matters  he  would  go  far  in  concession  for  pre 
sent  peace,  but  not  on  that,  which  might  post-  coin'sre"- 
pone  the  threatened  conflict,  but  only  to  bring 
it  on  at  a  later  time.     There  was,  he  said,   "  but   one 
compromise  that  would  really  settle  the  slavery  ques- 


486     SECESSION,    CIVIL   WAR,    AND    REUNION. 

tion,  and  that  would  be  a  prohibition  against  acquiring 
any  more  territory."  1  The  Senate  voted  down  the  "  Crit- 
tenden  Compromise." 

South  Carolina  had  waited  for  no  discussion  of  com 
promises,  but  held  her  convention  and,  on  the  2Oth 
of  December,  passed  her  "Ordinance  to  dissolve  the 
Union  between  the  State  of  South  Carolina  and  other 
States  united  with  her  under  the  compact  entitled  the 
Constitution  of  the  United  States  of  America."  Her 
example  was  followed  in  January  by  Mississippi,  Ala 
bama,  Florida,  Georgia,  and  Louisiana,  and  by  Texas 
on  the  first  of  the  next  month.  There  the 
of  seven  movement  paused.  In  all  these  States  there 


had  been  more  or  less  of  opposition  to  be  over 
borne,  and  in  Georgia,  where  Stephens  led  it,  the  oppo 
sition  had  been  strong  ;  but  Stephens  yielded  readily  to 
the  action  of  his  State,  and  most  other  Unionists  appear 
to  have  done  the  same. 

298.  Surrender  of  Forts  and  National  Property.  — 
Loyalty  at  Fort  Sumter  and  Fort  Pickens.  Decem 
ber-January,  1860-1861.  Meantime,  the  authorities  of 
the  seceding  States  were  seizing  forts,  arsenals,  arms, 
and  other  property  of  the  United  States,  which  the  gov 
ernment  at  Washington  made  no  attempt  to  protect. 
It  was  believed  that  the  Secretary  of  War,  John  B. 
Floyd,  of  Virginia,  had  prepared  for  these  seizures  by 
stripping  arsenals  in  the  northern  States  and  filling 
those  of  the  south  ;  but  that  alleged  treachery  is  dis 
puted,  and  there  seems  to  be  some  doubt  about  the 
facts.  At  least,  it  is  certain  that  the  heads  of  the 
national  government,  for  some  weeks  after  secession 
began,  resisted  nothing  that  the  secessionists  saw  fit  to' 

i  Lincoln,  i.  657-659,  664,  668-669  ;  Nicolay  and  Hay,  iii. 
288. 

• 


THE   WAR   FOR   THE    UNION.  487 

do.  In  a  few  instances,  however,  there  were  officers  of 
the  army  who  defended  their  posts.  The  most  nota 
ble  example  of  such  loyalty  was  given  at  Charleston, 
where  Major  Robert  Anderson  held  command 

IVTalor 

of  three  forts  in  the  harbor,  with  a  garrison   Robert 
of  about  sixty  men.     He  had  asked  for  more 
men,  and  they  had  been   refused.     On  the  26th  of  De 
cember,  after  the  South  Carolina  ordinance  of  secession 
was  passed,  and  while  the  President  was  listening  to  de 
mands  for  the  surrender  of  the  forts,  Major  Anderson, 
on  his  own  responsibility,  spiked  the  guns  of  two  of 
them,  and  concentrated  his  little  force  in  Fort  Sumter, 
the  most  defensible  of  the  three  (see  Map  in  sect.  329). 
With  difficulty,  it  appears,  the  President  was  dissuaded 
from  ordering  him  back.     Major  Anderson's    example 
was  more  than  imitated  at  Pensacola,  a  little  later,  by 
Lieutenant   Slemmer,  who  defied  a  command  Lleutenant 
from  his  immediate  superior  to  give  up  Forts  Slemmer- 
Pickens  and  McRae.    Abandoning  the  latter  work,  Lieu 
tenant  Slemmer  held  Fort  Pickens  until  reinforced. 

299.  A  Loyal  Cabinet  secured.  December-Jan 
uary,  186O-1861.  In  the  last  days  of  December  and 
early  in  January  several  changes  in  the  cabinet  of  Pre 
sident  Buchanan,  caused  by  resignations,  gave  the  ad 
ministration  a  new  character  and  altered  the  face  of 
affairs.  Joseph  Holt,  a  loyal  Kentuckian,  took  the 
place  of  Floyd,  Secretary  of  War ;  General  John  A. 
Dix  succeeded  Howell  Cobb,  of  Georgia,  in  the  Trea 
sury  Department ;  Edwin  M.  Stanton  became  Attorney- 
General  in  place  of  Jeremiah  S.  Black,  who  replaced 
General  Cass  in  the  Department  of  State.  These  were 
staunch  Unionists  and  strong  men,  and  their  influence  in 
the  government  was  felt  at  once.  General  Dix  thrilled 
the  country  (January  29)  by  telegraphing  to  treasury 


488     SECESSION,    CIVIL   WAR,    AND    REUNION. 

officials  at  New  Orleans,  where  revenue  cutters  and  cus 
tom-house  property  were  being  turned  over  to 

Dix'steie-  the  State  :  "  If  any  one  attempts  to  haul  down 
the  American  flag,  shoot  him  on  the  spot." 


But  the  message  went  too  late  ;  everything  had 
been  given  up. 

Early  in  January  the  President  consented  to  an  attempt 

to  send  200  men  to  Major  Anderson,  at  Sum- 
ofthe  ter,  with  supplies;  but  the  unarmed  steamer 

West. 

Star  of  the  West  which  conveyed  them  was 
fired  upon  from  hostile  batteries  already  erected,  and 
driven  back. 

300.  Secessionists  withdrawn  from  Congress.    Jan 
uary-February,  1861.     As  fast  as  the  revolting  States 
accomplished  their  secession  in  due  form,  their  sena 
tors  and  representatives  withdrew  from  Congress,  and 
before    the   end    of   January  the    Republicans    were   a 
majority  in  the  House,  while  they  lacked  but  one  of  a 
tie  in  the  Senate  vote.     They  were  able  in  the  latter 
Kansas        body  to  pass  two  pending  bills,  received  from 
idmitted.      tke  j-[ouse  jn  jhe  previous  session,  one  of  which 

admitted  Kansas  to  the  Union,  under  a  new  constitu 
tion,  adopted  in  1859.  Trie  other  bill,  known  as  the 
Morriii  "  Morrill  Tariff,"  made  important  changes  in 
the  duties  levied  on  foreign  imports,  raising 
them  from  an  average  of  about  19  per  cent,  to  about 
36.  In  both  houses  bills  to  organize  the  territories  of 
Colorado,  Nevada,  and  Dakota  were  passed.  Both  houses 
recommended  to  the  legislatures  of  the  States  a  consti 
tutional  amendment  forbidding  any  future  amendment 
that  would  give  Congress  the  power  to  interfere  with 
slavery  in  any  State.  The  proposal  met  with  no  favor 
in  the  south. 

301.  Fruitless  Peace  Convention.  —  Organization  of 


THE   WAR   FOR   THE    UNION.  489 

the  "  Confederate  States  of  America."  February, 
1861.  On  the  4th  of  February  a  Peace  Convention  of 
delegates  from  21  States  met  at  Washington,  on  the 
invitation  of  Virginia,  to  seek  anxiously  for  some  ground 
of  harmony ;  but  it  had  no  result.  On  the  same  day 
delegates  from  six  of  the  seceding  States  met  at  Mont 
gomery,  Ala.,  and  proceeded,  first,  to  organize  provision 
ally  a  Confederate  government,  and  then  to  prepare 
the  permanent  constitution  of  the  "  Confederate  States 
of  America,"  for  submission  to  the  States. 

T»  •  T    rr  T-S  i  Jefferson 

by  unanimous  vote,  Jerierson  Davis  was  chosen   Davis, 

Prosidoiit. 

President  and  Alexander  H.  Stephens  Vice- 
President  of  the  government  thus  formed. 

302.  Inaugural  Address  of  President  Lincoln.  — 
His  Cabinet.  March  4,  1861.  On  the  4th  of  March, 
1861,  Abraham  Lincoln  became  President  of  the  United 
States,  and  delivered  an  inaugural  address  which  has 
taken  its  place  among  the  masterpieces  of  political 
literature,  —  a  model,  in  spirit,  in  thought,  in  expres 
sion,  in  accord  with  its  occasion,  that  has  never  been 
surpassed.  Of  the  duties  he  assumed  and  his  inten 
tions  in  performing  them  he  said  :  "  The  power  confided 
to  me  will  be  used  to  hold,  occupy,  and  possess  the 
property  and  places  belonging  to  the  government,  and 
to  collect  the  duties  and  imposts  ;  but  beyond  what 
may  be  necessary  for  these  objects,  there  will  be  no 
invasion,  no  using  of  force  against  or  among  the  people 
anywhere."  At  the  close  he  addressed  himself  with 
deep  feeling  to  the  discontented  part  of  the  nation  in 
these  words :  "  In  your  hands,  my  dissatisfied  fellow 
countrymen,  and  not  in  mine,  is  the  momentous  issue 
of  civil  war.  The  government  will  not  assail  you.  You 
can  have  no  conflict  without  being  yourselves  the  ag 
gressors.  You  have  no  oath  registered  in  heaven  to 


490    SECESSION,    CIVIL  WAR,   AND   REUNION. 

destroy  the  government,  while  I  shall  have  the  most  sol 
emn  one  to  'preserve,  protect,  and  defend  it.' 
Lincoln's  I  am  loath  to  close.  We  are  not  enemies,  but 
friends.  We  must  not  be  enemies.  Though 
passion  may  have  strained,  it  must  not  break  our  bonds 
of  affection.  The  mystic  chords  of  memory,  stretching 
from  every  battlefield  and  patriot  grave  to  every  living 
heart  and  hearthstone  all  over  this  broad  land,  will  yet 
swell  the  chorus  of  the  Union  when  again  touched, 
as  surely  they  will  be,  by  the  better  angels  of  our 
nature." 

President  Lincoln's  cabinet,  announced  the  following 
day,  was  composed  of  William  H.  Seward,  Secretary 
The  of  State ;  Salmon  P.  Chase,  Secretary  of  the 

Treasury  ;  Simon  Cameron,  Secretary  of  War  ; 
Gideon  Welles,  Secretary  of  the  Navy ;  Caleb  B.  Smith, 
Secretary  of  the  Interior ;  Edward  Bates,  Attorney- 
General  ;  Montgomery  Blair,  Postmaster-General.  Mr. 
Bates  was  from  Missouri,  Mr.  Blair  from  Maryland,  the 
remainder  were  from  free  States.  Mr.  Cameron  left 
the  War  Department  in  the  following  January,  and  was 
succeeded  by  Edwin  M.  Stanton,  who  had  been  Attor 
ney-General  in  the  last  months  of  Buchanan's  term. 

303.  Fort  Sumter  attacked  and  taken.1  April  12- 
14,  1861.  From  the  first  hour  of  his  responsibility  the 
new  President  had  appalling  problems  to  face.  Major 
Anderson's  Anderson  reported  that  his  provisions  in  Fort 
condition.  Sumter  were  nearly  exhausted,  and  that  the 
hostile  forces  and  batteries  surrounding  the  fort  were  so 
formidable  that  20,000  troops  would  be  needed  to  defend 
it  if  attacked.  What  was  to  be  done  ?  Above  all  things, 
it  was  important  that  no  blame  for  a  beginning  of  war 
like  action  should  rest  on  the  government,  and  no  feel- 
1  See  map  of  Charleston  harbor  in  sect.  329. 


THE    WAR   FOR   THE   UNION.  49^ 

ing  on  that  score  be  provoked,  north  or  south.  On  the 
other  hand,  it  was  equally  important  that  the  govern 
ment  should  show  no  sign  of  weakness  by  giving  up  the 
fort.  From  either  measure,  evacuation  or  reinforce 
ment,  there  were  dangerous  effects  to  be  feared.  The 
President  listened  to  conflicting  counsels  on  the  subject, 
weighed  them  with  the  careful  thought  that  made  him 
the  great  man  he  was,  and  waited  till  the  time  drew 
near  when  Major  Anderson  must  have  supplies  of  food. 
Then  he  formally  notified  the  governor  of 

~        ,     _        ,.  ,       Notification 

South  Carolina  that  "  an  attempt  will  be  made  to  Governor 
to  supply  Fort  Sumter  with  provisions  only;  Apnis,' 
and  that  if  such  attempt  be  not  resisted,  no 
effort  to  throw  in  men,  arms,  or  ammunition  will  be 
made  without  further  notice,  or  in  case  of  an  attack 
upon  the  fort."  The  response  to  this  notice  was  an 
immediate  order  to  General  Beauregard,  commander  of 
the  Confederate  forces  at  Charleston,  which  that  officer 
obeyed  by  summoning  Major  Anderson  to  surrender,  and 
by  opening  his  batteries  on  the  fort  (April  12)  when  the 
surrender  was  refused.  For  thirty-four  hours  the  bom 
bardment  was  kept  up,  the  few  men  in  the  fort 

11  ,  -,     Surrender 

returning  the  fire  as  effectually  as  they  could,   of  Fort 

.          ,      ,     .      Sumter. 
until  their  quarters  were  destroyed  and  their 

magazine  was  surrounded  by  flames.  On  the  afternoon 
of  April  13,  Major  Anderson  accepted  terms  offered  by 
Beauregard,  and  on  the  following  day,  Sunday,  April  14, 
he  and  his  little  company,  with  colors  flying,  marched 
out. 

304.  Loyal  Uprising  in  the  Country.  —  The  Presi 
dent's  Call  for  Troops.  —  Attack  on  the  Sixth  Massa 
chusetts  in  Baltimore.  April,  1861.  The  dreadful 
challenge  which  the  government  would  not  even  seem 
to  offer  had  been  given  by  the  revolting  States,  and  the 


492     SECESSION,    CIVIL  WAR,   AND   REUNION. 

aggressiveness  of  the  act  doomed  their  revolt  to  failure, 
by  rousing  and  uniting  such  a  feeling  against  it  as 
nothing  else  could  have  stirred.  No  one  knew  the  depth 
and  strength  of  national  sentiment  in  the  country  until 
news  of  the  attack  on  Fort  Sumter  was  flashed  through 
the  land  and  woke  it  with  a  shock.  Party  differences 
were  nearly  swept  from  men's  minds  for  a  time,  in  two 
thirds  of  the  States.  Prompt  assurances  went  to  the 
government  that  the  power  at  its  command,  for  main 
taining  its  constitutional  authority  and  resisting  the 
destruction  of  the  Union,  was  substantially  the  power 
of  the  whole  population  of  the  free  States,  and  of  the 
larger  part  of  the  people  in  the  border  slave  States. 
President  Lincoln  had  a  rival  and  an  opponent  no 
Loyal  stand  longer,  but  a  firm  ally  and  a  powerful  sup- 
Dou|iS?r  Porter,  in  Stephen  A.  Douglas,  the  strong 
?uned3fh>  leader  of  northern  Democrats,  who  lived  long 
enough,  and  only  long  enough,  to  make  his 
stand  known.  In  a  speech  at  Chicago,  on  the  ist 
of  May,  Douglas  said  :  "  There  can  be  no  neutrals  in 
this  war;  only  patriots  —  or  traitors."  On  the  3d  of 
June  he  died,  and  the  Union  cause  suffered  its  first 
great  loss. 

By  proclamation,  April  15,  the  President  called  for 
75,000  of  the  militia  of  the  States,  to  suppress  combina 
tions  against  the  laws  of  the  United  States.  The  same 
proclamation  summoned  Congress  to  a  special  session 
on  the  4th  of  July.  Massachusetts  was  the  State  best 
prepared  to  answer  the  call  for  militia,  and  the  Sixth 
Massachusetts  Regiment  left  Boston  for  Washington 
secession-  on  tne  I7tn-  Passing  through  Baltimore  on 
BaiSmore,  tne  J9tn»  tne  regiment  was  attacked  by  a  mob, 
April  is.  ancj  nacj  to  fight  its  way  from  one  railway 
station  to  another,  losing  four  killed  and  one  wounded 


THE  WAR   FOR   THE   UNION. 


493 


in  the  fight.  By  burning  bridges  and  tearing  up  tracks 
the  Baltimore  secessionists  blocked  the  direct  route  to 
Washington  for  three  weeks.  They  were  suppressed  by 
the  strong  loyal  sentiment  in  Maryland,  which  soon 
gained  the  upper  hand  and  kept  it  firmly  throughout  the 
war;  but  Washington  was  cut  off  from  the  north  for 
some  days,  and  in 
an  almost  defence 
less  state.  After  the 
Sixth  Massachusetts* 
no  regiments  reached 
the  city  till  the  25th, 
when  the  Seventh 
New  York  and  the 
Eighth  Massachu 
setts  arrived,  by  way 
of  Annapolis,  repair 
ing  bridges,  tracks, 
and  locomotives  on 
the  way.  From  that 
time  the  gathering  of  troops  proceeded  rapidly.  On 
the  3d  of  May  the  President  called  for  42,000  volun 
teers  and  for  18,000  seamen,  besides  ordering  an  in 
creased  enlistment  of  regular  troops. 

305.  Confederate  Privateers.  —  Federal  Blockade.  — 
British  Proclamation  of  Neutrality.  April-May, 
1861.  The  Confederate  Congress,  sitting  at  Richmond, 
ordered  the  raising  of  100,000  volunteers.  On  the  i/th 
of  April  the  Confederate  President,  Davis,  issued  an  offer 
of  commissions  to  privateers,  for  preying  on  the  ocean 
commerce  of  the  country ;  to  which  President  Lincoln 
replied  on  the  iQth,  proclaiming  a  blockade  of  southern 
ports,  and  declaring  that  the  proposed  privateers  would 
be  dealt  with  as  pirates  when  taken  at  sea.  These 


APPROACHES    TO    WASHINGTON    FROM    THE 
NORTH. 


494    SECESSION,    CIVIL   WAR,   AND    REUNION. 

measures  led  the  British  government  to  issue  a  pro 
clamation  of  neutrality,  on  the  I3th  of  May,  thus  recog 
nizing  the  Confederates  as  belligerents,  putting  their 
cruisers  on  a  legal  footing,  and  giving  them  the  rights 
of  war.  This  excited  bitter  feeling  at  the  time ;  but, 
inasmuch  as  our  own  government  was  forced  before  long 
to  concede  belligerent  rights  to  the  Confederates,  there 
was  nothing  to  be  complained  of  with  good  reason  in 
the  queen's  proclamation  except  the  haste  with  which  it 
was  put  forth. 

306.  Second  Secession  Movement  by  Four  More 
States.  April-May,  1861.  In  most  of  the  slave  States 
the  effect  of  President  Lincoln's  call  for  troops  was  to 
reinforce  the  secession  movement  by  large  numbers  of 
people  who  had  resisted  it  before.  The  right  to  secede 
was  one  of  the  "  state  rights  "  they  believed  in,  and, 
while  opposed  to  the  present  exercise  of  the  right,  they 
were  opposed  to  the  denial  of  it  still  more.  They  would 
opposition  not  take  part  in  "  coercing  a  sovereign  State." 
cinga°er  That  was  the  attitude  of  many  persons  in  the 
state."  eight  slave  States  that  stood  aloof  from  the 
first  movement  of  .secession.  After  the  I5th  of  April 
such  persons  went  over  to  the  secessionists  in  a  body, 
and  joined  in  carrying  Virginia,  North  Carolina,  Arkan 
sas,  and  Tennessee  into  the  rebellious  league.1  Another 
class  of  people  in  those  States  opposed  secession  to 
the  end,  and  grieved  bitterly  over  the  breaking  of  the 

1  Ordinances  of  secession  were  passed  in  Virginia,  April  17  ;  in 
Arkansas,  May  6;  in  North  Carolina,  May  21.  The  Tennessee 
legislature  voted  a  military  league  with  the  Southern  Confederacy 
on  the  8th  of  May  and  ratified  the  Confederate  Constitution,  sub 
ject  to  a  vote  of  the  people,  which  was  given  affirmatively  on  the 
8th  of  June. 


THE    WAR    FOR   THE    UNION.  495 

Union,  but  felt  bound  to  accept  the  action  and  share 
the   fortunes  of   their  States.     This  was   the   RO|jertB. 
feeling  of  General  Robert  E.  Lee.     It  was  not  Lee- 
the  Southern  Confederacy,  but  Virginia,  that  drew  him 
away. 

307.  The    Border    Slave    States.  —  Kentucky   and 
Missouri  held  in  the  Union.     April-September,  1861. 
None  of  the  different  feelings  that  carried  Virginia  and 
Tennessee  into  the  Confederacy  were  effective  in  the 
mountain  regions  of  those  States.     There,  in 
West   Virginia   and    East   Tennessee,    whose  mountain- 
people,  to  a  large  extent,  were  of  the  strong 
and   stubborn   Scotch-Irish    stock,   holding  few   slaves, 
caring  little  for  the  "peculiar  institution"  and  less  for 
"state  rights,"  there  was  a  faithfulness  to  the  Union 
which  nothing  overcame. 

A  long,  hard  struggle  between  Unionists  and  seces 
sionists  in  Kentucky  was  made  successful  to  the  former 
by  President  Lincoln's  wise  course.     Had  he  yielded  to 
the  hot  demand  of  northern  radicals  for  hasty  Llnooln'S 
and   violent   measures    against    slavery,   every  wlsdom- 
border    slave   State  would   have   become  hostile;   and 
no  one  else  saw  so  clearly  as  he  did  how  enormously 
the  difficulties  of  the  government  would  be  increased 
if  that  occurred.     In  Missouri  the  contest  for  control 
of  the  State  was  severe,  and  the  first  serious  operations 
of  war  were  there.     The  Unionists  had  a  bold  and  able 
leader  in  Francis  P.   Blair,   Jr.,  of  St.   Louis, 
whose  influence  had  brought  about  the  forma-  Lyonatst. 
tion  and  training  of  four  regiments  in  that  city 
before  the  opening  of  the  war.     Blair's  exertions  were 
seconded    energetically   by    Captain    Nathaniel    Lyon, 
U.  S.  A.,   who  commanded  the  national  arsenal  at  St. 
Louis,  and  he  had  the  support  of  a  large  German  popu- 


496     SECESSION,    CIVIL  WAR,    AND    REUNION. 

lation  in  the  city,  which  was  loyal  to  a  man.  Blair  and 
Lyon  were  able  to  baffle  the  designs  of  a  secessionist 
governor  and  legislature,  to  save  the  arsenal  from  seizure, 
to  make  St.  Louis  safe,  and,  ultimately,  to  hold  the 
State. 

308.  The  Opposing  States  and  People  in  the  War. 
According  to  the  census  of  1860,  the  population  of  the 
United  States  and  Territories  that  year,  in  round  num 
bers,  was  31,440,000.  A  few  more  than  9,000,000,  or 
less  than  one  third  of  this  population,  was  found  in  the 
1 1  States  now  at  war  with  the  remaining  23  States ; 
and  over  3,500,000,  or  more  than  one  third  of  the  popu 
lation  of  those  ii  States,  were  slaves.  Of 
tivenum-  white  inhabitants,  the  States  of  the  revolting 
Confederacy  numbered  less  than  5,500,000, 
against  more  than  21,500,000  in  the  States  and  Terri 
tories  adhering  to  the  Union  and  upholding  it  in  the 
pending  civil  war.  From  three  of  the  latter  States, 
some  considerable  number  of  men  went  south  to  join 
the  armies  of  the  Confederacy;  but  what  they  added 
to  its  military  strength  was  offset,  or  nearly  so,  by  the 
Unionists  of  West  Virginia  and  eastern  Tennessee  who 
entered  the  armies  of  the  United  States. 

In  wealth,  and  in  all  the  resources  that  make  up  mili 
tary  power,  the  superiority  was  even  greater  on  the  side 
of  the  loyal  States.  The  active  capital  of  the  country, 
its  mechanical  industries,  its  commercial  enterprises, 
Northern  were  almost  entirely  in  their  hands.  Their 
resources.  railroads  and  other  means  of  transportation 
were  more  extensive  and  much  better  in  equipment 
than  those  of  the  south.  They  were  prepared  for  the 
self-supplying  of  most  of  their  needs,  in  peace  or  war, 
while  the  instruments  and  agencies  of  trade  with  the 
outside  world  were  under  their  control.  In  their  mate- 


THE    WAR   FOR   THE    UNION.  497 

rial  circumstances  they  had  really  no  injury  or  depriva 
tion  to  fear  from  the  state  of  war. 

On  the  other  hand,  the  States  of  the  Confederacy 
had  little  to  draw  upon  for  supporting  a  war  except  their 

plantations    and  the   unskilled    labor  of   their 

Southern 

slaves.  Their  undertakings  in  manufacture  deficien- 
were  few  and  small,  and  not  many  of  their 
people  were  mechanically  skilled.  They  depended  on 
the  sale  of  their  cotton  and  tobacco  crops  for  means 
with  which  to  purchase  most  things  that  they  needed, 
aside  from  food.  When  the  exportation  and  sale  of 
those  crops  were  interrupted  by  the  blockade  of  their 
ports,  they  were  distressed  by  want  of  many  of  the 
commonest  comforts  of  life ;  their  armies  were  sorely 
crippled  by  lack  of  proper  military  supplies,  and  their 
railroads  could  hardly  be  kept  in  any  serviceable  state. 

But,  while  they  fought  under  great  disadvantages, 
with  a  foe  far  more  powerful  in  numbers  and  resources 
than  themselves,  the  people  of  the  Confederacy  had  im 
portant  advantages  of  their  own  in  the  war.  (i)  They 
fought  defensively,  for  the  most  part,  in  positions  where 
their  forces  were  often  matched  fairly  against  larger 
numbers  on  the  attacking  side.  (2)  Fighting  on  their 
own  ground,  their  better  knowledge  of  it,  and  confederate 
their  better  means  of  learning  all  the  move-  advantages, 
ments  of  their  opponents,  were  often  worth  more  to 
their  commanders  than  many  regiments  of  men.  (3) 
Their  military  movements,  in  shifting  forces  from  one 
point  of  defence  to  another,  were  on  lines  much  shorter 
than  the  attacking  forces  could  be  moved  upon,  which 
is  an  advantage  of  great  importance  in  war.  (4)  The 
very  stopping  of  their  cotton  production,  and  the  over 
throw  of  all  prosperity  among  them,  compelled  them  to 
devote  themselves  ,  wholly  to  the  war,  making  it  the 


SECESSION,    CIVIL   WAR,   AND    REUNION. 

sole  business  of  everybody ;  while  a  large  majority 
of  the  people  on  the  other  side  were  continuing  their 
usual  pursuits,  and  only  detailing,  as  it  were,  a  certain 
minority  to  conduct  the  war.  (5)  Their  slaves,  attempt 
ing  no  insurrection,  but  giving  faithful  service  in  labors 
of  the  camp  as  well  as  in  those  of  the  plantation,  were 
no  source  of  weakness  to  them,  but  one  of  positive  mili 
tary  strength. 

Considering  all  things,  the  22,000,000  (almost)  of  peo 
ple  who  upheld  the  Union  were  none  too  many,  and 
their  wealth  and  their  resources  were  none  too  great, 
for  the  task  they  had  taken  in  hand.  To  wear  out  the 
resisting  power  of  5,500,000  of  an  indomitable  race  was 
an  almost  impossible  thing  to  undertake  and  a  dreadful 
thing  to  do. 

309.  The  First  Notable  Victims  of  the  War.- 
Slaves  declared  "  Contraband."  May- June,  1861. 
The  first  advance  from  Washington  was  made  on  the 
23d  of  May,  when  troops  crossed  the  Potomac  to 
occupy  Alexandria,  and  the  neighboring  Virginia  shore. 
The  advance  was  led  by  a  much  admired  regiment  from 
colonel  New  York,  and  its  young  commander,  Colonel 
Ellsworth.  Ellsworth,  became  the  first  notable  victim  of 
the  war.  While  removing  a  Confederate  flag  from  a  hotel 
in  Alexandria,  he  was  shot  by  the  owner  of  the  house. 
Theodore  The  next  death  of  note  was  that  of  Theodore 
wmthrop.  winthrop,  a  brilliant  young  writer,  who  fell  in 
an  encounter  at  Big  Bethel,  near  Fortress  Monroe,  on 
the  loth  of  June. 

The  commander  at  Fortress  Monroe,  General  Benja 
min  F.  Butler,  had  given  great  satisfaction  to 

General  .  -  1  ,      .  ,,  _ 

Butler's        the  country  a  few   days   before  (May  24)  by 
declaring  that  slaves  who  escaped   from  Vir 
ginia  owners  to  his  lines  were  "contraband  of  war,"  and 


THE    WAR   FOR   THE    UNION. 


499 


should  be  surrendered  to  no  claimants  except  those  who 
took  the  oath  of  allegiance  to  the  United  States.  This 
dictum  was  approved  by  the  government,  and  settled  its 
first  line  of  policy  in  dealing  with  refugee  slaves. 

310.  McClellan  in  Loyal  West  Virginia.  —  Its  Se 
cession  from  the  Old  Dominion.  1861-1862.  Late 
in  May,  an  important  campaign  was  opened  in  West 


3  =  30'  D 


FIELD    OF   WAR    IN    WEST    VIRGINIA. 


Virginia  by  General  George  B.  McClellan,  a  West  Point 
officer  of  distinction,  who  had  resigned  from  the  army 
a  few  years  before  to  accept  employment  in  civil  life. 
Like  most  officers  from  the  north  who  had  left  the 
army,  he  had  been  prompt  in  answering  the  national 
call  to  arms.  During  June  and  the  first  half  of  July, 
McClellan's  forces  won  a  series  of  engagements  at 


500     SECESSION,    CIVIL   WAR,   AND    REUNION. 

Philippi,  Rich  Mountain,  Laurel  Hill,  and  Carrick's 
Ford,  which  freed  West  Virginia  for  a  time.  This  pro 
tected  the  Unionists  in  action  taken  to  organize  what 
assumed  to  be  the  lawful  government  of  the  State  of 
Virginia,  and  it  was  recognized  at  Washington  as  such. 
Some  months  later  (May,  1862)  this  somewhat  fictitious 
government  of  the  old  State  of  Virginia  authorized 
the  organization  of  West  Virginia  as  a  separate  State, 
which  Congress  admitted  to  the  Union  in  December, 
1862. 

311.  President    Lincoln's  First  Message.  —  Action 
of  Congress.     July- August,   1861.     The  special  ses 
sion  of  Congress  opened  on  the  4th  of  July.     The  Presi 
dent's  message  to  it  was  a  remarkable  paper,   and  it 
influenced  the  country   with  the    singular  power  that 
always   attended   Mr.    Lincoln's   words.     The  unity   of 
feeling  in  Congress  was  so  great  that  a  resolution  pledg 
ing  "  any  amount  of  money  and  any  number  of  men  " 
that  might   be  needed  was  adopted  in   the   House  of 
Representatives  with  only  five  opposing  votes,  though 
70  Democrats  and  Constitutional  Unionists  were  in  the 
membership  of  the   House.     What  the  President  had 
done  in  advance  of  law  was  approved ;  authority  was 

given  to  raise  500,000  volunteers  and  to  make 

500,000  , 

volunteers,    a  loan  of  $25o,ooo,ooo ;    an  increase  of  reve- 

July,  1861.  .  ,     ,    -        .       .  .    .  , 

nue  was  provided  for  by  higher  duties  and  by 
an  income  tax,  and  an  act  "  to  confiscate  property  used 
for  insurrectionary  purposes,"  including  slaves,  was 
passed. 

312.  First  Battle  of  Bull  Run.1  —  McClellan  called 
to  the  Army   of  the  Potomac.     July— August,   1861. 
By  the  middle  of  July  the  Union  army  on  the  Potomac, 
at  and  near  Washington,  numbered  about  30,000  men, 

i  See  Map  XII. 


THE   WAR    FOR   THE    UNION.  5OI 

and   18,000  or  20,000  more  were  in  the  Shenandoah 
valley.     General  Irwin  McDowell,  an   excellent  officer 
of  the  regular  army,  commanded  the  former,  and  the 
latter  force  was  under    General    Patterson,    a   veteran 
of   the  Mexican    War.     McDowell   was  confronted  by 
General   Beauregard,    with   nearly  22,000.  Confederate 
troops,  at  Manassas  Junction,  and  Patterson  by  General 
Joseph  E.  Johnston,  who  had  but  9000  men.     There 
was  impatience  in  the  country  for  some  action  by  the 
main  armies  of  the  Union,  and  McDowell  moved  for 
ward  on  the  1 6th  of  July.     Patterson  was  directed  to 
keep  Johnston's  force  engaged  and   allow  none  to  be 
sent  to  join  Beauregard.     He  failed  to  do  so, 
and  the  Confederates  slipped  from  him,  with  union 
fatal  consequences  to  the  movement  of  McDow 
ell.     When  the  latter  attacked    his   opponent,   at    the 
little  stream  called  Bull  Run,  on  Sunday,  July  21,  6000 
of  Johnston's  troops  had  reached  the  ground  already, 
and    the  remainder  arrived  that  afternoon,  in  time  to 
change  the  fortunes  of  the  day.     The  Union  army  had 
substantially  won    the    battle,   when   the   fresh   troops 
broke  their  line,  and  a  wild  rout  ensued.     It  was  a  mob 
rather  than  an  army  that  fled  back  to  the  forti 
fications  on  the  Potomac,  and   it   seemed  al-  defeat  on 
most,  for  the  moment,  that  the  national  cause 
was  lost.     But  after  the  first  shock  of  humiliation  and 
alarm,  the  spirit  of  the  country  and  of  the  army  rose 
again  to  more  resoluteness  than  before. 

General  McClellan  was  now  appointed  to  the  com 
mand  of  the  Army  of  the  Potomac,  and  became  the  idol 
of  its  officers  and  men.  For  the  work  of  military  organi 
zation  his  ability  was  unsurpassed,  and  an  army  of  im 
posing  magnitude  and  power  grew  under  his  hands. 

313.  Important    Commands    and    Commanders.  — 


502    SECESSION,   CIVIL  WAR,   AND    REUNION. 

McClellan   at  the  Head.     July -October,  1861.     The 

command  next  in  importance  to  McClellan's  was  that 
of  the  Department  of  the  West,  to  which  General  Fre 
mont  was  appointed  on  the  Qth  of  July.  The  Confed 
erates  in  Missouri  had  then  been  driven  by  Lyon  into 
the  southwestern  corner  of  the  State ;  but  they  were 
rallying  superior  numbers  against  him,  and  he  received 
no  help,  except  from  a  small  force  under  Sigel, 

Battle  of  _  £.  , 

Wilson's  a  German  officer,  whose  name  began  to  be 
on  men's  tongues.  On  the  loth  of  August 
Lyon  was»killed  in  a  desperate  battle  fought  at  Wilson's 
Creek. 

While  one  most  promising  career  came  thus  to  an 
untimely  end  in  the  west,  another  was  opening  not  far 
uiysses  s.  awav-  Fremont  had  appointed  General  Ulysses 
S.  Grant  to  the  command  of  a  district  on  the 
Mississippi  River,  embracing  southeastern  Missouri  and 
southern  Illinois.  Grant  was  a  graduate  of  West  Point 
who  had  left  the  army  six  years  before,  but  returned 
to  service  as  a  volunteer.  Soon  after  assuming  his  dis 
trict  command  he  seized  Paducah,  at  the  mouth  of  the 
Tennessee,  —  a  position  the  importance  of  which  he  was 
to  demonstrate  at  a  later  day. 

The  administration  of  the  Department  of  the  West 
by  General  Fremont  proved  unsatisfactory  in  many 
respects.  Without  authority,  and  in  defiance  of  the 
well-considered  policy  of  the  government,  he  issued  a 
Fremont's  proclamation,  on  the  3ist  of  August,  assuming 
tSnprocia-  to  ^ree  trie  staves  and  confiscate  the  property 
August,  °f  a^  persons  in  arms  within  his  department, 
and  threatening  a  summary  execution  of  every 
one  taken  in  arms  within  a  certain  region  that  he 
described.  By  the  excitement  that  this  caused,  among 
thoughtless  anti-slavery  people  who  applauded  it,  on  one 


THE   WAR   FOR   THE   UNION. 


503 


hand,  and  in  the  border  slave  States  on  the  other,  serious 
mischief  was  done.  The  proclamation  was  modified  by 
President  Lincoln,  to  accord  with  the  confiscation  act 
of  Congress ;  and  finally,  in  October,  it  became  neces 
sary,  for  many  reasons,  to  remove  Fremont  from  his 
command. 

The  Department  of  the  West  was  then  divided,  Gen 
eral  Halleck  commanding  in  Missouri,  General  Hunter 


92         B       Longitude  West  90  from  Greenwich    C         88     D 


FIELD    OF   WAR    IN    AND   AROUND    MISSOURI    AND    WESTERN    KENTUCKY. 

in  Kansas,  and  General  Canby  in  New  Mexico.  At  the 
same  time  General  Don  Carlos  Buell  was  assigned  to 
command  the  Department  of  the  Ohio,  and  General 
Rosecrans  to  that  of  West  Virginia. 

At  the  end  of  October  General   Scott  retired  from 
the  general  command  of  all  the  armies  (under 
the  President,  whom  the  Constitution  makes  succeeds11 

Gpntt 

Commander-in-chief),  and  General   McClellan 

was  raised  to  his  place.    At  that  time  the  Army  of  the 


504     SECESSION,    CIVIL   WAR,    AND    REUNION. 

Potomac  was  168,000  strong,  in  excellent  condition,  and 
splendidly  equipped.    It  is  now  known  from  the  Confed 
erate  records  that  the  army  confronting  it,  under  Gen 
eral  Johnston,  numbered   but  41,000  effective  troops; 
but  McClellan  estimated  them  at  150,000,  and  reported 
that  he  could  not  attack  them  in  their  intrench- 
of  Army  of     ments    with   less    than   240,000    men.  Conse 
quently,  throughout  the  fall  and  winter,  the 
great  army  in  his  hands  was  unused. 

314.  The  Blockade.  —  Joint  Naval  and  Military  Op 
erations.  1861-1862.  The  most  effective  work  of  that 
period  was  in  the  blockading  service  of  the  navy,  and 
in  joint  naval  and  military  expeditions  on  the  Atlantic 
coast.  By  purchasing  and  adapting  steam  vessels  of 
every  available  kind,  a  sufficient  navy  had  been  made 
up  for  what  became  an  effective  blockade  of  southern 
ports.  Nothing  in  the  operations  of  the  war  could 
cripple  the  Confederate  States  more  than  a  blockade 
that  would  keep  their  raw  cotton  and  other  sources  of 
wealth  from  going  out  to  be  sold,  and  manufactures  (of 
war  materials  especially)  from  coming  in.  This  could 
not  be  done  perfectly,  for  blockade-running  by  swift 
Blockade-  British  steamers  was  carried  on  with  great 
numing-  energy  and  boldness,  especially  from  ports  in 
the  Bahamas  and  Bermudas ;  but  it  was  accomplished 
so  far  as  to  cause  extreme  poverty  and  distress  in  the 
blockaded  States,  and  to  add  enormously  to  the  diffi 
culties  with  which  their  armies  were  equipped  and  their 
railroads  kept  up. 

Stoppage  of  the  American  cotton  supply  was  ruinous 
to  British  manufacturers,  and  a  hostile  feeling  toward 
the  United  States  prevailed  generally  in  the  business 
circles  of  Great  Britain,  as  well  as  among  the  people  of 
the  aristocratic  class;  but  the  working  people  of  the 


THE    WAR   FOR   THE    UNION. 


505 


English  factories  were  steadfast  in  friendly  sympathy 

with  the  American  Republic  through  all  the 

time  of  bitter  suffering  that  the  "  cotton  fam-  famine"  in 

ine "   brought  upon   them ;    and  their  feeling 

was  due  largely  to  the  influence  of  a  few  men  like  John 

Bright. 

One  naval  exploit,  in  November,  1861,  might  have 
caused  war  with  England,  if  public  feeling  had  con 
trolled  the  action  of  government.  The 
Trent,  a  British  steamer  from  Havana, 
was  intercepted  by  an  American  war 
steamer,  the  San .  Jacinto,  and  two  en 
voys,  Mason  and  Slidell,  commis 
sioned  to  represent  the  Confed- 


Key  West 


THE    BLOCKADED    COAST. 


eracy  in  England  and  France,  were  taken  from  her  and 
brought  as  prisoners  to  Boston.  The  act  was  in  viola 
tion  of  international  law,  and  when  the  British  govern 
ment  demanded  the  release  of  the  captives,  they  were 
given  up  ;  but  the  country  was  angered  by  the  threat 
ening  manner  of  the  demand. 

The  effectiveness  of  the  blockade  was  improved 
steadily,  after  the  first  few  months  of  war,  by  the  cap 
ture  of  advantageous  footings  on  the  southern  coast. 


506     SECESSION,    CIVIL   WAR,    AND    REUNION. 

Forts  commanding  Hatteras  Inlet  were  taken  in  August, 
1 86 1  ;  Port  Royal,  South  Carolina,  in  Novem- 

Blockade        .  .       \.   .        ,  ,    1._         _ 

strength-      her ;  Roanoke  Island  and  New  Berne  in  Jan 
uary,  1862,  and  the  entrance  to  Savannah  was 
sealed   up  in  April  by  the  reduction  of  Fort  Pulaski, 
after  a  long  siege. 

315.  First  Breaks  in  the  Confederate  Line  of  De 
fence.1  February -April,  1862.  Army  and  navy  worked 
together  with  great  success  in  these  undertakings ;  and 
so  they  were  beginning  to  do  on  the  rivers  of  the  west, 
where  fleets  of  small  gunboats  had  been  put  afloat. 
The  first  real  break  in  the  Confederate  line  of  defence 
was  accomplished  in  February,  1862,  when  General 
Grant  and  Commodore  Foote,  moving  up  the  Tennessee, 
captured  Fort  Henry,  on  that  river,  and  then 
Henry  and  Fort  Donelson  on  the  Cumberland,  with  gar- 

Donelson. 

risons  numbering  12,000  to  15,000  men.  This 
opened  the  whole  of  western  Tennessee  to  an  advance. 
Grant  moved  up  the  Tennessee  to  Pittsburg  Landing, 
near  Shiloh,  while  General  Buell  came  forward  from 
Kentucky  to  Nashville,  and  thence,  with  a  part  of  his 
army,  to  a  junction  with  Grant.  The  Confederates  had 
concentrated  large  forces  at  Corinth,  Mississippi,  under 
Battle  of  Albert  S.  Johnston  and  Beauregard,  and  Grant 
IprnV?  was  neai"ly  overwhelmed  by  an  attack  from 
1862.  them,  April  6  ;  but  Buell  reached  him  that 

night,  and  the  Confederates  were  driven  back  the  next 
day.  The  battle  of  Shiloh,  fought  fiercely  for  two  days, 
was  the  deadliest  engagement  that  had  occurred,  the 
losses  in  killed  and  wounded  rising  nearly  to  10,000  on 
each  side. 

One  division  of  Buell's  army,  under  General  O.  M. 
Mitchell,  was  marching  southward  from  Nashville,  at 
1  See  Map  XI 1 1. 


THE   WAR   FOR    THE    UNION.  507 

the  same  time,  and  reached   Tuscumbia,  in  Alabama  ; 
but  the  position  it  gained  was  not  held. 

Opportunity  for  another  break  into  the  heart  of  the 
Confederacy  had  been  opened  in  January  by  General 
George  H.  Thomas,  who  commanded,  under  Buell,  in 
eastern  Kentucky.  Defeating  the  Confederates  in  a 
battle  at  Mill  Spring,  he  cleared  the  way  for  an  advance 
through  Cumberland  Gap  into  east  Tennessee,  where 
thousands  of  Unionists  were  watching  eagerly  Battieoi 
for  the  old  flag  to  reappear.  President  Lincoln  j^u!^ing' 
had  been  urging  such  a  movement  from  the  19» 1862- 
first,  but  the  opportunity  gained  by  Thomas  was  allowed, 
for  some  reason,  to  go  by. 

After  helping  Grant  to  open  the  Tennessee  and  the 
Cumberland,    Commodore    Foote,   with    his   gunboats, 
joined  General  John  Pope  in  operations  of  great  diffi 
culty  on  the  Mississippi,  which  resulted  in  the  New  Ma_ 
capture  of  strong  fortifications  at  New  Madrid  £i£5fiJ0 
(March  13)  and  Island  No.  10  (April  7).     Many  10- 
prisoners  were  taken,  and  the  navigation  of  the  Mis 
sissippi  was  cleared  for  a  long  distance  to  the  south. 
Meantime  the  Confederates  had  been  forced  from  south 
western    Missouri    into   Arkansas,    by    General  Curtis, 
and  defeated  (March  5)  in  an  important  battle  at  Pea 
Ridge. 

316.  Inaction  in  Virginia.  January-March,  1862. 
While  progress  was  made  by  the  Union  arms  in  the  west 
and  on  the  coast,  the  Army  of  the  Potomac,  bigger  and 
better  appointed  than  any  other,  was  still  in  camp.  Its 
prolonged  inaction  was  hurting  the  national  cause,  and, 
on  the  27th  of  January,  the  President  felt  im- 

'  J  The  Pre- 

pelled  to  issue  an  order  for  "a  general  move-  sident's 

ment  of  the  land  and  naval  forces  of  the  United 

States  against  the  insurgent  forces  "  to  be  made  on  the 


508     SECESSION,    CIVIL   WAR,   AND    REUNION 

22d  of  February,  with  a  special  order  that  the  Army  of 
the  Potomac  be  moved.  In  the  west  the  appointed  date 
was  anticipated  by  General  Grant.  In  Virginia,  when 
the  22d  of  February  arrived,  the  Confederate  general, 
Johnston,  was  in  motion,  but  the  Union  general,  McClel- 
lan,  was  not.  The  former  was  evacuating  Manassas, 
preparing  to  fall  back  behind  the  Rappahannock,  lest 
the  huge  Potomac  army  should  be  launched  against  him. 
Two  weeks  later  McClellan's  columns  were  pushed 
Advance  out  to  Manassas  and  Centreville,  where  they 
begun.  found  abandoned  earthworks,  partly  furnished 
with  painted  wooden  cannon  — "  Quaker  guns,"  the 
soldiers  called  them  —  to  make  a  show  of  armament 
where  real  artillery  had  been  wanting. 

317.  The  Merrimac  and  the  Monitor.  March  9, 
1862.  An  event  of  greater  importance  than  the  evacua 
tion  of  Manassas  had  happened  just  then  in  Hamp 
ton  Roads.  Both  parties  in  the  war  were  building  iron 
clad  ships.  Such  vessels  had  never,  at  that  time,  been 
tried  in  actual  battle ;  though  France  and  England  had 
been  experimenting  with  them  for  two  years.  The  Con- 
TheMer-  federates  had  raised  a  sunken  steam  frigate, 
the  Merrimac,  at  Norfolk,  and  covered  her 
with  railroad  iron ;  while  the  government  of  the  United 
States  had  ordered  an  iron-clad  vessel  to  be  built  on 
plans  devised  by  John  Ericsson,  a  Swedish-American 
engineer.  Early  in  March,  1862,  it  was  known  that  the 
Merrimac  was  about  ready  to  come  out  of  Norfolk, 
and  great  efforts  were  made  to  have  her  met  by  Erics 
son's  vessel,  named  the  Monitor,  when  she  appeared 
in  Hampton  Roads.  On  Saturday,  March  8,  the  Mer 
rimac  steamed  slowly  out  of  Norfolk,  and  attacked  the 
blockading  squadron,  of  five  wooden  ships.  Their  broad 
sides  were  harmless  to  her,  and  she  destroyed  with  ease 


THE   WAR    FOR    THE    UNION. 


509 


Sinking  of 
the  Con 
gress  and 
Cumber 
land. 


The  battle. 


two  sailing  vessels,  the  Congress  and  the  Cumber 
land.  As  the  tide  then  was  ebbing,  the 
monster  withdrew,  to  return  next  morning 
and  complete  her  work.  But  that  evening 
the  Monitor  came  on  the  scene,  —  a  queer, 
low-lying,  flat  float,  carrying  a  revolving  turret,  in  which 
were  two  heavy  guns,  —  looking,  as  described  at  the 
time,  "  like  a  cheese-box  on  a  raft."  When  the  Mer- 
rimac  reappeared,  on  the  morning  of  the  Qth, 
a  battle  occurred  which  revolutionized  the  naval 
warfare  of  the  world.  The  Monitor  was  easily  han 
dled,  and  could  plant  her  shots  as  she  pleased ;  the  Mer- 
rimac  was  unwieldy, 
and  much  at  the 
mercy  of  her  nimbler 
foe.  Neither  did 
much  harm  to  the 
other ;  but  the  Con 
federate  iron  -  clad 
retreated  to  Nor 
folk,  and  two  months 
afterward,  when  the 
Confederates  aban 
doned  Norfolk,  she  HAMPTON  ROADS. 

was  destroyed.  There 

had  been  a  panic  in  all  the  northern  coast  cities  when 
they  had  the  news  of  Saturday  ;  the  relief  given  them 
by  Sunday's  report  was  very  great. 

318.    Work  of  Congress.    1861-1862.     In  Congress, 
during  the  session  of  1861-62,  important  work  was  done. 
The  financial  situation,  already  desperate  in  the  Flnanclal 
Confederacy,  had  become  grave  in  the  north.   dlstress- 
The  banks,  drained  by  heavy  loans  to  the  government, 
suspended  specie  payments  in  December,  1861,  and  for 


510    SECESSION,    CIVIL   WAR,  AND    REUNION. 

seventeen  years  from  that  time  there  was  no  monetary 
circulation  of  gold  and  silver  coin.  Expenditures  of 
government  had  risen  to  $2,0x30,000  per  day,  and  how 
to  meet  them  was  a  question  on  which  financial  author 
ities  were  not  agreed.  The  decision  reached  in  Con 
gress  included  one  measure  that  had  pernicious  effects, 
and  whether  it  was  or  was  not  necessary  is  disputed  to 
this  day.  That  measure  is  known  as  the  "  Legal 
gai  Tender  Tender  Act  "  (passed  in  February,  1862),  which 
authorized  an  issue  of  $100,000,000  of  treasury 
notes,  bearing  no  interest,  not  redeemable  in  coin,  but 
"  legal  tender  "  in  payment  of  all  debts.  In  other  words, 
the  law  compelled  creditors  to  accept  them,  and  so  gave 
them  a  circulation  that  was  forced.1  This  was  the  be 
ginning  of  a  series  of  similar  issues,  which  plunged  the 
country  into  a  long,  costly  experience  of  irredeemable, 
depreciated  paper  money,  inflated  prices,  speculative 
business,  and  extravagant  habits  in  public  and  private 
life. 

Later  in  the  session  the  tariff  was  revised  again  and 

duties  raised,  —  a    process    repeated  at  every 

session  of  Congress  till  the  end  of   the  war, 

—while  a   searching   system  of   internal  taxation  was 

devised. 

In  March,  on  the  urgent  recommendation  of  the  Pre 
sident,  Congress  adopted  a  joint  resolution  to  the  effect 
o«er  of  tnat  " tne  United  States  ought  to  cooperate 
saSuman-  witn  anv  State  which  may  adopt  gradual  abol- 
March,n'  ishment  of  slavery,  giving  to  such  State  pecu 
niary  aid,"  and  Mr.  Lincoln  made  persevering 
efforts  to  persuade  the  border  slave  States  to  accept 

1  By  a  decision  of  the  Supreme  Court  in  1869  the  legal  tender 
acts  were  declared  to  be  unconstitutional;  but  that  decision  was 
reversed  in  the  following  year. 


THE   WAR    FOR   THE    UNION.  511 

such  aid.     At  about  the  same  time  Congress  added  an 
article  to  the  military  code,  forbidding  officers  to  restore 
fugitive  slaves  to  their  masters.     In  April  Con-  Emancipa. 
gress  took  another  step  on  the  slavery  question, 
by  abolishing  slavery  in  the  District  of  Colum- 
bia,  with  compensation,  and  with  provision  for  1862' 
colonizing  any  of  the  freedmen  who  wished  to  be  settled 
in  Hayti  or  Liberia. 

At  this  time  the  Confederate  Congress  was  passing  a 
conscription  act,  requiring  military  service  from  every 
able-bodied  citizen  between  the  ages  of  eighteen  and 
thirty-five. 

319.  Opening  of  the  "Peninsular  Campaign" 
against  Richmond.1  April-June,  1862.  When,  at  last, 
the  Army  of  the  Potomac  took  the  field,  the  line  of 
movement  chosen  by  McClellan  was  by  water  to  the 
foot  of  the  peninsula  between  York  and  James  rivers, 
thence  to  advance  on  Richmond,  which  had  been  the 
capital  of  the  southern  Confederacy  since  May,  1861. 
General  McClellan  was  now  relieved  of  the  command 
of  all  forces  except  those  in  this  "  peninsular  campaign." 
At  the  beginning  of  April,  1862,  a  large  part  of  his 
army  had  been  landed  near  Fortress  Monroe,  and  the 
advance  began  on  the  4th.  Yorktown  was  held  then 
by  only  12,000  Confederates,  but  the  fortifications  were 
strong,  and  siege  operations  to  reduce  them  giegeoj 
consumed  a  month.  When  the  siege  guns  Yorktown- 
were  ready  to  open  fire,  the  besieged  withdrew  (May  4), 
falling  back  to  Williamsburg,  where  the  van  of  the 
Union  army  suffered  heavily  in  a  battle  fought  next 
day.  As  the  Confederates  continued  their  retreat,  the 
Army  of  the  Potomac  was  pushed  forward  slowly  to  a 
line  on  the  Chickahominy,  seven  to  twelve  miles  from 
1  See  Map  XII. 


512    SECESSION,    CIVIL   WAR,    AND    REUNION. 

Richmond,  which  it  reached  on  the  2ist  of  May.  Mean- 
Norioik  time  tne  Confederates  had  evacuated  Norfolk 
evacuated.  ancj  destroyed  the  Merrimac,  opening  James 
River  to  a  forward  movement  of  Union  gunboats  and 
the  Monitor,  and  they,  too,  went  up  to  a  point  only 
eight  miles  from  the  threatened  city. 

McClellan,  whose  army  exceeded  100,000,  with  73,000 
opposed  to  him,  thought  nothing  could  be  ventured  with 
out  a  larger  force,  and  arrangements  were  made  for 
sending  McDowell  to  him,  with  a  corps  of  40,000,  which 
had  been  held  for  the  protection  of  Washington.  But 
that  plan  was  frustrated  by  an  alarming  raid  into  the 
<(stonewall,,Shenandoah  valley,  led  by  the  Confederate 
?sucdkson's  general  Thomas  J.  Jackson  (better  known  as 
"  Stonewall  "  Jackson  *),  who  made  the  begin 
ning  of  his  fame  at  this  time.  Jackson's  brilliant  exploit 
kept  McDowell  from  joining  McClellan. 

320.  Farragut's  Capture  of  New  Orleans  and  Open 
ing  of  the  Lower  Mississippi.  April-June,  1862. 
From  the  southwest,  in  these  days,  there  was  better 
news.  A  fleet  of  old  wooden  ships  and  gunboats,  under 
Admiral  Farragut,  had  run  a  gauntlet  of  forts  on  the 
lower  Mississippi,  destroyed  or  captured  fifteen  opposing 
vessels,  including  two  clumsy  iron-clads,  and  had  taken 
the  city  of  New  Orleans  (April  24).  An  army  of  14,000 
Butler  men>  cornmanded  by  General  Butler,  had  then 
Orleans  keen  ^an^ed)  tne  ^orts  nad  been  surrendered, 
18621' '  anc*  t^ie  c^  was  entered  by  the  Union  troops 
on  the  ist  of  May.  A  more  brilliant  naval 
achievement  is  hardly  on  record,  and  it  gave  the  Con 
federacy  a  staggering  blow. 

1  A  remark  made  by  one  of  his  fellow  officers  at  Bull  Run,  that 
Jackson's  command  stood  like  a  stone  wall  in  the  fight,  gave  him 
that  name. 


THE    WAR    FOR   THE    UNION.  513 

From  New  Orleans  Farragut  pressed  on  up  the  Mis 
sissippi  (see  Map  XIII.),  and  every  town  on  the  river  as 
far  north  as  Vicksburg  was  surrendered  to  him  in  the 
course  of  the  next  two  months.  Vicksburg,  on  high 
bluffs,  powerfully  fortified,  was  not  to  be  taken  so  easily  ; 
its  capture  became  the  grand  problem  of  the  war  in  the 
west. 

Above  Vicksburg  the  Confederates  held  no  formidable 
position  on  the  river.  Movements  of  the  Union  army 
after  the  battle  of  Shiloh  had  expelled  them  from  a 
stronghold  named  Fort  Pillow.  Then  the  Union  gun 
boat  flotilla  (which  Commodore  Foote,  disabled  by  a 
wound,  had  passed  over  to  Commodore  Davis),  ran 
down  to  Memphis,  destroyed  nine  Confederate  gunboats 
in  a  sharp  fight,  and  received  the  surrender  of  the  town 
(June  6). 

321.  Failure  of  the  "  Peninsular  Campaign."    May- 
July,  1862.     In  McClellan's  campaign  a  bloody  battle, 
forced  by  the  Confederates,  was  fought  for  two  days, 
May  31  and  June   I,  with  losses  of  $000  or 
6000  on  each  side.     Two  corps  of  the  Union  FairOaks, 

May  31- 

army,   which  had    passed  the    Chickahominy,   June  i, 
were  nearly  overwhelmed.     In   this  battle  of 
Seven  Pines  or  Fair  Oaks,  General  Johnston,  who  had 
hitherto  commanded  the  Confederate  forces  in  Virginia, 
was  disabled  by  a  wound,  and  General  Robert  E.  Lee 
took  his  place. 

Nearly  a  month  went  by  after  the  battle  of  Fair  Oaks 
before  the  armies  in  front  of  Richmond  came 
to  serious  blows  again,    and    then,   as  before,   oniV18 
it  was  the  Confederate  general  who  attacked.   Days- 
Calling  Stonewall  Jackson  from  the  Shenan-  June  26- 
doah,   and    leaving    Richmond    almost    unde 
fended,  Lee  boldly  launched  the  main  body  of  his  army 


514    SECESSION,    CIVIL   WAR,    AND    REUNION. 

against  a  single  corps  (Fitz  John  Porter's)  that  guarded 
the  road  over  which  McClellan  received  his  supplies. 
For  two  days  (June  26-27),  m  battles  at  Mechanicsville 
and  Gaines's  Mill,  Porter  held  his  ground,  and  received 
no  reinforcements  till  too  late.  Two  brigades  came 
to  him  on  the  evening  of  the  2/th,  in  time  to  cover  his 
retreat. 

McClellan  had  now  lost  communication  with  his 
source  of  supplies,  and  must  retreat,  either  down  the 
peninsula  or  across  to  James  River.  He  chose  the 
latter,  and  all  critics  credit  him  with  able  management 
Endoi  °f  tne  retreat.  Lee  followed  him  closely,  and 
Daeys'Seven  there  were  five  more  days  of  battle,  principally 
jS?i8;"  at  Savage  Station,  Glendale,  and  Malvern  Hill, 
while  the  movement  went  on.  At  Malvern 
Hill  Lee's  army  was  repulsed  with  terrific  loss,  and  the 
"Seven  Days'  Battles"  ended  with  both  armies  in  a 
shattered  state. 

The  peninsular  campaign  against  Richmond  had  failed, 
and  the  country  was  profoundly  depressed.  On  the  2d  of 
July  the  President  called  for  300,000  more  men.  Faith 
in  McClellan  as  a  fighting  soldier  had  long  been  waning, 
and  now  there  was  clamor  for  his  removal ;  but  his 
army  was  still  devoted  to  him,  and  the  President  feared 
the  effect  of  a  change.  It  was  determined,  however, 
against  McClellan's  protest,  that  his  army  should  return 
to  the  Potomac.  General  Halleck  was  called  to  Wash 
ington  to  serve  as  general-in-chief,  and  General  Pope, 
who  had  shown  energy  on  the  Mississippi,  was  put  in 
command  of  an  "  Army  of  Virginia,"  formed  of  all  the 
Virginia  forces  except  McClellan's  men. 


TOPICS,    REFERENCES,    AND    RESEARCH.      515 


TOPICS    AND    SUGGESTED    READING   AND    RESEARCH. 

297.    Secession  begun. — President  Buchanan's 
Message.  —  Efforts  at  Compromise. 

TOPICS  AND  REFERENCES. 

1.  Argument  of  Alexander  H.  Stephens  against  secession.     Mc- 
Pherson,  20-26;  Hart,  Contempts,  iv.  164-169;  Nicolay  and  Hay, 
iii.  266-275;  Rhodes,  iii.  207-212. 

2.  Action  of  South  Carolina.      3.    Position  taken  by  President 
Buchanan.  —  His   message    approved   by  secessionists.     Rhode^ 
iii.  114-125,  132-138,  196-206;  Nicolay  and  Hay,  ii.  303-314,  326- 
335,   358-371;    iii.    1-16;    Burgess,   Civil  War,  i.    74-89;    Hoist, 
United  States,   vii.    ch.   ix. ;  Nicolay,   16-20;  Hart,  Contempts,  iv, 
182-187,  196-199. 

4.  Projects    of    compromise.  —  Crittenden's    proposals.  —  Mr. 
Lincoln's  position.     Morse,  Lincoln,  \.  190-197,  201-203;  Nicolay 
and  Hay,  ii.  ch.  xxvi.-xxvii. ;  iii.  ch.  xiv.,  xvi.,  xviii.  ;  Rhodes,  iii. 
146-179,  252-271 ;  Hoist,  United  States,  vii.  353-378,  388-392,  407- 
424;  Burgess,  Civil  War,  i.  96-100,  108-112;  Elaine,  i.  259-268; 
Storey,  184-194;  Hart,  Contempts,  iv.  193-195,  199-210;  Lincoln, 
i.  657-660,  664,  668-669. 

5.  The    first    secession    movement,   by  seven   States.  —  Loyal 
opposition.     Nicolay  and  Hay,  iii.  ch.  xii. ;  Rhodes,  iii.   206-214, 
272-280;  Burgess,  Civil  War,  i.    100-104;  Hart,  Contempts,  iv. 
180-182,  188-189;  J.  Davis,  i.  57-86,  199-226. 


298.    Surrender  of  Forts  and  National  Property.  — 
Loyalty  at  Fort  Sumter  and  Fort  Pickens. 

TOPICS  AND  REFERENCES. 

1.  Seizure   of  national   forts,  arms,  and  arsenals  in  the  seced 
ing  States.  —  Supineness  of   the  government.     Rhodes,  iii.   126- 
132,  238-241;  J.  Davis,  i.  209-220;    Nicolay  and    Hay,  ii.  315- 
326;   Nicolay,  14-16;    McPherson,   27-37;  Burgess,   Civil  War, 
i.  89-95. 

2.  Loyalty  of  Major  Anderson,  at  Charleston.  —  His  preparation 
to  defend  Fort  Sumter.     3.    Similar  fidelity  of  Lieutenant  Slemmer, 
at  Pensacola.     Nicolay  and  Hay,  ii.  ch.  xx.-xxi.,  xxiii.-xxv.,  xxix.  ; 


5l6  THE    WAR    FOR  THE    UNION. 

iii.  ch.  iii.-v.,  viii.-ix.,  xi.;  Nicolay,  20-33,  38;  Ropes,  Story ',  i.  37- 
43  ;  Rhodes,  iii.  181-192,  216-236,  242-250,  280-285  ;  Hoist,  United 
States,  vii.  378-387 ;  Battles  and  Leaders,  i.  26-32,  40-46,  50-60. 

299.    A  Loyal  Cabinet  secured. 

TOPICS  AND  REFERENCES. 

i.  Changes  in  President  Buchanan's  cabinet.  2.  Order  tele 
graphed  to  New  Orleans  by  Secretary  Dix.  Rhodes,  iii.  186-187, 
251-252,  286-287  ;  Morse,  Lincoln,  i.  198-201  ;  Nicolay  and  Hay, 
ii.  391-399,  iii.  ch.  vi.,  x. ;  Hart,  Contempts,  iv.  204. 

3.  Steamer  Star  of  the  West  fired  upon  at  Charleston.  Ropes, 
Story,  i.  45-48  ;  Hoist,  United  States,  vii.  396-405  ;  Burgess,  Civil 
War,  i.  105-108;  Nicolay  and  Hay,  iii.  ch.  vii.;  Hart,  Contempts, 
iv.  172-175;  Battles  and  Leaders,  i.  60-62. 

30O.    Secessionists  withdrawn  from  Congress. 

TOPICS  AND  REFERENCES. 

i.  Vacated  seats.  —  Power  given  to  the  Republicans.  2.  Kan 
sas  made  a  State.  3.  The  Morrill  Tariff.  4.  Organization  of 
new  Territories.  5.  Constitutional  Amendment  recommended. 
Rhodes,  iii.  271-272,  312-313,  315-316 ;  Nicolay  and  Hay,  iii.  234- 
237,  242-243;  Burgess,  Civil  War,  i.  112-116. 

301.    Fruitless  Peace  Convention.  —  Organization 
of  the  Confederate  States. 

TOPICS  AND  REFERENCES. 

1.  The  Peace  Convention  invited  by  Virginia.     Burgess,  Civil 
War,\.  124-129;  Rhodes,  iii.  290-291,  305-308;  Nicolay  and  Hay, 
iii.  ch.  xiii. 

2.  Formation   of   the    Confederate    government.      3.   Jefferson 
Davis  and  Alexander  H.   Stephens  elected  President  and  Vice- 
President.     J.  Davis,  i.  229-243;  Rhodes,  iii.  291-296;   Nicolay, 
39-44;  Burgess,  Civil  War,  i.   116-123;  Battles  and  Leaders,  i. 
99-110;  Hart,  Contempts,  iv.  189-192. 

RESEARCH.  —  The  Confederate  constitution  compared  with  the 
Constitution  of  the  United  States.  Rhodes,  iii.  322-325;  J. 
Davis,  i.  648-672;  McPherson,  i.  91-104. 


TOPICS,   REFERENCES,   AND   RESEARCH.      517 

302.    Inaugural  Address  of  President  Lincoln.— 
His  Cabinet. 

TOPICS  AND  REFERENCES. 

i.  Duties  and  intentions  stated  by  the  President.  2.  His  ap 
peal  to  his  "dissatisfied  countrymen."  Lincoln,  ii.  1-7;  Nicolay 
and  Hay,  iii.  ch.  xxi. ;  Schurz,  Lincoln,  65-66;  Morse,  Lincoln, 
i.  227-228;  Burgess,  Civil  War,  i.  141-145  ;  Rhodes,  iii.  316-318; 
Elaine,  i.  282-283. 

3.  President  Lincoln's  cabinet.  Nicolay  and  Hay,  iii.  ch.  xxii. ; 
vi.  223-224;  Schurz,  Lincoln,  67-77;  Morse,  Lincoln,  i.  234- 
238,  275-281 ;  Lothrop,  231-233,  246-251 ;  Hart,  Chase,  202-208  ; 
Hart,  Contempts,  iv.  293-295;  Rhodes,  iii.  319-320;  Elaine,  i. 
283-286. 

303.    Fort  Sumter  attacked  and  taken. 

TOPICS  AND  REFERENCES. 

i.  The  problem  of  Fort  Sumter.  2.  The  serious  considerations 
involved.  Lincoln,  ii.  1 1-22,  26-28  ;  Nicolay  and  Hay,  iii.  ch.  xxiii.- 
xxvi. ;  Morse,  Lincoln,  i.  241-245  ;  Rhodes,  iii.  325-345  ;  Nicolay, 
50-53;  Hart,  Contempts,  iv.  211-212;  Hart,  Chase,  208-211; 
Lothrop,  251-257;  Ropes,  Story,  i.  76-83;  Burgess,  Civil  War, 
i.  155-163- 

3.  President  Lincoln's  action.  4.  Confederate  bombardment  of 
the  fort  and  its  surrender.  Nicolay,  53-68 ;  Nicolay  and  Hay,  iv. 
ch.  ii.-iii. ;  Battles  and  Leaders,  5.  62-83;  J.  Davis,  i.  296-300; 
Rhodes,  iii.  345-356  ;  Ropes,  Story,  i.  84-87 ;  Burgess,  Civil  War, 
i.  163-172;  Morse,  Lincoln,  i.  245-250;  Hart,  Contempts,  iv.  213- 
220. 

304.  Loyal  Uprising  in  the  Country.  —  The  Presi 
dent's  Call  for  Troops. — Attack  on  a  Massachu 
setts  Regiment  in  Baltimore. 

TOPICS  AND  REFERENCES. 

i.  The  north  roused  and  united  by  the  attack.  —  Stand  taken  by 
Senator  Douglas.  2.  The  President's  proclamation  (text  in  Lin 
coln,  ii.  34).  Paris,  i.  ch.  x. ;  Rhodes,  iii.  357-359,  368,  372;  Nic 
olay  and  Hay,  iv.  76-87 ;  Nicolay,  69-77 ;  Battles  and  Leaders, 
i.  84-98;  Hart,  Contempts,  iv.  221-224,  230-239,  256-263,  307-309; 


518  THE   WAR   FOR   THE   UNION. 

Morse,  Lincoln,  i.  251-254  ;  Ropes,  Story,  i.  90-92  ;  Elaine,  i.  297- 
300. 

3.  The  Massachusetts  Sixth  Regiment  at  Baltimore.  —  Triumph 
of  Unionists  in  Maryland.  4.  The  situation  at  Washington,  April 
19-25.  Nicolay,  ch.  vii.-viii. ;  Nicolay  and  Hay,  iv.  93-97,  105-132, 
163-178;  Rhodes,  iii.  359-364,  366-368,  372-380;  Morse,  Lincoln, 

1.  255-262;  Burgess,  Civil  War,  i.  178-179,  196-205;  Lincoln,  ii. 
36-38, 

5.  Call  for  volunteers  and  seamen  (text  in  Lincoln,  ii.  41-42). 
Rhodes,  iii.  394-395;  Morse,  Lincoln,  i.  291. 

305.   Confederate  Privateers.  —  Federal  Blockade. — 

British  Proclamation  of  Neutrality. 
TOPICS  AND  REFERENCES. 

i.  Confederate  military  action.  2.  Commissions  offered  to 
privateers.  Rhodes,  iii.  395-396;  Nicolay  and  Hay,  iv.  87-88; 
Soley,  ch.  vii. 

3.  Blockade  proclaimed  by  President  Lincoln  (text  in  Lincoln, 
ii-  35>  38-39)-     Nicolay  and  Hay,  iv.  89;  Lothrop,  288-291. 

4.  British   proclamation   of   neutrality.  —  The    only  reasonable 
complaint  of  it.     Nicolay  and  Hay,  iv.  ch.  xv. ;  Lothrop,  ch.  xvi.; 
Rhodes,  iii.  417-433  ;  Morse,  Lincoln,  i.  368-379;  J.  Davis,  ii.  277- 
282;  Soley,  26-35,  i  S3-1 67- 

306.    Second  Secession  Movement,  by  Four  more 

States. 
TOPICS  AND  REFERENCES. 

i.  Effect  in  the  slave  States  of  the  call  for  troops.  2.  Opposi 
tion  to  the  "coercion  of  sovereign  States."  3.  Secession  of  four 
more  States.  4.  Feeling  of  Robert  E.  Lee  and  others.  Rhodes, 
iii.  364-365,  381-387,  401-403,  408-409,  411-414;  Nicolay  and  Hay, 
iv.  89-92,  97-102,  245-253;  Morse,  Lincoln,  i.  262-265,  268-269; 
Burgess,  Civil  War,  i.  179-186  ;  J.  Davis,  i.  301-302;  Long,  87-96. 

307.    The  Border  Slave  States.  —  Kentucky  and 

Missouri  held  in  the  Union. 
TOPICS  AND  REFERENCES. 

i.    Fidelity  to  the  Union  in  West  Virginia  and  East  Tennessee. 

2.  The  wise  course  of  President  Lincoln  which  held  Kentucky. 


TOPICS,    REFERENCES,   AND   RESEARCH.     519 

Nicolay,  137,  143,  and  ch.  xi. ;  Nicolay  and  Hay,  iv.  ch.  xii. ;  Rhodes, 
iii.  391-392;  Morse,  Lincoln,  \.  265-268;  Burgess,  Civil  War,\. 
191-195;  Battles  and  Leaders,  i.  373-377. 

3.  The  struggle  in  Missouri.  —  Union  services  of  Blair  and 
Lyon.  Nicolay  and  Hay,  iv.  ch.  xi. ;  Burgess,  Civil  War,  \.  186- 
191  ;  Nicolay,  ch.  x. ;  Rhodes,  iii.  393-394;  Sherman,  i.  ch.  viii. ; 
Battles  and  Leaders,  i.  262-269;  Morse,  Lincoln,  \.  269-270. 


308.    The  Opposing  States  and  People  in  the  "War. 

TOPICS  AND  REFERENCES. 

i.  Population  of  the  n  States  of  the  Confederacy  compared 
with  the  23  of  the  Union.  2.  Comparison  of  wealth,  resources, 
and  circumstances.  3.  Military  advantages  of  the  Confederate 
States.  Hart,  Practical  Essays,  258-298. 

309.    First  Notable  Victims  of  the  War.  —  Slaves 
declared  "  Contraband." 

TOPICS  AND  REFERENCES. 

1.  Death  of  Colonel  Ellsworth  and  Theodore  Winthrop.     Nic 
olay  and  Hay,  iv.  311-314,  319-320;    Nicolay,  109-114 ;  Battles 
and  Leaders,  ii.  148-151. 

2.  General  Butler's  dictum  that  slaves  were  "  contraband  of  war." 
Hart,    Contempts,  iv.  390-391;    Nicolay   and    Hay,  iv.   387-396; 
Rhodes,  iii.  466-468. 

31O.    McClellan  in  loyal  West  Virginia.  —  Its  Seces 
sion  from  the  Old  Dominion. 

TOPICS  AND  REFERENCES. 

i.  General  George  B.  McClellan.  —  His  West  Virginia  cam 
paign.  2.  Unionist  proceedings,  organizing  a  loyal  state  govern 
ment.  3.  Subsequent  separation  from  Old  Virginia.  Battles  and 
Leaders,  i.  126-148  ;  Nicolay,  143-154  ;  Nicolay  and  Hay,  iv.  200- 
205,  281-286,  327-340,  vi.  297-313;  Burgess,  Civil  War,  i.  206- 
212,  ii.  230-233;  McClellan,  49-65  ;  Paris,  i.  221-225;  Rhodes,  iii. 
435-437,  442;  Elaine,  i.  ch.  xxi. 


520  THE    WAR    FOR   THE    UNION. 

311.  President  Lincoln's  First  Message. — Action  of 

Congress. 

TOPICS  AND  REFERENCES. 

x.  Influence  of  the  President's  message  (text  in  Lincoln,  ii.  55- 
66).  2.  Unity  of  feeling  and  action  in  Congress.  3.  Measures 
adopted.  Morse,  Lincoln,  i.  291-298 ;  Rhodes,  iii.  437-442;  Nico- 
lay  and  Hay,  iv.  ch.  xxi.;  Burgess,  Civil  War,  i.  226-233;  Elaine, 
i-  332-347. 

312.  First  Battle  of  Bull  Run.  —  McClellan  called  to 

the  Army  of  the  Potomac. 

TOPICS  AND  REFERENCES. 

i.  Union  and  Confederate  armies  near  Washington.  2.  Forward 
movement  of  the  Union  forces.  3.  Failure  of  plans.  —  Rout  of 
the  Union  army.  4.  Recovery  from  the  disaster.  —  General  Mc 
Clellan  appointed  commander-in-chief.  Paris,  i.  225-256 ;  Ropes, 
Story,  i.  ch.  ix. ;  Sherman,  i.  205-219;  Cooke,  Jackson,  56-76; 
Coppe'e,  Thomas,  31-35;  Rhodes,  iii.  437,  442-455;  Nicolay,  ch. 
xiii.-xvii. ;  Nicolay  and  Hay,  iv.  314-319,  321-326,  341-369;  Battles 
and  Leaders,  i.  167-261  ;  Hart,  Contempts,  iv.  309-314. 

313.  Important  Commands  and  Commanders.  —  Mc 

Clellan  at  the  Head. 

TOPICS  AND  REFERENCES. 

i.  Appointment  of  Fre'mont  in  the  West.  2.  The  situation  in 
Missouri.  —  Death  of  Lyon.  Nicolay  and  Hay,  iv.  ch.  xxiii. ;  Battles 
and  Leaders,  i.  289-306  ;*  Paris,  i.  326-338;  Force,  4-7;  Rhodes, 
iii.  468-469. 

3.  Grant's  first  important  command.  —  His  seizure  of  the  mouth 
of  the  Tennessee.     Grant,  i.  211-217;  Force,  18-19;  Nicolay  and 
Hay,  v.  48-49. 

4.  Fremont's  military  administration.     5.  His  proclamation  of 
emancipation,  modified  by  the  President.    6.  Removal  of  Fre'mont. 
—  Division  of  the  western  department.     Lincoln,  ii.  77-82,  85-87; 
Battles  and  Leaders,  i.  278-288  ;  Nicolay  and  Hay,  iv.  ch.  xxiv. ; 
Paris,  i.  338-355;  Rhodes,  iii.  469-484;  Burgess,  Civil  War,   ii. 
76-78. 

7.  McClellan  in  general  command.     Lincoln,  ii.  87-88. 


TOPICS,   REFERENCES,    AND   RESEARCH.     $21 

8.  McClellan's  army  and  his  opponents.  —  Inaction  in  Virginia. 
Rhodes,  iii.  490-496;  Paris,  i.  419-421;  McClellan,  ch.  vi.-viii. ; 
Battles  and  Leaders,  ii.  112-122,  153-159;  Ropes,  Story,  i.  169- 
183;  Morse,  Lincoln,  i.  303-317. 

314.   The  Blockade.  —  Joint  Military  and  Naval 
Operations. 

TOPICS  AND  REFERENCES. 

x.  Effectiveness  of  the  blockade.  2.  Its  effects  in  the  Confed 
erate  States.  Soley,  35-46;  Paris,  i.  423-425,  431-443;  Rhodes, 
iii.  544-552  ;  Nicolay  and  Hay,  v.  i-n  ;  J.  Davis,  i.  471-483 ;  Hart, 
Contempt,  iv.  244-251,  319-323. 

3.  The  resulting  "cotton  famine"  in  England.    Rhodes,  iii.  502- 
515;  Hart,  Contempts,  iv.  296-298;  Watts,  ch.  viii.,  xii.;  Lincoln, 
ii.  301-302. 

4.  The  Trent  affair.  —  Capture  of  Mason  and  Slidell.     Lothrop, 
ch.  xviii.;  Storey,  ch.  xiii. ;  Rhodes,  iii.  520-543 ;  Nicolay  and  Hay, 
v.  ch.  ii.;  Battles   and  Leaders,  ii.   135-142;  Paris,  i.  464-472; 
Morse,   Lincoln,   \.   380-387;    McPherson,    338-343;    Hart,  Con- 
temp's,  iv.  298-301. 

5.  Capture  of  important  positions  on  the  Atlantic  coast.  Ammen, 
ch.  ii.,  viii.-ix. ;  Battles  and  Leaders,  i.  632-691,  ii.  1-12;  Nicolay 
and  Hay,  v.  1 1-20,  239-251 ;  Paris,  i.  443-464,  580-590,  ii.  224-232  ; 
Ropes,  Story,  i.  184-185. 

RESEARCH.  —  The  financial  condition  and  financial  measures  of 
the  Confederacy.     Paris,  ii.  691-703. 

315.  First  Breaks  in  the  Confederate  Line  of  Defence. 

TOPICS  AND  REFERENCES. 

i.  Cooperation  of  army  and  navy  on  western  rivers.  2.  Cap 
ture  of  forts  Henry  and  Donelson.  Grant,  i.  ch.  xxi.-xxiii. ; 
Mahan,  The  Gulf,  11-18,  21-28;  Force,  ch.  ii.-iii. ;  Ropes,  Story, 
i.  189-191,  210-212,  ii.  ch.  i.;  Battles  and  Leader s,\.  338-346,  358- 
372,  398-436;  Paris,  i.  473~474,  479~498;  Rhodes,  iii.  581-598; 
Nicolay  and  Hay,  v.  111-115;  Morse,  Lincoln,  i.  353-355;  Hart, 
Contempts,  iv.  324-328. 

3.  Resulting  advance  of  Grant  and  Buell.  4.  Battle  of  Shiloh. 
Grant,  i.  ch.  xxiv.-xxv. ;  Sherman,  ch.  x. ;  Battles  and  Leaders,  i. 
465-610;  Paris,  i.  522-525,  531-560;  Rhodes,  iii.  617-628;  Force, 


522  THE   WAR    FOR   THE    UNION. 

ch.  v.-vii.;  Nicolay  and  Hay,  v.  ch.  xviii.;  Morse,  Lincoln,  i.  359- 
362  ;  Hart,  Contempts,  iv.  334-336. 

5.  General  Mitchell's  march  southward.     Battles  and  Leaders, 
ii.  701-708  ;  Paris,  ii.  184-188. 

6.  General  Thomas's  success  in  eastern  Kentucky.    Coppde,  42- 
73;  Ropes,  Story,  i.  193-194,  200-210;  Cist,  ch.  ii.  ;  Battles  and 
Leaders,  i.  382-397;  Paris,  i.  474-479;  Nicolay  and  Hay,  v.  115- 
117. 

7.  Commodore   Foote  and  General  Pope  on  the  upper  Missis 
sippi.     Mahan,  The  Gulf,  28-40;  Force,  ch.  iv. ;  Paris,  i.  525-531  ; 
Battles  and  Leaders,  i.  439-446,  460-462. 

8.  Battle  of  Pea  Ridge.    Battles  and  Leaders,  i.  314-334  ;  Paris, 
i.  503-514;  Nicolay  and  Hay,  v.  288-293. 

RESEARCH.  —  The  thrilling  episode  of  the  "locomotive  chase" 
connected  with  General  Mitchell's  expedition.  Battles  and 
Leaders,  ii.  707-716;  Pittenger. 

316.   Inaction  in  Virginia. 

TOPICS  AND  REFERENCES. 

i.  The  army  of  the  Potomac  kept  in  camp.  2.  The  President's 
order  for  a  movement  (text  in  Lincoln,  ii.  119).  3.  Evacuation  of 
Manassas  by  the  Confederates.  4.  "  Quaker  guns."  Rhodes,  iii. 
497-502,  578-581,  604-606;  Nicolay  and  Hay,  v.  ch.  ix.  and  173- 
179;  Paris,  i.  570-580,  608-615;  Ropes,  Story,  i.  217-239,  257- 
262;  McClellan,  ch.  ix.-xiii. ;  Morse,  Lincoln,  i.  318-345;  Long, 
150. 

317.    The  Merrhnac  and  the  Monitor. 

TOPICS  AND  REFERENCES. 

i.  Beginning  of  iron-clad  ships  of  war.  2.  The  Confederate 
Merrimac.  3.  Ericsson's  Monitor.  4.  Attack  by  the  Merrimac  on 
the  blockading  squadron  in  Hampton  Roads.  5.  Arrival  of  the 
Monitor  and  her  combat  with  the  Merrimac.  6.  Ultimate  fate  of 
the  Merrimac.  Soley,  53-81;  Battles  and  Leaders,  i.  692-750; 
Nicolay  and  Hay,  v.  ch.  xiii. ;  Morse,  Lincoln,  i.  356-357,  ii.  48- 
49;  Paris,!.  591-608;  Rhodes,  iii.  608-614;  Hart,  Contempts,  iv. 
329-333  5  Ammen,  ch.  vi. 


TOPICS,   REFERENCES,   AND   RESEARCH.      523 

318.    Work  of  Congress.    1861-1862. 

TOPICS  AND  REFERENCES. 

i.  Financial  situation.  2.  Government  expenditures.  3.  The 
"legal  tender"  act.  —  Its  provisions  and  the  effect.  4.  Tariff  and 
internal  taxes.  Rhodes,  iii.  558-572;  Elaine,  i.  ch.  xix. ;  McPher- 
son,  356-373;  Hart,  Chase,  245-252;  Spaulding. 

5.  Compensated  emancipation  proposed  to  the  border  slave  States 
(text  in  Lincoln,  ii.  129-130).     6.  Emancipation  in  the  District  of 
Columbia.    Nicolay  and  Hay,  v.  ch.  xii. ;  vi.  224-239;  Rhodes,  iii. 
630-636;  Morse,  Lincoln,  ii.  10-15,  18-29;  Burgess,  Civil  War, 
ii.  78-82;  Paris,  ii.  739~74i  5  Lincoln,  ii.  132-135,  137-138,  204- 
205,  207,  270-277  ;  McPherson,  209-227. 
•  7.  Conscription  in  the  Confederacy.     Paris,  i.  565-570. 
RESEARCH. —The  "  Homestead  Act "  of  1862,  which  introduced 

the  policy   of  granting  free  homes  to  settlers  on   the   public 

lands.     Donaldson,  ch.  xxvii. 

319.    Opening  of  the  "  Peninsular  Campaign  " 
against  Richmond. 

TOPICS  AND  REFERENCES. 

i.  Line  of  movement  chosen  by  McClellan.  2.  Siege  of  York- 
town.  Webb,  ch.  ii.-iii.;  Paris,  ii.  1-14;  McClellan,  ch.  xv.-xviii. ; 
Long,  150-154;  Nicolay  and  Hay,  v.  179-184,  358-375;  Battles 
and  Leaders,  ii.  163-172;  Rhodes,  iii.  606-608,  614-617;  Morse, 
Lincoln,  ii.  31-47;  Ropes,  Story,  i.  239-256;  Lincoln,  ii.  130-131, 
137. 

3.  Advance  to  the  Chickahominy.  4.  Naval  advance  up  the 
James.  Paris,  ii.  14-34;  Battles  and  Leaders,  ii.  172-178;  Nic 
olay  and  Hay,  v.  376-386;  Webb,  ch.  iv.-v. ;  Long,  154-156; 
Rhodes,  iv.  5-11;  McClellan,  ch.  xix.-xxii. ;  Morse,  Lincoln,  ii. 
47-50. 

5.  "  Stonewall  "  Jackson's  frustration  of  Union  plans.  Paris, 
ii.  35-51;  Cooke,  Jackson,  100-199:  Nicolay  and  Hay,  v.  ch. 
xxii.;  Battles  and  Leaders,  ii.  282-313;  Morse,  Lincoln,  ii.  50- 
58;  Rhodes,  iii.  460-462,  iv.  11-22. 


524  THE   WAR   FOR   THE   UNION. 

32O.  Farragut's  Capture  of  New  Orleans  and  Opening 
of  the  Lower  Mississippi. 

TOPICS  AND  REFERENCES. 

i.  Passage  of  the  Confederate  forts.  2.  Occupation  of  New  Or 
leans  by  General  Butler.  3.  Conquest  of  the  Mississippi  below 
and  above  Vicksburg.  Marian,  The  Gulf,  ch.  iii. ;  Paris,  ii.  149- 
179,  199-203  ;  Nicolay  and  Hay,  v.  ch.  xv.-xvi.,  xix.;  Battles  and 
Leaders,  ii.  13-102;  Morse,  Lincoln,  i.  357-359;  Rhodes,  iii.  629- 
630;  Hart,  Contemp 'j,  iv.  336-338;  Greene,  Mississippi,  14-28; 
Force,  ch.  viii. 

321.    Failure  of  the  Peninsular  Campaign. 

TOPICS  AND  REFERENCES. 

i.  Battle  of  Seven  Pines  or  Fair  Oaks.  2.  General  Lee  in  com 
mand  of  the  Confederate  army.  3.  Lee's  attack  and  McClellan's 
retreat  to  the  James.  —  The  "  Seven  Days'  Battles."  Webb,  ch.  vi.- 
viii. ;  Paris,  ii.  51-148;  McClellan,  ch.  xxiii.-xxvii.;  Battles  and 
Leaders^  ii.  178-187,  220-263,  3!3-438;  Long,  156-160,  and  ch.  x. ; 
Cooke,  Jackson,  200-249;  Rhodes,  iv.  23-54;  Nicolay  and  Hay, 
v.  386-391,  413-454;  Morse,  Lincoln,  ii.  58-64;  Hart,  Contempts, 
iv.  338-342  ;  Lincoln,  ii.  189-202,  206. 

4.  Determination  to  withdraw  from  the  peninsula.  5.  Halleck 
made  general-in-chief.  —  Pope  called  to  Virginia.  Rhodes,  iv.  95- 
110;  Paris,  ii.  242-249;  McClellan,  ch.  xxviii.-xxix. ;  Nicolay  and 
Hay,  v.  454-460,  vi.  1-3 ;  Morse,  Lincoln,  ii.  64-68  ;  Ropes,  Pope, 
3-7  ;  Lincoln,  ii.  188-203. 


CHAPTER  XVI. 

THE  WAR  FOR  THE  UNION. 

ITS  SECOND  PERIOD  :  STRIKING  AT  SLAVERY.     1862-1865. 

322.  Preparing  to  Strike.  July,  1862.  If  the  north 
was  downcast,  it  was  not  discouraged,  and  its  feeling 
was  taking  a  sterner  tone.  Congress,  since  December, 
had  been  debating  proposals  for  a  general  confiscation 
of  the  property  and  liberation  of  the  slaves  of  all  persons 
in  arms  against  the  government,  and  now,  on  conflsca- 
the  nth  of  July,  it  was  persuaded  to  pass  the  tionact 
act.  This  was  as  far  as  Congress  seemed  authorized  to 
go ;  but  the  President  was  believed  to  be  empowered  to 
proclaim,  as  a  war  measure,  the  absolute  emancipation 
of  all  slaves  within  the  rebellious  States,  and  he  now 
felt  called  upon  to  exercise  that  power.  With  one  firm 
conviction  and  one  faithful  purpose  in  his  mind,  he  had 
taken  guidance  from  events  in  his  whole  dealing  with 
slavery,  from  the  beginning  of  the  war.1 

1  Two  years  later  (April  4,  1864),  writing  of  his  action  at  this 
time,  he  described  in  a  few  words  the  course  of  thought  and  feeling 
which  led  him  to  decide  that  his  official  obligation  to  preserve  the 
Constitution  must  be  fulfilled  by  striking  slavery  down.  "  I  am," 
he  wrote,  "  naturally  anti-slavery.  If  slavery  is  not  wrong,  nothing 
is  wrong.  I  cannot  remember  when  I  did  not  so  think  and  feel, 
and  yet  I  have  never  understood  that  the  presidency  conferred 
upon  me  an  unrestricted  right  to  act  officially  upon  this  judgment 
and  feeling.  It  was  in  the  oath  I  took  that  I  would,  to  the  best  of 
my  ability,  preserve,  protect,  and  defend  the  Constitution  of  the 


526     SECESSION,    CIVIL  WAR,   AND    REUNION. 

Having  arrived  at  a  clear  conviction  of  duty  on  the 
TheEman     su^Ject'  President  Lincoln  prepared  a  procla- 

cipation  mation  of  emancipation  and  submitted  it  to  his 
Pnounuu 

pared1  July  ca^met:  on  tne  22c*  °^  Juty-  All  but  Secretary 
22, 1862.  Blair  approved  ;  but  Secretary  Seward  advised 

United  States.  I  could  not  take  the  office  without  taking  the  oath. 
Nor  was  it  my  view  that  I  might  take  an  oath  to  get  power,  and 
break  the  oath  in  using  the  power.  I  understood,  too,  that  in  ordi 
nary  civil  administration  this  oath  even  forbade  me  to  practically 
indulge  my  primary  abstract  judgment  on  the  moral  question  of 
slavery.  I  had  publicly  declared  this  many  times,  and  in  many 
ways.  And  I  aver  that,  to  this  day,  I  have  done  no  official  act  in 
deference  to  my  abstract  judgment  and  feeling  on  slavery.  I  did 
understand,  however,  that  my  oath  to  preserve  the  Constitution  to 
the  best  of  my  ability  imposed  upon  me  the  duty  of  preserving, 
by  every  indispensable  means,  that  government  —  that  nation,  of 
which  that  Constitution  was  the  organic  law.  ...  I  felt  that  mea 
sures  otherwise  unconstitutional  might  become  lawful  by  becoming 
indispensable  to  the  preservation  of  the  Constitution  through  the 
preservation  of  the  nation.  Right  or  wrong,  I  assumed  this  ground, 
and  now  avow  it.  I  could  not  feel  that,  to  the  best  of  my  ability,  I 
had  even  tried  to  preserve  the  Constitution,  if,  to  save  slavery  or 
any  minor  matter,  I  should  permit  the  wreck  of  government,  coun 
try,  and  Constitution,  all  together.  When,  early  in  the  war,  Gen 
eral  Fre'mont  attempted  military  emancipation,  I  forbade  it,  be 
cause  I  did  not  then  think  it  an  indispensable  necessity.  When,  a 
little  later,  General  Cameron,  then  Secretary  of  War,  suggested 
the  arming  of  the  blacks,  I  objected,  because  I  did  not  yet  think 
it  an  indispensable  necessity.  When,  still  later,  General  Hunter 
attempted  military  emancipation,  I  again  forbade  it,  because  I 
did  not  yet  think  the  indispensable  necessity  had  come.  When,  in 
March  and  May  and  July,  1862,  I  made  earnest  and  successive 
appeals  to  the  border  States  to  favor  compensated  emancipation, 
I  believed  the  indispensable  necessity  for  military  emancipation 
and  arming  the  blacks  would  come  unless  averted  by  that  measure. 
They  declined  the  proposition,  and  I  was,  in  my  best  judgment, 
driven  to  the  alternative  of  either  surrendering  the  Union,  and 
with  it  the  Constitution,  or  of  laying  a  strong  hand  upon  the  col 
ored  element.  I  chose  the  latter."  Lincoln,  Writings,  ii.  508. 


THE   WAR    FOR   THE    UNION.  527 

that  the  great  mandate  be  withheld  until  the  military 
situation  had  been  changed  by  some  important  success. 
Lincoln  thought  the  advice  good,  and  the  proclamation 
was  laid  aside  to  await  a  brighter  day. 

Meantime,  though  an  unwarranted  order  of  emanci 
pation,  issued  by  General  David  Hunter,  at  Hilton 
Head,  S.  C.,  on  the  Qth  of  May,  had  been  re-  Arming  the 
scinded  by  the  President,  General  Hunter  was  Wacks- 
permitted  to  begin  organizing  and  arming  the  refugee 
colored  men  at  Hilton  Head,  and  henceforth  negro 
soldiers  were  employed  freely  in  the  war. 

323.  Lee's  Crushing  Defeat  of  Pope  and  Invasion  of 
Maryland.1  August-September,  1862.  The  brighter 
day  was  not  near  ;  the  worst  disasters  were  to  come. 
Pope,  preparing  vigorously  for  a  direct  movement  on 
Richmond,  gave  offence  to  his  army  by  some  unwise 
addresses  and  orders,  and  its  feeling  towards  him  was 
chilled.  Lee,  with  his  superior  promptitude  and 
daring,  and  Jackson,  with  the  swift  sureness  tattle  of 
of  his  sudden  strokes,  frustrated  all  the  plans. 
While  McClellan's  army  was  coming  in  detachments 
from  the  James,  to  cooperate  with  Pope,  the  Confeder 
ates  reached  the  rear  of  the  latter's  forces  and  broke  them 
badly,  in  battles  at  Gainesville,  Groveton,  and  Bull  Run, 
August  28,  29,  and  30,  throwing  them  back  on  Washing 
ton  in  almost  as  disordered  a  state  as  after  the  first  Bull 
Run. 

There  was  panic  in  Washington  again  ;  but  Lee  did 
not  venture  to  attack  the  fortifications  of  the  city. 
Instead  of  doing  so,  he  moved  by  way  of  Leesburg  into 
Maryland,  and  met  little  of  the  welcome  he  expected 
there.  Most  wisely,  in  the  circumstances,  President 
Lincoln  gave  McClellan  command  of  all  the  forces  that 
1  See  Map  XII. 


528     SECESSION,   CIVIL  WAR,  AND   REUNION. 

could  be  used  against  Lee,  and  that  excellent  organizer 

had    them    ready    to    start   from   Washington 

Mountain      September  5.     On  the  I4th  he  fought  Lee  at 

andAntie-     South  Mountain,  and  on  the  I7th  at  Antietam. 
tarn,  Sep- 


Battles  were  not  decisive,  but  they  brought 
the  invasion  to  an  end. 

324.  Emancipation  proclaimed   by  President  Lin 
coln.    September-January,  1862-1863.     The  situation 
was  far   from    satisfying,  but    it    had    brightened,    and 
President  Lincoln,  on  the  22d  of  September,  issued  his 
great  proclamation,  —  his  First  Proclamation  of  Emanci 
pation,  —  declaring  that  on  the  1st  day  of  January,  1863, 
"  all  persons  held  as  slaves  within  any  State,  or  desig 
nated  part  of  a  State,  the  people  whereof  shall  then  be 
in  rebellion   against  the  United  States,  shall  be  then, 
thenceforward  and  forever  free."     It  will  be  proper  to 
say  now  that  at  the  appointed  time,  on   the  first  day 
of   1863,  the  final   proclamation  was    issued,  declaring 
the  freedom  of  all  slaves  in  Arkansas,  Texas,  Louisi 
ana  (excepting  thirteen    designated    parishes),    Missis 
sippi,  Alabama,  Florida,  Georgia,  South  Carolina,  North 
Carolina,  and  Virginia  (excepting  West  Virginia,  seven 
eastern  counties,  and  the  cities  of  Norfolk  and  Ports 
mouth). 

325.  Dark  Days.    1862-1863.    Some  people  expected 
that  an  immediate  uplifting  of  the  national  cause  would 
follow  the  proclaiming  of  emancipation,  but  it  did  not 
come.  There  were  months  of  sore  trial  to  be  gone  through 
yet     When  Lee  was  in  Maryland,  threatening  Pennsyl 
vania,  another  Confederate  army,  under  Braxton  Bragg 
(successor  to  Beauregard  in  the  west),  was  in  Kentucky, 
and  Ohio  was  alarmed.    Bragg's  invasion  fared  no  better 
than    Lee's  ;   he  was  defeated   by  Buell    at    Perry  ville 
(October  8),  and   fell   back   to    Chattanooga.     Grant's 


THE   WAR   FOR   THE   UNION.  529 

Army  of  the  Tennessee  fought  two  battles  with  success, 
at  luka,  Miss.,  September  19,  and  at  Corinth,   perryvllle 
October  3,  4,  and  5  (see  Map  XIII.) ;  but  all  tjjZ^f 
the  fighting  of  the  time  was  defensive  on  the  temb'er-oc- 

tober,1862. 

Union  side,  and  seemed  to  show  ill-manage 
ment  of  the  greater  forces  on  that  side. 

Foreign  governments  had  no  belief  that  the  seced 
ing  Confederacy  would  be  overcome,  and  the  French 
emperor,  Napoleon  III.,  already  engaged  in  The  French 
an  undertaking  of  conquest  in  Mexico,  hoped  ^M"100- 
to  persuade  England  to  join  him  in  intervening  to  stop 
the  war.  The  British  government,  although  controlled 
by  the  unfriendly  classes,  would  not  go  to  that  length, 
but  it  did  little  to  prevent  the  giving  of  private  aid  to  the 
Confederate  States.  Confederate  agents  were  permitted 
to  fit  out  cruisers  in  British  ports  and  send  them  to  sea. 
One,  named  the  Florida,  was  set  afloat  at  Liver 
pool  in  March.  In  July  the  more  formidable  ida  and  the 
Alabama  was  allowed  to  sail  from  Liver 
pool,  though  proof  of  her  character  had  been  given  to 
the  authorities  by  the  American  consul  at  that  port. 
The  ships  and  cargoes  destroyed  by  these  and  other 
commerce-destroyers  of  British  build  amounted  to  many 
millions  of  dollars  in  value,  and  a  heavy  claim  for  in 
demnity  on  account  of  them  was  brought  against  Eng 
land  when  the  war  closed. 

In  the  northern  States,  the  united  feeling  that  sus 
tained  the  government  at  the  outbreak  of  the  war  had 
disappeared.  Party  lines  were  drawn  strictly  again. 
While  many  former  Democrats  had  left  their  party  and 
joined  the  Republicans,  a  larger  body,  known  as  "  War 
Democrats,"  supported  the  war  for  the  Union  in  prin 
ciple,  but  were  sharply  critical  of  the  management  of  it. 
These  were  bitter  in  condemnation  of  many  measures  of 


530     SECESSION,   CIVIL  WAR,  AND    REUNION. 

the  government,  —  especially  its  military  suspensions 
of  the  writ  of  habeas  corpus,  and  its  arbitrary  military 
Democratic  arrests.  A  smaller  section  of  the  Democratic 
opposition,  party,  composed  of  people  whom  the  Republi 
cans  described  as  "  Copperheads,"  were  open  in  opposi 
tion  to  the  war,  demanding  that  it  be  stopped,  and  avowing 
sympathy  with  the  secession  cause.  The  free  speech  of 
these  latter  was  suppressed  in  many  instances  by  mili 
tary  authority,  and  that  proceeding  became  a  principal 
cause  of  opposition  to  the  government  in  the  Demo 
cratic  party  at  large.  Such  opposition,  strengthened  by  a 
general  sickening  of  mind  over  the  military  failures,  and 
sharpened  in  some  quarters  by  dislike  of  the  emancipa 
tion  proclamation,  worked  strongly  against  the  govern 
ment  in  the  fall  elections  of  1862,  and  the  Republican 
majority  in  the  next  Congress  was  much  reduced. 

326.  More  National  Reverses.1  December-May, 
1862-1863.  After  the  battle  of  Antietam,  Lee  was 
allowed  to  retire  slowly  across  the  Potomac  without  be 
ing  pursued,  and  dissatisfaction  with  McClellan  revived. 
On  the  5th  of  November  he  was  removed,  and  General 
Ambrose  E.  Burnside,  a  good  soldier  and  an  admirable 
man,  took  his  place.  Under  Burnside  the 

Repulse  ol  ,    A       ^      ,      .   ,     ,  . 

Fredericks-  army  was  moved  to  Fredencksburg,  on  the 
center6  Rappahannock,  and  there,  crossing  the  river 
(December  13),  it  assaulted  the  Confederates, 
who  held  fortified  positions  on  the  hills  behind  the  town. 
The  loss  suffered  was  terrific,  the  repulse  complete,  and 
another  disaster,  worse  than  any  before,  was  added  to  the 
painful  record  of  the  Army  of  the  Potomac. 

In  the  west  there  was  more  success,  though  incom 
plete.     Buell's  command  had   been    given    to    General 
Rosecrans,  lately  serving  under  Grant.     In  December 
1  See  Maps  XII.  and  XIII. 


THE    WAR    FOR   THE    UNION.  531 

Bragg  started    on  another  movement  northward,  from 
Chattanooga,  and  was  met  at  Stone  River,  near  Mur- 
freesboro,  by  Rosecrans.     They  fought  on  the  Battleof 
last  day  of  the  year,  and  the  Union  army  came  Dumber*' 
near  to  a  dreadful  defeat.     It  was  saved  by  the  31f  1862t 
conspicuous  ability  and  steadiness  of  General  Thomas, 
who  commanded  a  corps,  and  General  Sheridan,  who  led 
a  division  under  General  McCook.     The  high  quality 
of  these  soldiers  began  then  to  be  understood. 

Further  west,  in  Grant's  department,  he  and  General 
William  Tecumseh  Sherman,  his  most  trusted  lieutenant 
and  close  friend,  were  beginning  movements  that  aimed 
at  the  taking  of  Vicksburg. 

On  the  25th  of  January,  1863,  General  Burnside  gave 
up  the  command  of  the  Army  of  the  Potomac,  and  it 
passed  to  General  Joseph  E.  Hooker,  whose  fighting 
reputation  as  a  corps  commander  raised  great  hopes. 
After  staying  in  camp  on  the  Rappahannock  until 
April,  the  army  started  upon  a  movement  which  placed 
the  main  body  at  Chancellorsville,  on  the  south  side  of 
the  Rappahannock,  and  on  the  flank  of  Lee. 
There,  on  the  ist,  2d,  and  3d  of  May,  it  fought  chancei- 

.....  -    J  lorsville, 

another   losing  battle,  and   was  forced  to  an-  May  1-3, 

other  disheartening  retreat.     The  success  of 

the  Confederates    was  costly   to  them,   for   Stonewall 

Jackson  fell,  mortally  wounded  by  a  mistake  of  his  own 

men. 

Even  before  this  last  -reverse,  the  war  spirit  of  the 
country  had  so  ebbed,  and  enlistments  had  so  fallen  off, 
that  Congress,  in  March,  passed  a  conscription   Conscrip. 
act,  for  the  enrollment  of  all  able-bodied  male  San?!?' 
citizens  between  twenty  and  forty-five  years  1863< 
of  age,  making  them   subject,  when    needed,  to  draft. 
Another  important  measure  of  the  session  created  the 


532     SECESSION,  CIVIL  WAR,  AND    REUNION. 

existing  system  of  national  banks,  which  proved  an  in 
valuable  aid  to  the  government  in  managing  its  loans, 
and  which  has  given  the  country  many  of  the  advan 
tages,  without  the  evils,  of  the  single  great  national 
banking  institution  over  which  parties  fought  so  long. 

Notwithstanding  the  gloomy  circumstances  of  the 
winter  and  spring  of  1863,  the  vast  sums  of  money  re 
quired  by  the  government  were  obtained  with  little  dif 
ficulty  ;  but  the  money  of  the  time  was  the  depreciated 
"  legal  tender  "  notes  (called  "  greenbacks,"  from  the 
color  of  the  print  on  the  back),  and  they  doubled  the 
cost  of  the  war  by  doubling  the  price  of  everything 
bought.  Great  activity,  largely  speculative,  prevailed  in 
business,  and  many  fortunes  were  made  in  these  days. 

327.  Lee  in  Pennsylvania.  —  Gettysburg.  —  Vicks- 
burg.1  July,  1863.  After  Chancellorsville,  Lee  planned 
another  attempt  to  carry  the  war  into  the  northern 
States,  and  his  army  was  set  in  motion  on  the  3d  of 
June.  Before  the  end  of  the  month  he  had  passed  up 
the  Shenandoah,  crossed  the  Potomac,  marched  through 
Maryland,  and  was  in  Pennsylvania,  with  about  75,000 
men.  Hooker  had  followed,  on  the  eastern  side  of  the 
Blue  Ridge,  but  had  disagreements  with  Halleck,  and 
asked,  on  the  2/th  of  June,  to  be  relieved.  His  request 
was  complied  with,  and  General  George  G.  Meade,  of 
the  Fifth  Corps,  received  the  chief  command.  Four 
days  later  the  two  armies  met  at  Gettysburg,  in  south 
ern  Pennsylvania,  and  fought,  during  three  days,  July 
Battle  of  x>  2>  and  3,  the  most  terrific  battle  of  the 
ji7£?gl  war-  The  killed  and  wounded  of  the  Union 
army  numbered  more  than  17,000  out  of 
93,000 ;  those  of  the  Confederate  army  exceeded  15,000 
out  of  70,000.  The  latter  was  more  shattered  than  the 
i  See  Maps  XII.  and  XIII. 


THE   WAR    FOR   THE    UNION.  533 

former  ;  its  campaign  of  invasion  was  a  failure,  and  Lee 
drew  back  in  retreat.  At  last,  a  great  victory  for  the 
Union  had  been  won,  and  the  country  had  the  news  of 
it  on  a  memorable  4th  of  July. 

How  doubly  memorable  that  4th  of  July  had  been 
made  was  not  known  in  the  north  until  three  days  later, 
when  news  came  from  General  Grant.  He  The  taklng 


had  taken  Vicksburg  on  the  morning  of  Inde- 
pendence  Day,  after  more  than  five  months  4>  1863< 
of  labor,  battle,  and  siege.  From  the  end  of  January 
till  the  middle  of  April  he  had  struggled  with  difficulties 
created  by  the  surrounding  bayous  and  swamps,  trying 
to  put  his  army  on  high  ground  behind  the  place.  At 
length,  with  the  help  of  Admiral  Porter,  who  ran  a  fleet 
of  gunboats  and  transports  past  the  Vicksburg  batteries, 
the  army  was  placed  at  a  point  below  Vicksburg  on  the 
east  side  of  the  river,  and  fought  its  way  to  the  position 
desired.  Failing,  on  the  22d  of  May,  to  carry  the  works 
by  assault,  he  opened  a  siege,  which  ended  in  the  sur 
render  of  the  place  on  the  4th  of  July. 

On  the  8th  of  July  Port  Hudson,  a  few  miles  above 
Baton  Rouge,  was  surrendered  to  General  Banks,  whose 
forces,  cooperating  with  Farragut's  fleet,  had 

r         .  Surrender 

been  assailing  its  strong   fortifications  since  of  Port 

Hudson, 

the  latter  part  of  May.    This  was  the  last  Con-  Julys, 

*  1863. 

federate  stronghold   on    the   Mississippi,   and 
the  great  river  was  reopened   throughout  its  length. 
The  Confederacy  was  cut  in  twain  ;  it  lost  the  resources 
of  the  States  west  of  the  river,  and   the  war  in  that 
region  had  little  importance  thereafter. 

328.  Draft  Riot  in  New  York.  July,  1863.  Gettys 
burg,  Vicksburg,  and  the  reopening  of  the  Mississippi 
revived  confidence  in  the  final  success  of  the  Union 
arms  ;  but  they  were  not  permitted  to  raise  the  spirits 


534      SECESSION,  CIVIL  WAR,  AND   REUNION. 


of  the  northern  people  to  an  exuberant  height.  The 
draft,  just  beginning  to  be  enforced,  was  a  dismal  mat 
ter  at  the  best,  and  it  became  an  alarming  one  on  the 
1 3th  of  July,  when  the  most  ferocious  and  destructive 
riot  that  America  has  ever  known  broke  out  in  the  city 
of  New  York.  For  four  days  a  wild  mob  fought  militia 
and  national  troops,  as  well  as  the  police,  and  was  not 
suppressed  until  1000,  at  least,  are  believed  to  have 
been  killed. 

329.  Operations  against  Charleston.  —  Quiet  in 
Virginia.  April-September,  1863.  Military  and  naval 
undertakings  against  Charleston  were  not  having  suc 
cess.  In  April 
Admiral  Dupont, 
with  seven  Erics 
son  monitors  and 
two  partially  iron 
clad  vessels,  had 
attempted  to  en 
ter  the  harbor  and 
had  been  beaten 
off  by  the  forts. 
Then  a  landing  of 
forces  on  Morris 
Island,  at  the  en 
trance  to  the  harbor,  was  effected  by  General  Gillmore, 
and  on  the  i8th  of  July  an  assault  on  the  Confederate 
Fort  Wagner  was  repulsed  with  grievous  loss. 
The  storming  party  was  headed  by  a  regiment 
of  colored  soldiers,  who  fought  bravely,  and 
their  colonel,  Robert  G.  Shaw, 'of  Massachu 
setts,  was  among  the  slain.  Some  weeks  later,  in  Sep 
tember,  after  long  bombardment,  the  Confederates  evac 
uated  Fort  Wagner,  and  guns  were  mounted  in  it  which 


CHARLESTON    HARBOR. 


Assault 
on  Fort 
Wagner, 
July  18, 
1863. 


THE    WAR    FOR   THE    UNION.  535 

threw  shells  into  Charleston,  doing  much  damage  to  the 
city  and  bringing  blockade-running  to  an  end. 

After  the  battle  of  Gettysburg  Lee  was  again  per 
mitted  to  make  an  undisturbed  retreat  into  Virginia, 
and  his  army  and  Meade's  were  back,  before  the  end 
of  July,  on  nearly  their  old  ground.  During  the  next 
few  months  there  were  frustrated  movements  on  both 
sides,  with  no  severe  fighting.  Large  forces  were  drawn 
from  both  armies  in  September  to  reinforce  Rosecrans 
and  Bragg  in  Tennessee,  one  led  by  Hooker,  the  other 
under  Longstreet's  command. 

330.  Critical  Situation  in  Tennessee.  —  Grant  to 
the  Rescue.1  August-December,  1863.  The  effort 
which  President  Lincoln  had  been  urging  since  the  war 
began,  to  occupy  East  Tennessee  and  liberate  its  loyal 
people,  was  about  to  be  made.  Burnside,  transferred 
to  eastern  Kentucky,  penetrated  the  valley  which  leads 
to  Knoxville  in  August,  and  compelled  the  evacuation 
of  that  town.  At  about  the  same  time,  on  the  southern 
border  of  the  State,  Rosecrans  forced  Bragg  out  of 
Chattanooga  and  took  possession  (September  8)  of  what 
was  considered  the  military  key  to  the  whole  mountain 
region.  Then,  pursuing  Bragg,  he  separated  his  forces 
unwisely,  and  paid  dearly  for  the  error  on  the  igth  and 
2Oth,  when  the  Confederate  general,  rein- 

.    Battle  of 

forced  by  Longstreet,  turned  upon  him  and  cwcka- 


routed  all  but  the  left  wing  of  his  army,  com- 
manded  by  Thomas,  which  held  its  ground 
against  heavy  odds.  Saved  by  Thomas,  "  the  Rock  of 
Chickamaugua,"  as  he  has  been  called,  the  army  retreated 
from  the  bloody  field  of  Chickamauga  to  Chattanooga, 
and  was  practically  in  a  state  of  siege  for  the  next  two 
months. 

1  See  Map  XIII. 


536      SECESSION,   CIVIL  WAR,  AND    REUNION. 

Command  of  the  Army  of  the  Cumberland  was  now 
transferred  from  Rosecrans  to  Thomas ;  Sherman  was 
appointed  to  the  command  of  the  Army  of  the  Tennes 
see  ;  and  both,  with  the  Department  of  Ohio,  were 
united  in  one  military  division,  under  General  Grant. 
Grant,  reaching  Chattanooga  on  the  23d  of  October, 
began  preparations  to  extricate  the  Army  of  the  Cum 
berland  from  its  dangerous  position.  Rein- 
Battles  at  £  ,  ,  TT  ,  .&.  .  . 

chatta-        forced  by   Hooker  with   two   corps  from   the 
veSr2°4-   Army  of  the  Potomac,  and  by  Sherman  with 

25,1863.  ,,  v.      t_.        , 

one  corps  from  Memphis,  his  plans  were  carried 
out  on  the  24th  and  25th  of  November  with  perfect 
success.  Sherman  drove  the  Confederates  from  a 
neighboring  height,  called  Missionary  Ridge,  while 
Hooker  cleared  them  from  Lookout  Mountain,  in  a 
battle  fought  above  the  low-lying  clouds  of  a  misty  day. 
As  a  dramatic  spectacle,  these  battles  at  Chattanooga 
were  among  the  most  remarkable  ever  fought.  They 
had  important  results,  including  the  complete  deliver 
ance  of  East  Tennessee.  Longstreet,  sent 
Tennessea  against  Burnside  after  the  battle  of  Chicka- 
mauga,  had  shut  the  latter  up  in  Knoxville, 
and  that  besieged  town  had  been  reduced  to  great  dis 
tress.  It  was  now  relieved  by  Sherman  ;  Longstreet 
retired,  and  East  Tennessee  was  free. 

A  sadly  interesting  incident  of  the  later  weeks  of 
the  year  was  the  dedication,  at   Gettysburg, 

Lincoln's        vr  i.  ^ 

Gettysburg    November    19,   of   a   cemetery  for  the  many 
November     dead  of   the  great  battle,  and   the   speaking 
there  of  a  few  words  of  address  by  President 
Lincoln,  which  are  immortal  in  their  tender  eloquence. 

331.  Amnesty  offered  by  President  Lincoln.  —  His 
plan  of  "Reconstruction."  December-July,  1863- 
1864.  With  his  annual  message  to  Congress,  in  De- 


THE   WAR   FOR   THE   UNION.  537 

-  cember,  the  President  issued  a  proclamation  of  amnesty, 
which  opened  doors  for  the  return  of  both  individuals 
and  States  to  the  Union  fold.  Excepting  certain  classes 
of  leaders  and  special  offenders,  the  proclamation  offered 
full  pardon,  "with  restoration  of  all  rights  of  property 
except  as  to  slaves,"  to  every  participant  in  the  rebel 
lion  who  would  subscribe  a  given  oath.  The  prescribed 
oath  pledged  fidelity  to  the  Constitution  and  the  Union, 
and  support  to  what  had  been  done  by  legislation  and 
proclamation  touching  slavery,  "  so  long  and  so  far  as 
not  repealed,  modified,  or  held  void  "  by  Congress  or  the 
Supreme  Court.  The  proclamation  then  made  known 
that  whenever,  in  any  State  where  rebellion  had  been 
prevailing,  a  number  of  qualified  voters,  not  less  than 
one  tenth  of  the  number  of  votes  cast  at  the 
presidential  election  in  1860,  should,  after  tak-  Lincoln's 
ing  the  prescribed  oath,  reestablish  a  republi-  reconstruc- 
can  state  government,  conforming  to  the  oath, 
such  government  would  be  recognized  as  the  true  gov 
ernment  of  the  State ;  but  the  admission  to  Congress 
of  senators  and  representatives  from  such  State  would 
depend  on  the  action  of  Congress  itself.  This,  said  the 
President,  "is  intended  to  present  ...  a  mode  in  and 
by  which  the  national  authority  and  loyal  state  govern 
ments  may  be  reestablished"  in  the  States  designated; 
but  "it  must  not  be  understood  that  no  other  possible 
mode  would  be  acceptable." 

At  first  the  proclamation  and  its  suggested  plan  of 
"  reconstruction  "  for  the  States  at  war  with  the  Union 
was  received  with  general  satisfaction  in  Congress,  as  it 
was  in  the  Union  at  large.  But  a  few  radicals  took  ex 
ception  to  its  leniency,  and  declared  that  Congress  only 
could  determine  the  mode  of  dealing  with  the  seceded 
States.  According  to  the  radical  view,  the  rebellion  of 


538      SECESSION,  CIVIL  WAR,  AND    REUNION. 

those  States  had  wrought  a  forfeiture  of  all  their  consti- 
Radicai  tutional  rights  ;  it  had  destroyed  their  status 
opposition.  as  states,  and  reduced  them  to  that  of  Terri 
tories,  or  subjugated  provinces,  whenever  their  rebellion 
should  be  overcome.  In  this  view  the  President's  plan 
of  restoration  was  too  simple  and  too  mild  in  its  terms. 
It  was  a  view  that  gained  ground  in  Congress,  until  it 
brought  about  the  passage  of  an  act  in  the  last  hours  of 
the  session  (July  4,  1864)  which  embodied  a  different 
plan.  The  act  in  question  required  that  a  majority  of 
Congres-  tne  wm<te  male  citizens  of  a  State  in  rebellion 
olTecon1-*11  should  take  the  prescribed  oath  before  any 
struction.  «  reconstruction  "  of  state  government  could 
occur,  and  that  the  proceeding  of  reconstruction  should 
be  in  one  precisely  defined  mode.  This  would  nullify 
action  taken  already  under  the  President's  proclamation 
in  Louisiana  and  Arkansas,  where  state  governments 
had  been  organized  under  constitutions  which  prohibited 
slavery  forever.  The  bill  came  to  the  President  an  hour 
before  Congress  adjourned.  He  declined  to  sign  it,  but 
submitted  it  a  few  days  later  to  the  consideration  of  the 
people  in  a  proclamation,  saying  :  "  While  I 

President's     J  .       , 

prociama-  am  ...  unprepared,  by  a  formal  approval  of 
this  bill,  to  be  inflexibly  committed  to  any 
single  plan  of  restoration,  and  while  I  am  also  unpre 
pared  to  declare  that  the  free  state  constitutions  and 
governments  already  adopted  and  installed  in  Arkansas 
and  Louisiana  shall  be  set  aside  and  held  for  naught, 
thereby  repelling  and  discouraging  the  loyal  citizens  who 
have  set  up  the  same  as  to  further  effort,  .  .  .  neverthe 
less  I  am  fully  satisfied  with  the  system  for  restoration 
contained  in  the  bill,  as  one  very  proper  plan  for  the 
loyal  people  of  any  State  choosing  to  adopt  it."  By 
taking  this  wise  course  President  Lincoln  avoided  a  mis- 


THE   WAR    FOR   THE   UNION.  539 

chievous  issue  between  Congress  and  himself.  Public 
opinion  sustained  his  policy  and  his  action,  and  when 
his  radical  opponents,  at  the  next  session  of  Congress, 
attempted  new  legislation  to  undo  his  measures,  they 
could  carry  it  through  neither  House.  These  are  facts 
to  be  remembered  when  the  "  reconstruction  "  conflicts 
of  a  later  period,  after  Lincoln's  death,  come  into  view. 

332.  Grant  made  Lieutenant-General,  in  Chief  Com 
mand.  March,  1864.  Since  his  notable  success  at  Chat 
tanooga,  following  that  at  Vicksburg,  the  hopes  of  the 
nation  were  fixed  on  Grant.  An  act  of  Congress  in 
February,  1864,  revived  the  rank  of  lieutenant-general, 
which  none  since  Washington  had  held,  and  Grant  was 
appointed  to  it  on  the  3d  of  March.  He  was  called  to 
the  capital  at  once  and  assumed  the  general  command, 
taking  personal  direction  of  operations  in  Virginia  at  the 
President's  request.  Sherman  succeeded  him  in  the 
western  command.  And  now  the  war  entered  its  final 
stage. 

General  Meade  retained  command  of  the  army  of  the 
Potomac,  but  Grant  was  with  it  in  the  subsequent  cam 
paign.     Burnside's  corps  was  brought  east  again  to  join 
it,  and  Sheridan  came  to  take  command  of  the  cavalry 
corps.    Grant's  plan  was  to  move  directly  across 
country  upon  Richmond,  through  the  wilder-   Grant's 
ness  in  which  Hooker  met  defeat,  fighting  his 
way,  wearing  his  antagonist  down  ;  while  a  cooperating 
army  under  Butler  (who  had  returned  from  New  Orleans 
to  Fortress  Monroe)  moved  up  the  James,  and  another 
under  Sigel  held  the  Shenandoah  and  broke  Lee's  com 
munications  with  the  west.     At  the  same  time  Sherman 
was  to  advance  from   Chattanooga  upon  Atlanta,   en 
gaging  an  army  commanded  by  General  Joseph  E.  John 
ston,  who  had  succeeded  Bragg ;  and  General  Banks,  sue- 


540      SECESSION,  CIVIL  WAR,  AND   REUNION. 

cessor  to  Butler  at  New  Orleans,  was  to  move  against 
Mobile.  Sherman  had  about  100,000  men  for  his  move 
ment,  against  some  75,000 ;  Grant  started  from  the 
Rapidan  with  122,000,  and  Lee  had  about  62,000  ;  but 
the  advantage  of  the  Confederates  in  making  a  defensive 
fight,  and  in  holding  the  inner  line  of  every  movement, 
was  very  great. 

333.  Grant's  Movement  on  Richmond.1    May-June, 
1864.     Grant  crossed  the  Rapidan  and  opened  the  cam 
paign  on  the  4th  of  May.     No  details  of  the  dreadful 
month  of  battles  that  followed  can  be  given  in  this  place. 
Thewii-      Two  days  (May  6-7)  of  terrific  fighting  in  the 

Wilderness  ;  two  more  (May  10  and  12),  and  a 
,  week  of  less  general  fighting,  at  and  near  Spott- 

sylvania  Court  House ;  a  third  hard  encounter 
(May  23)  on  the  North  Anna  River,  with  minor  cqn- 
flicts  incessantly,  brought  what  survived  of  the  great 
Army  of  the  Potomac  to  the  vicinity  of  the  Chicka- 
hominy  (May  28),  where  McClellan  had  been  two  years 
before.  There,  on  the  ist  and  3d  of  June,  the  Confed- 
CoidHar-  erate  lines  were  attacked,  at  Cold  Harbor,  and 
bor.Junei  near]y  10,000  killed  and  wounded  were  the 

cost  of  a  vain  assault.  Almost  if  not  quite 
40,000  had  fallen  since  the  movement  began,  while  the 
Confederate  loss  had  been  much  less. 

Meantime,  General  Butler,  moving  up  the  James  to 
attack  Richmond,  had  been  met  by  forces  brought  from 
the  Carolinas  by  Beauregard,  and  had  been  driven  to 
an  intrenched  position  at  Bermuda  Hundred,  where,  as 
Grant  expressed  it,  he  was  "  bottled  up."  Most  of  his 
force  was  then  drawn  away  to  the  Potomac  army. 

334.  Sherman's  Movement  on  Atlanta.2    May-July, 
1864.     Three  days  after  Grant  set  out  from  the  Rapi- 

1  See  Map  XII.  2  See  Map  XIII. 


THE   WAR   FOR   THE   UNION.  541 

dan  Sherman  moved  against   Johnston,  who  retreated 
before  him.     There  was  no  serious  engagement  NewH0pe 
until  May  25-28,  at  New  Hope  Church,  after  gJJ^g. 
which,  as  Sherman  relates,   "  not   a   day,  not  28>  1864- 
an  hour,  not  a  minute,  was  there  a  cessation  of  fire." 
"  And  thus  matters  continued  until  June  27,"  when  a 
general  assault  was  made  on  Johnston's  lines  at  Kene- 
saw.     Three  days  afterward  Johnston  resumed  Kenesaw 
his  retreat,   and   the  next   battle  occurred  at  pJJ^Tree 
Peach  Tree  Creek,  July  20 ;  but  Johnston  had  jJJ^o, 
then  been  superseded  by  General  Hood.     Hood  1864- 
was  driven  into  Atlanta  with  heavy  loss,  and  a  siege 
of  the  city  was  begun.     Among  those  who  fell  on  the 
Union  side  was  General  McPherson,  who  commanded 
Grant's  and  Sherman's  old  Army  of  the  Tennessee,  and 
who  was  rising  to  prominence  among  the  best  soldiers 
of  the  war. 

335.  Grant  before  Petersburg.  —  Sheridan  in  the 
Shenandoah  Valley.1  June-October,  1864.  After 
the  bloody  repulse  at  Cold  Harbor,  Grant  changed  his 
base  of  supplies  to  the  James,  crossed  the  river,  and 
moved  against  Petersburg,  attempting  to  take  that  city, 
south  of  Richmond,  by  a  sudden  stroke,  which  failed. 
From  that  time  (the  middle  of  June)  until  nearly  the 
ending  of  the  war,  the  Army  of  the  Potomac  remained 
in  front  of  Petersburg,  not  carrying  on  a  regular  siege, 
though  its  work  was  so  called,  but  making  attacks  on  the 
forces  there  and  at  Richmond,  and  on  Lee's  communi 
cations  with  the  south. 

The  more  active  campaigning  of  the  summer  and  fall 
was  in  the   Shenandoah,  where  the    Confederate  com 
mander,  Early,  overmatched  the  Union  generals,  Sigel, 
Hunter,  and  Cooke,  and  invaded  Maryland  and  Penn- 
i  See  Map  XI I. 


542      SECESSION,  CIVIL  WAR,  AND    REUNION. 

sylvania  in  July,  threatening  Baltimore,  and  Washington 
itself.  Troops  from  the  Army  of  the  Potomac  were 
summoned  hastily,  and  Sheridan  was  brought  up  to  take 
command  of  a  "  Middle  Military  Division,"  embracing 
everything  between  Sherman's  command  and  Meade's. 
Then  a  brilliant  campaign  in  the  Shenandoah  valley 
was  opened,  and  ran  through  a  series  of  victories  won 
by  Sheridan,  at  Winchester,  September  10, 

Winchester,          ^.   ,       ,      TT...  *  , 

risher's       at  Fisher  s  Hill  on  the  22d,  at  Cedar  Creek, 

TT111    Ppfliir 

creek,          October   IQ.     Sheridan  was  absent  from  the 
October,        field  when  the  last-named  battle  began,  and 

1864 

made  a  famous  ride  of  twenty  miles  to  reach 
it,  and  to  snatch  victory  from  defeat.  The  result  of  the 
campaign  was  to  clear  the  valley  of  the  Confederates 
and  to  lay  it  waste  from  end  to  end. 

336.  Naval  Exploits,  June-August,    1864.     In  this 
exciting    summer   of    1864   the    navy   had    been    doing 
important  work.     After  a  career  of  nearly  two  years,  in 

which  she  had  destroyed  millions  of  dollars' 

Sinking 

of  the          worth    of   property,    the    Confederate    cruiser 

Alabama, 

June  is/      Alabama  was  encountered    (June   19)   on  the 
coast  of  France,  near  Cherbourg,  by  the  United 
States  steamer  Kearsarge,  and  sunk  in  an  engagement 
which  lasted  but  an  hour. 

On  the  5th  of  August  Admiral  Farragut  almost  sur- 
Farragut  passed  his  feat  at  New  Orleans,  by  entering 
AiJStsi  the  harbor  of  Mobile  with  his  fleet,  destroying 
the  Confederate  naval  force  there  and  captur 
ing  the  forts.  The  city  itself  was  not  occupied  till  a 
later  time. 

337.  Sherman's   March   to    the    Sea.     September- 
December,  1864.     Sherman's  siege  of  Atlanta   ended 
on    the  2d  of   September,  when    Hood    evacuated    the 
town.     Its  few  inhabitants  were  then  removed,  and  it 


THE    WAR    FOR   THE    UNION. 


543 


was  made  exclusively  a  military  post.  Hood  withdrew 
for  a  short  distance  only,  and,  early  in  October,  he 
moved  suddenly  northward,  pushing  for  the  rear  of 
Sherman's  army  ;  but  Sherman  was  not  disturbed. 
General  Thomas,  with  a  large  force,  had  been  sent  back 
to  Nashville,  and  Hood  was  left  to  his  care.  The  north 
ward  raid  was  rather  favorable  to  a 
daring  plan  which  Sherman  had 
conceived  and  Grant  ap 
proved.  Pursuant 
to  that  plan, 
\  .  Gibs^x^  ;:•  S ^^  Sherman 


TRACK  OF  SHERMAN'S  MARCH 
TO  THE  SEA. 


destroyed 
Atlanta,  broke 
away  from  all  com 
munication  with  the  north, 
and  started,  on  the  i6th  of 
November,  with  60,000  veteran 
troops,  on  his  memorable  "march 
to  the  sea,"  foraging  for  subsistence  as  he  went,  and 
leaving  a  widely  desolated  track.  On  the  loth  of  Decem 
ber  he  reached  Savannah  ;  on  the  2Oth  the  Confederates 
evacuated  that  town. 

Hood's  army  meantime  had  been  shattered  in  two  bat 
tles  (see  Map  XIII.),  first  at  Franklin,  where  he  fought 
with  General  Schofield  (November  30),  and  then  Hood>8 
at  Nashville,   where   General  Thomas,   in  two  defeat- 
days  of  hard  fighting  (December  15-16),  completed  his 
defeat.     A  remnant  only  of  his  force  fell  back  through 
Tennessee. 

338.  Reelection   of   President    Lincoln.     November, 


544      SECESSION,   CIVIL  WAR,  AND    REUNION. 

1864.  In  the  midst  of  these  exciting  events,  which 
portended  the  exhaustion  of  the  Confederacy,  President 
Lincoln,  in  November,  was  reflected  by  a  large  majority 
over  General  McClellan,  the  Democratic  nominee.  Re 
publican  radicals  had  opposed  the  nomination  of  Lin 
coln,  making  Chase  and  Fremont  rival  candidates  ;  but 
the  larger  body  of  the  people  had  faith  in  the  great  man 
whom  they  affectionately  called  "Father  Abraham" 
and  "Old  Abe." 

Mr.  Chase,  after  many  disagreements  with  the  Pre 
sident,  had  resigned  the  Treasury  Department  in  the 
previous  June.  In  the  following  December  he  was 
appointed  Chief  Justice  of  the  Supreme  Court  of  the 
United  States,  succeeding  Chief  Justice  Taney,  who 
died  October  12. 

339.  Peace  Conferences.  Sherman  moving  north 
ward.  —  Work  of  Congress.  July-March,  1864-1865. 
Twice  in  July  there  had  been  unofficial  peace  confer 
ences  with  Confederate  officials  by  Horace  Greeley,  of 
the  "  New  York  Tribune,"  at  Niagara  Falls,  and  by  two 
adventurous  gentlemen  who  went  to  Richmond  and 
interviewed  President  Davis  in  person.  The  only  result 
had  been  to  show  that,  without  disunion,  no  peace 
could  be  made. 

Fresh  successes  to  the  Union  arms  came  early  in  the 

new  year.     Fort  Fisher,  at  Wilmington,  N.  C., 
Fort  Fisher,  *    .  ,  ,       f    ,  ... 

January  15,  was  taken  on  the  I5th  of  January  by  military 
forces  under  General  Terry,  with  the  help  of 
Admiral  Porter's  fleet.  On  the  ist  of  February  Sher 
man  started  northward  from  Savannah,  on  another  bold 
Charleston  m^rch  through  hostile  country,  with  no  base  of 
February1'  supplies.  His  movement  would  isolate  Charles- 
17, 1865.  tonj  ancj  jt  was  evacuated  by  the  Confederates 
on  the  i /th.  On  the  22d  of  February  Wilmington  was 


THE    WAR   FOR   THE    UNION. 


545 


occupied  by  troops  from  the  west  under  General  Scho- 
field,  and  General  Cox  moved  soon  afterward  from  New- 


TRACK   OF   SHERMAN'S    MARCH    NORTHWARD   FROM 
SAVANNAH. 

berne  with  forces  to  meet  Sherman  at  Goldsboro,  where 
the  latter  arrived  on  the  22d  of  March. 

In  these  months  Congress  had  been  doing  notable 
work.  The  Thirteenth  Amendment  to  the  Constitution 
of  the  United  States,  which  prohibits  slavery 

£  j     i_         i_        TT  r    T-»         Thirteenth 

forever,  was   adopted   by  the    House   of   Re-  Amend- 
presentatives  on  the  last  day  of  January,  having 
passed  the  Senate  at  the  previous  session,  and  it  went 
then  for  ratification  to  the  legislatures  of  the  States.1 

1  Already,  before  this  action  in  Congress,  Maryland  and  Missouri, 
the  former  by  popular  vote  on  a  new  constitution  (October  12-13, 
1864),  the  latter  by  ordinance  of  a  constitutional  convention  (Jan- 


54^     SECESSION,  CIVIL  WAR,  AND   REUNION. 

Both  houses  passed  an  act  to  free  the  wives  and  children 
of  persons  mustered  into  the  service  of  the  United 
States,  —  all  negro  soldiers  having  been  declared  free 
long  before.  Another  act  established  what  was  named 
the  Freedmen's  Bureau,  for  the  care  and  protection  of 
the  liberated  blacks,  and  for  the  relief  of  impoverished 
white  refugees  in  the  south. 

Renewed  efforts  to  bring  about  some  negotiation  of 

peace  were  being  made  at  this  time  by  unofficial  persons, 

and  the  President  was  persuaded  by  them  to 

efforts  lor      meet  Vice-President  Stephens  of  the  Confed- 

D6&.CB 

eracy  and  two  others  (February  3),  for  confer 
ence,  on  a  steamer  at  Fortress  Monroe.  The  meeting, 
in  which  Secretary  Seward  took  part,  had  no  result. 

On  the  4th  of  March  Mr.  Lincoln  entered  on  the 
second  term  of  his  presidency,  and  delivered  an  inau- 
President  gural  address  in  which,  as  Mr.  Carl  Schurz 
SoSSd1'8  has  said>  "he  P^red  out  the  whole  devotion 
inaugural.  an(j  tenderness  of  his  great  soul.  It  had  all 
the  solemnity  of  a  father's  last  admonition  and  blessing 
to  his  children  before  he  lay  down  to  die."  "No 
American  President,"  continues  Mr.  Schurz,  "had 
ever  spoken  words  like  these  to  the  American  people. 
America  never  had  a  President  who  found  such  words 
in  the  depth  of  his  heart." 

340.  The  Ending  of  the  War.1  March-May,  1865. 
Military  events  now  moved  rapidly  toward  the  inevita 
ble  end  of  the  exhausted  Confederacy.  Early  in  March 
Davis  and  Lee  had  determined  to  abandon  Richmond, 
and  they  waited  only  for  some  drying  of  impassable 

uary  6,  1865),  had  abolished  slavery.     Two  States  reconstructed 
under   President  Lincoln's   proclamation,   Arkansas   and    Louisi 
ana,  had  done  the  same  ;  Tennessee  followed  in  February,  1865. 
1  See  Map  XI  I. 


THE    WAR    FOR   THE    UNION.  547 

roads  before  beginning  a  south-westward  retreat. 
Grant  anticipated  their  intention,  and  began  a  preven 
tive  movement  on  the  2Qth  of  March,  with  Sheridan 
(who  had  rejoined  him  ten  days  before)  in  advance. 
At  Five  Forks,  on  the  ist  of  April,  Sheridan 

Five  Forks, 

broke  Lee's  line  of  defence,  and  exposed  the  April  i, 
works  at   Petersburg  to  an  assault  by  which 
part  of  them  were  carried  the  next  day.     Both  Peters 
burg  and   Richmond  were  evacuated   that  night,   and 
nearly  a  third  of  the  latter  city  was  destroyed  by  a  fire 
which  started  from  the  burning  of  public  stores.     With 
all  that  remained  of  his  army,  about  30,000  men,  Lee 
began  a  retreat.     Grant  pursued  with  more  than  twice 
the  number,  and  there  was  no  escape.     At  Appomattox 
Court  House,  on  the  Qth  of  April,  Lee  gave  up  Lee,s 
the  attempt,  and  surrendered  the  remnant  of  JJJJJjfJJ"* 
his  little  force.     He  and    his  worn  veterans  1865> 
could  yield  with  no  shame,  for  they  had  fought  against 
tremendous  odds  as  stubbornly,  as  bravely,  and  as  skil 
fully  as  any  army  in  the  history  of  the  world.     It  is  a 
satisfaction  to  know  that  the  terms  of  surrender  were 
made  generous  by  Grant. 

The  surrender  of  General  Lee  was  practically  the 
ending  of  the  war.  General  Johnston  surren- 

End  of  the 

dered  his  forces  on  the  26th  of  April ;  Presi-  war,  May, 
dent  Davis  was  taken  prisoner  in  Georgia  on 
the  nth  of  May,  and  when  that   month  closed  there 
were  no  Confederates  in  arms. 

341.  Last  Speech  of  Lincoln.  —  His  Views  of 
"Reconstruction"  Policy.  April  11,  1865.  President 
Lincoln  was  with  General  Grant,  at  City  Point,  when 
Richmond  was  given  up,  and  he  visited  the  stricken 
city  twice.  On  the  Qth  of  April  he  returned  to  Wash 
ington,  and  on  the  nth,  responding  to  a  serenade  at 


SECESSION,    CIVIL  WAR,   AND   REUNION. 

the  White  House,  he  made  his  last  public  speech.  He 
spoke  on  the  subject  of  the  restoration  or  reconstruction 
of  the  States  lately  rebellious,  reviewing  the  practical 
steps  he  had  taken,  and  showing  in  his  clear,  plain  way 
how  useless  and  mischievous  it  would  be  to  go  into 
disputes  as  to  "whether  the  seceded  States,  so  called, 
are  in  the  Union  or  out  of  it."  "  We  all  agree,"  he 
said,  "  that  the  seceded  States,  so  called,  are  out  of 
their  proper  practical  relation  with  the  Union,  and  that 
the  sole  object  of  the  government,  civil  and  military,  in 
regard  to  those  States,  is  to  again  get  them  into  that 
proper  practical  relation.  I  believe  that  it  is  not  only 
possible,  but  in  fact  easier,  to  do  this  without  deciding 
or  even  considering  whether  these  States  have  ever 
been  out  of  the  Union,  than  with  it.  Finding  them 
selves  safely  at  home,  it  would  be  utterly  immaterial 
whether  they  had  ever  been  abroad."  1  Alluding  to  the 
question  of  the  suffrage  for  freedmen  he  said  :  "  I  would 
myself  prefer  that  it  were  now  conferred  on  the  very 
intelligent,  and  on  those  who  serve  our  cause  as  sol 
diers;"  indicating  that  he  would  think  it  unwise  to 
make  a  sudden  gift  of  the  ballot  to  the  whole  mass  of 
emancipated  slaves. 

On  the  1 2th  an  order  was  issued  to  stop  drafting, 
recruiting,  and  the  purchase  of  military  supplies. 

342.  The  Murder  of  President  Lincoln.  April  14, 
1865.  The  I4th  of  April  brought  the  fourth  anniver 
sary  of  the  surrender  of  Fort  Sumter  to  Beauregard, 
and  an  impressive  ceremony  was  performed  at  Charles 
ton,  in  the  ruins  of  the  fort,  that  day.  The  flag  lowered 
four  years  before  was  formally  raised  by  General  Ander 
son,  and  Henry  Ward  Beecher  delivered  an  address. 

1  The  Supreme  Court,  in  a  case  (Texas  vs.  White)  that  came 
before  it  in  1872,  decided  that  the  seceded  States  were  never  out 
of  the  Union. 


THE   WAR   FOR   THE   UNION.  549 

At  Washington  the  memorable  day  was  more  mem 
orably  closed,  and  made  an  anniversary  of  national  grief 
and  horror  for  all  time.  That  evening  the  careworn 
President  sought  an  hour  of  relaxation  by  attending 
the  theatre  with  his  wife  and  a  party  of  friends.  As 
he  sat  in  his  box  watching  the  play,  an  assassin,  who 
had  prepared  for  the  opportunity,  stole  into  the  box 
from  behind  and  shot  him,  leaping  instantly  to  the 
stage  and  escaping  before  any  one  could  realize  what 
he  had  done.  His  bullet  had  entered  the  brain  of  the 
wisest  and  noblest  man  of  his  time,  and  extinguished 
consciousness,  but  not  life.  Borne  to  a  neighboring 
house,  the  murdered  President  breathed  until  early 
morning,  and  then  passed  away.  The  feeling  of  the 
country  that  morning  when  the  awful  news  burst  upon 
it  cannot  be  described.  It  seemed  at  the  first  shock  as 
though  chaos  had  come,  —  as  though  everything  had 
been  lost. 

With  the  news  of  the  murder  of  the  President  came 
intelligence  of  an  attempt  on  the  life  of  Secretary 
Seward,  made  at  the  same  hour.  Mr.  Seward 
had  been  thrown  from  his  carriage  a  few  days  murder  Mr. 
before,  and  had  received  injuries  that  confined 
him  to  his  bed.  A  man  pretending  to  have  been  sent 
by  his  physician  obtained  access  to  his  chamber  and 
stabbed  him  three  times,  but  not  fatally,  in  the  neck 
and  cheek.  Two  sons  of  the  Secretary  and  a  nurse 
were  wounded  seriously  in  a  struggle,  unarmed,  with 
the  assassin,  and  he,  too,  escaped. 

The  President's  murderer  proved  to  be  a  well-known 
actor,  John  Wilkes  Booth.     He  was  tracked  in 
his  flight  from   the  theatre  and  found,  on  the  wiikes 
25th  of  April,  in  a  barn,  near  Fredericksburg, 
Va.    Refusing  to  surrender,  he  was  shot.    The  attempt 


550     SECESSION,   CIVIL   WAR,   AND   REUNION. 

to  kill  Mr.  Seward  had  been  made  by  one  Lewis  Powell, 
alias  Payne,  from  Florida,  who  had  acted  in  concert  with 
Booth.  A  third  confederate,  George  Atzerodt,  was  to 
have  killed  the  Vice-President,  Andrew  Johnson,  but 
failed  to  perform  his  part.  The  three  were  found  to 
have  belonged  to  a  small  band  of  conspirators,  of  which 
Booth  was  the  leader,  and  which  met  at  the  house  of  a 
Mrs.  Surratt.  Their  original  plot  was  for  kidnapping 
the  President  and  taking  him  to  Richmond  ;  but  when 
the  rebellion  collapsed,  Booth  ordered  an  undertaking 
of  murder,  and  his  confederates  obeyed.  Except  a 
son  of  Mrs.  Surratt,  who  escaped  from  the  country,  all 
The  plot  were  captured,  and  tried  and  convicted  by  a 
revealed.  military  court.  Payne,  Atzerodt,  Mrs.  Sur 
ratt,  and  a  fourth,  named  Herold,  were  hanged  ;  several 
others  were  imprisoned.  Surratt,  who  escaped,  was 
caught  two  years  afterward  in  Egypt  and  brought  to 
trial ;  but  the  jury  in  his  case  disagreed. 

The  fear  awakened  in  many  minds,  that  a  desper 
ate,  widespread  conspiracy  of  defeated  Confederates  had 
been  formed  to  destroy  the  heads  of  national  authority, 
was  proved  very  soon  to  have  no  ground.  The  first 
desire  of  many,  for  stern  dealing  with  the  leaders  of 
the  defeated  Confederacy,  on  charges  of  high  treason, 
Jefferson  yielded  to  wiser  counsels,  and  no  political 
prosecutions  occurred.  Mr.  Davis  was  im 
prisoned  at  Fortress  Monroe  for  two  years,  then  ad 
mitted  to  bail,  and  shared  in  a  general  amnesty,  pro 
claimed  finally  in  December,  1868. 

343.  Statistics  of  the  War.  The  most  stupendous 
of  civil  wars  was  at  an  end.  More  than  3,000,000  men 
had  been  enlisted  in  its  armies,  from  first  to  last, 
2,200,000  under  the  national  flag,  1,000,000  under  that 
of  the  Confederacy.  Of  those  who  fought  for  the 


THE   WAR   FOR   THE   UNION.  551 

Union,    360,000   had   given   their  lives   to   the   cause, 
110,000  in    battle,   or  from  wounds  received  Armles 
in   battle,   224,000  from  disease,   and  the  re-  JJJSfJ 
mainder  from  accidents  and  other  causes  of  wounds- 
various  kinds.     On  the  other  side  the  deaths  from  all 
causes   are   estimated   to   have   numbered   250,000   or 
300,000.     In  the   four  years  of  war  there  were   2265 
engagements,  large   and   small,   in  330   of   which   the 
Union  loss  exceeded  100  men. 

The   navy,   insignificant  when   the   war   began,   had 
grown  to  700  ships  when  it  closed,  and  75  of  The 
them  were  iron-clad.     The   Confederates  had  navies- 
put   ii  cruisers  afloat,  and  the  property  they  had  de 
stroyed  was  reckoned  at  nearly  $18,000,000. 

The  money  cost  of  the  war  to  the  government  was 
$3,250,000,000,  and  it  left  a  national  debt  of  Money 
$2,808,549,000.     The  Confederate  expenditure  cost< 
was  about   $1,500,000,000.     Of   the  value  of   property 
destroyed  in  the  war,  no  estimate  can  be  made. 

The  great  armies  of  the  Union  had  been  created  with 
such  speed  that  60,000  and  80,000  men  were  sometimes 
put  into  the  field  in  single  months.     Even  more  rapidly 
they  were  dissolved.     By  the  middle  of  Novem 
ber,  1865,  800,000  men  had  been  mustered  from  of  the 
service  and  returned  to  their  homes.     Before 
the  dissolution  of  the  two  principal  armies,  the  Army 
of  the  Potomac  and  the  Army  of  Sherman,  they  were 
marched  through  Washington,  on  two  successive  days 
(May  23-24),  passing  in  review  before  the  President, 
affording  a  military  spectacle  of  grand  impressiveness, 
but  such  as  this  country  will  be  happy  if  it  has  no  oppor 
tunity  to  witness  again. 

Of  Confederate  soldiery,  174,000  were  formally  sur 
rendered  at  the  close  of  the  war,  and  63,000  in  the 


552     SECESSION,    CIVIL   WAR,   AND   REUNION. 

camps  of  the  prisoners  of  war  were  set  free.  There  is 
no  account  of  the  many  who  went  from  the  lost  field  to 
their  homes  without  formal  leave. 


TOPICS    AND    SUGGESTED    READING    AND   RESEARCH. 

322.    Preparing  to  strike  at  Slavery. 

TOPICS  AND  REFERENCES. 

1.  Confiscation  and  liberation  act  of   Congress.     Nicolay  and 
Hay,  vi.  97-108  ;  Burgess,  Civil  War,  ii.  75-76;  McPherson,  196- 
198. 

2.  The  President's  power  to  emancipate  slaves  as  a  war  mea 
sure.     Whiting,  ch.  iii. 

3.  Lincoln's  conviction  of  duty  regarding  the  use  of  his  power 
to  strike   down   slavery.     4.    His   proclamation   of   emancipation 
prepared.     5.  Reasons  for  deferring  it.     Lincoln,  ii.  508-509,  227- 
228,  396-399,   479-480;    Carpenter,    20-24;    Hart,   Contempts,  iv. 
397-402;    Hart,    Chase,   264-269;    Nicolay  and  Hay,   vi.  ch.  vi.; 
Tarbell,  ii.  113-120;  Rhodes,  iv.  67-76;  Schurz,  Lincoln,  78-86; 
Morse,  Lincoln,  ii.  99-116;    Elaine,  i.  435-440;  Burgess,   Civil 
War,  ii.  72-75,  84-87. 

6.  The  forming  of  negro  regiments.  Morse,  Lincoln,  ii.  15-18; 
Nicolay  and  Hay,  vi.  ch.  xx. 

323.    Lee's  Crushing  Defeat  of  Pope  and  Invasion 
of  Maryland. 

TOPICS  AND  REFERENCES. 

i.  Pope's  plans  frustrated.  2.  His  army  driven  back  to  Wash 
ington.  Ropes,  Pope,  ch.  i.-xiii. ;  Paris,  ii.  250-303 ;  Long,  ch. 
xi. ;  Cooke,  Jackson,  249-307 ;  McClellan,  ch.  xxx.-xxxi. ;  Rhodes, 
iv.  1 13-134;  Nicolay  and  Hay,  vi.  ch.  i. ;  Morse,  Lincoln,  ii.  73-80  ; 
Hart,  Contempts,  iv.  342-346. 

3.  Lee's  invasion  of  Maryland.  4.  McClellan  against  Lee  in 
Maryland.  —  End  of  the  invasion.  Palfrey,  ch.  i.-iii. ;  Long,  ch. 
xii. ;  McClellan,  ch.  xxxii.-xl. ;  Paris,  ii.  303-359;  Cooke,  Jackson, 
307-348;  Rhodes,  iv.  134-156;  Morse,  Lincoln,  ii.  80-92;  Hart, 
Contempts,  iv.  346-351  ;  Nicolay  and  Hay,  vi.  20-29,  I3I~I46;  Lin 
coln,  ii.  244,  245-246,  249-252. 


TOPICS,  REFERENCES,  AND   RESEARCH.      553 

324.    Emancipation  proclaimed  by  President 
Lincoln. 

TOPICS  AND  REFERENCES. 

i.  First  proclamation,  September  22,  1862  (text  in  Lincoln,  ii. 
237-238).  2.  Second  proclamation,  January  i,  1863  (text  in  Lin 
coln,  ii.  285,  287-288).  Nicolay  and  Hay,  vi.  ch.  viii.,  xix. ;  Tarbell, 
ii.  120-126;  Burgess,  Civil  War,  ii.  97-101;  Morse,  Lincoln,  ii. 
116-121,  130-133;  McPherson,  227-233;  Hart,  Chase,  270-271; 
Rhodes,  iv.  157-163. 

325.    Dark  Days. 

TOPICS  AND  REFERENCES. 

1.  Bragg  in  Kentucky.  —  His  defeat  at  Perryville.     Coppe'e,  78- 
88;  Paris,  ii.  360-395;  Cist,  ch.  v.;  Rhodes,  iv.  173-181;  Battles 
and  Leaders,  iii.  1-69,  600-609;  Nicolay  and  Hay,  vi.  ch.  xiii. 

2.  Battles  of  Grant's  army.     Battles  and  Leaders,  ii.  717-759; 
Grant,  i.  325-350  ;  Sherman,  i.  287-292 ;  F.  V.  Greene,  The  Mis 
sissippi,  ch.  ii. ;  Cist,  ch.  vi".  ;  Paris,  ii.  396-417. 

3.  Views  of  foreign  governments.     4.   The  French  in  Mexico. 
5.   The  Confederacy  favored  by  the  British  government.     6.   The 
Alabama  and  other  "  commerce-destroyers."     Nicolay  and    Hay, 
vi.  ch.  ii.-iv. ;  Rhodes,  iv.  76-95,  337~394I  McPherson,  348-354; 
Lothrop,  376-394  ;  Burgess,  Civil  War,  ii.  288-311 ;  J.  Davis,  ii. 
245-252;  Soley,  ch.  vii. 

7.  Party  opposition  in  the  north.  8.  "  War  Democrats "  and 
"Copperheads."  9.  Military  arrests  and  interference  with  free 
speech.  Rhodes,  iv.  224-226,  163-172,  245-255;  Morse,  Lin 
coln,  ii.  95-99,  183-194;  Nicolay  and  Hay,  vii.  ch.  xii. ;  Paris,  iii. 
404-406,  418-420;  ii.  678-684;  Burgess,  i.  232-236;  ii.  214-219, 
222-223;  Schurz,  Lincoln,  109-112;  Blaine,  i.  488-493;  McPher 
son,  152-194  ;  Lincoln,  ii.  123-125,  239,  345~352>  360-363,  406-407, 
541-543- 

10.   Elections  in  1862.     Blaine,  i.  441-444;  Morse,  Lincoln,  ii. 
121-125. 
RESEARCH.  —  Disloyal   secret   societies   and   conspiracies  in  the 

north,  and  plots  by  Confederate  agents  in  Canada.     McPherson, 

445-454;  Nicolay  and  Hay,  viii.  ch.  i. 


554  THE   WAR   FOR   THE   UNION. 

326.   More  National  Reverses. 

TOPICS  AND  REFERENCES. 

1.  Burnside's  repulse  at  Fredericksburg.     Palfrey,  ch.  iv.  ;  Paris, 
ii.  559-605;  Rhodes,  iv.  184-202;  Battles  and  Leaders,  iii.  70-142  ; 
Long,  ch.xiii.  ;  Cooke,  Jackson,  365-388  ;  Nicolay  and  Hay,  vi.  ch. 
ix.-x.  ;  Hart,  Contempts,  iv.  351-356. 

2.  Battle  of  Stone  River.     Cist,  ch.  viii.  ;  Battles  and  Leaders, 
iii.  613-634;  Paris,  ii.  498-535  ;  Coppe'e,  89-117. 

3.  Grant  and  Sherman  preparing  to  attack  Vicksburg.     Grant, 
i.  ch.  xxx.;  Sherman,  i.  307-331  ;  F.  V.  Greene,  The  Mississippi, 
ch.  iii.  ;  Paris,  ii.  443-472;  Mahan,  The  Gidf,  1.14-169. 

4.  Hooker's  defeat  at  Chancellorsville.    Paris,  iii.  1-123  ;  Double- 
day,  1-84;  Nicolay  and  Hay,  vii.  ch.  iv.  ;  Long,  ch.  xiv.  ;   Cooke, 
Jackson,  397-464;  Battles  and  Leaders,  iii.  152-233;  Rhodes,  iv. 
256-267  ;  Hart,  Contempts,  iv.  359-363  ;  Lincoln,  ii.  306-307,  322, 


5.  Passage  of  a  conscription  act.  6.  Creation  of  the  national 
bank  system.  7.  Effect  of  the  "  greenback  currency  "  on  the  cost 
of  the  war.  Rhodes,  iv.  236-239;  Nicolay  and  Hay,  vi.  240-247, 
vii.  3-16  ;  Paris,  iii.  407-416;  Hart,  Chase,  274-283;  Elaine,  i.  ch. 
xxii.;  Morse,  Lincoln,  ii.  194-198. 

327.    Lee  in  Pennsylvania.  —  Gettysburg.  — 
Vicksburg. 

TOPICS  AND  REFERENCES. 

i.  Lee's  second  campaign  of  invasion.  2.  Meade  in  command 
of  the  Army  of  the  Potomac.  3.  Battle  of  Gettysburg  and  retreat 
of  Lee.  Battles  and  Leaders,  iii.  244-433  ;  Doubleday,  87-210  ; 
Paris,  iii.  451-694;  Nicolay  and  Hay,  vii.  ch.  viii.-ix.  ;  Long,  ch. 
xv.;  Rhodes,  iv.  268-297;  Morse,  Lincoln,  ii.  143-152;  Lincoln, 
ii.  368-369;  Hart,  Contempts,  iv.  372-376. 

4.  The  doubly  memorable  4th  of  July.  5.  The  taking  of  Vicks 
burg  by  Grant.  6.  Surrender  of  Port  Hudson  to  Banks.  7.  The 
Mississippi  reopened  throughout.  Battles  and  Leaders,  iii.  462- 
598;  F.  V.  Greene,  The  Mississippi,  ch.  iv.-viii.  ;  Paris,  iii.  178- 
402;  Rhodes,  iv.  299-319;  Grant,  i.  ch.  xxxi.-xxxviii.  ;  Sherman, 
i.  ch.  xiii.  ;  Lincoln,  ii.  366-368;  Morse,  Lincoln,  ii.  157-163; 
Nicolay  and  Hay,  vii.  ch.  vi.-vii.,  ch.  x. 


TOPICS,   REFERENCES,   AND  RESEARCH.      555 

328.    Draft  Riot  in  New  York. 

TOPICS  AND  REFERENCES. 

i.  Four  days  of  terror  in  the  city  of  New  York.  Rhodes,  iv. 
320-332;  Nicolay  and  Hay,  vii.  16-26;  Paris,  iv.  2-7;  Lincoln, 
ii.  381-382;  Hart,  Contempts,  iv.  376-381. 

329.    Operations  against  Charleston.  —  Quiet  in 

Virginia. 
TOPICS  AND  REFERENCES. 

i.  Admiral  Dupont's  repulse  from  Charleston  harbor.  2.  Land 
ing  on  Morris  Island.  —  Assault  on  Fort  Wagner.  3.  Final  evacu 
ation  of  Fort  Wagner.  4.  Bombardment  of  Charleston.  Battles 
and  Leaders,  iv.  1-74  ;  Ammen,  ch.  v.,  vii. ;  Nicolay  and  Hay,  vii. 
ch.  iii.,  xv.;  Paris,  iii.  141-165,  349-380  ;  Rhodes,  iv.  332-336. 

5.  Ineffectual  campaigning  in  Virginia.  Paris,  iii.  695-828; 
Long,  ch.  xvi. ;  Battles  and  Leaders,  iv.  81-96;  Nicolay  and  Hay, 
viii.  ch.  ix. 

33O.    Critical  Situation  in  Tennessee.  — Grant  to 
the  Rescue. 

TOPICS  AND  REFERENCES. 

1.  Burnside   reaches    Knoxville.     J.   D.   Cox,  Atlanta,  ch.  ii. ; 
Paris,  iv.  45-53;  Nicolay  and  Hay,  viii.  158-170. 

2.  Rosecrans  in  Chattanooga.     3.    Battle  of  Chickamauga  and 
the  result.  —  Rosecrans  besieged  in  Chattanooga.     Cist,  ch.  ix.- 
xii. ;  Coppe'e,  118-164;  Battles  and  Leaders,  iii.  635-671  ;  Grant, 
i.  ch.   xl. ;    Paris,   iv.  53-192  ;   Nicolay  and  Hay,  viii.  ch.  iii.-iv.  ; 
Rhodes,  iv.  395-401  ;  Morse,  Lincoln,  ii.  163-166;  Hart,  Contempts, 
iv.  381-386. 

4.  The  shifting  of  western  generals.  —  Grant's  enlarged  com 
mand.  5.  Grant's  operations  at  Chattanooga.  —  Battles  of  Mis 
sionary  Ridge  and  Lookout  Mountain.  6.  Defeat  of  Bragg  and 
Longstreet.  —  Deliverance  of  East  Tennessee.  Paris,  iv.  193-330  ; 
Grant,  i.  ch.  xl.-xlii. ;  ii.  ch.  i.-iii.  ;  Sherman,  i.  374-396  ;  Battles 
and  Leaders,  iii.  676-751;  Cist,  ch.  xiii.-xiv. ;  Coppe'e,  165-198; 
Nicolay  and  Hay,  viii.  121-157,  170-188. 

7.  President  Lincoln's  Gettysburg  address.  Lincoln,  ii.  439; 
Nicolay  and  Hay,  viii.  ch.  vii.;  Morse,  Lincoln,  ii.  214-216; 
Rhodes,  iv.  297-298. 


556  THE   WAR   FOR   THE   UNION. 

331.     Amnesty  offered  by  President  Lincoln.  —  His 
"  Reconstruction  "  Plan. 

TOPICS  AND  REFERENCES. 

i.   Terms  of  the   President's  proclamation  (text  in  Lincoln,  ii. 
442-444).     2.    His   plans   for  the   reestablishment   of   loyal  state 
governments.     3.    Congressional  view  of  it.  —  Radical  objections. 
4.  The  radical  theory.     5.   Reconstruction  act  of  Congress.  —  Not 
signed  by  the  President.     6.    His  proclamation  submitting  it  to  the 
country  (text  in   Lincoln,  ii.    545).     7.    His   policy  sustained  by 
public  opinion.    Lincoln,  ii.  454-456,  504-505  ;  Nicolay  and  Hay,  ix. 
104-127,  448-456;  Morse,  Lincoln,  ii.  217-237,  295-298;  Elaine, 
ii.  37-46;  Storey,  282-289 ;  Schurz,  Lincoln,  95-96. 
RESEARCH.  —  Reconstruction  proceedings  in  Arkansas,  Louisiana, 
and  Tennessee,  under  President  Lincoln's  proclamation ;  and 
proceedings  to  abolish  slavery  in  Maryland  and  Missouri.     Nico 
lay  and  Hay,  viii.  ch.  xvi.-xx. 

332.    Grant  made  Lieutenant-General,  in  Chief 
Command. 

TOPICS  AND  REFERENCES. 

i.  The  revived  rank.  2.  Grant  in  general  command,  with  per 
sonal  direction  in  Virginia.  3.  Sherman  in  the  western  command. 
4.  Meade  leading  the  Army  of  the  Potomac.  5.  Sheridan  as 
cavalry  commander.  6.  The  general  plan  of  campaign.  7. 
Strength  of  the  main  armies.  Humphreys,  ch.  i.  ;  Nicolay  and 
Hay,  viii.  326-357;  Battles  and  Leaders,  iv.  97-117;  Grant,  ii. 
44-62 ;  Morse,  Lincoln,  ii.  277-279 ;  Rhodes,  iv.  433-439  ;  J.  D.  Cox, 
Atlanta,  ch.  iii. 

333.    Grant's  Movement  on  Richmond. 

TOPICS  AND  REFERENCES. 

i.  Battles  from  the  Rapidan  to  the  Chickahominy.  2.  Repulse 
at  Cold  Harbor.  3.  General  Butler's  movement.  Grant,  ii.  ch.vi., 
viii.-xiii.;  Battles  and  Leaders,  iv.  118-246;  Humphreys,  ch.  ii.- 
vi. ;  Long,  ch.  xvii. ;  Nicolay  and  Hay,  viii.  ch.  xiv.-xv. ;  Rhodes, 
iv.  440-448  ;  Morse,  Lincoln,  ii.  279-282;  Hart,  Contempts,  iv.  412- 
415. 


TOPICS,   REFERENCES,    AND    RESEARCH.      557 

334.    Sherman's  Movement  on  Atlanta. 

TOPICS  AND  REFERENCES. 

i.  Battles  of  the  campaign.  —  Siege  of  Atlanta.  —  Death  of 
General  McPherson.  Sherman,  ii.  ch.  xvi.-xviii.  ;  J.  D.  Cox, 
Atlanta,  ch.  iv.-xiv.  ;  Grant,  ii.  ch.  vii.  ;  Battles  and  Leaders,  iv. 
250-344  ;  Nicolay  and  Hay,  ix.  ch.  i.,  xii.  ;  Rhodes,  iv.  448-456, 


335.    Grant  before   Petersburg.  —  Sheridan  in  the 
Shenandoah  Valley. 

TOPICS  AND  REFERENCES. 

1.  Operations  of  the  Army  of  the  Potomac.     Grant,  ii.  174-204; 
Humphreys,  ch.  vii.-xii.  ;  Battles  and  Leaders,  iv.  533-589;  Long, 
369-401. 

2.  General  Early  in  the  Shenandoah  and  invading  Maryland. 
3.    Sheridan's  campaign   against  Early.  —  The  valley  laid  waste. 
Pond,  ch.  iv.-xiv.  ;  Grant,  ii.  204-224;  Battles  arid  Leaders,  iv.492- 
530  ;    Long,  ch.  xviii.  ;  Nicolay  and   Hay,   ix.  ch.  vii.,  xiii.-xiv.  • 
Hart,  Contempts,  iv.  422-427  ;  Morse,  Lincoln,  ii.  282-286. 

336.    Naval  Exploits. 

TOPICS  AND  REFERENCES. 

1.  Destruction  of  the  Alabama.     Soley,  205-213  ;  Battles  and 
Leaders,  iv.  600-625;  Nicolay  and  Hay,  ix.  142-157;  Hart,  Con- 
temp's,  iv.  416-418. 

2.  Farragut's  victory  in  Mobile  Bay.     Mahan,  The  Gulf,  ch.  viii.  • 
Battles  and  Leaders,  iv.  379-411;  Nicolay  and  Hay,  ix.  ch.  x.  ; 
Hart,  Contempts,  iv.  418-421. 

RESEARCH.  —  The  daring  exploit  of  Lieutenant  Cushing  in  de 
stroying  the  Confederate  ram  Albemarle,  at  Plymouth,  N.  C., 
October  27,  1864.  Battles  and  Leaders,  iv.  634-642;  Soley,  97- 
105. 

337.    Sherman's  March  to  the  Sea. 

TOPICS  AND  REFERENCES. 

i.  The  fate  of  Atlanta.  2.  Hood's  raid  northward.  3.  Sher 
man's  march  to  Savannah.  Sherman,  ii.  ch.  xix.-xxi.  ;  J.  D.  Cox, 
Atlanta,  ch.  xv.-xvii.  ;  J.  D.  Cox,  March  to  the  Sea,  ch.  i.-iii. 


THE   WAR   FOR   THE   UNION. 

Battles  and  Leaders,  iv.  663-680;  Grant,  ii.  ch.  xvii. ;  Nicolay  and 
Hay,  ix.  ch.  xx. ;  Hart,  Contempts,  iv.  428-432. 

4.  Shattering  of  Hood's  army  in  Tennessee.  J.  D.  Cox,  March 
to  the  Sea,  ch.  iv.-vii. ;  Grant,  ii.  ch.  xviii. ;  Nicolay  and  Hay,  x. 
ch.  i. ;  Hart,  Contempts,  iv.  432-436. 

338.    Reelection  of  President  Lincoln. 

TOPICS  AND  REFERENCES. 

i.  President  Lincoln's  large  majority  over  McClellan.  2.  Radical 
Republican  opposition  to  Lincoln.  Rhodes,  iv.  456-470,  475-487, 
51 7-539;  Blaine,  i.  ch.  xxiv. ;  Tarbell,  ii.  ch.  xxviii. ;  Morse,  Lin 
coln,  ii.  286-295  ;  Schurz,  Lincoln,  96-102;  Nicolay  and  Hay,  viii. 
ch.  xii. ;  ix.  ch.  ii.-v.,  xi.,  xvi. ;  Hart,  Chase,  307-312;  Lincoln,  ii. 
594-596. 

339.    Peace  Conferences.  —  Sherman   moving   north 
ward.  —  Work  of  Congress. 

TOPICS  AND  REFERENCES. 

1.  Efforts  for  peace.     Nicolay  and  Hay,  ix.  ch.  viii.-ix. ;  Rhodes, 
iv.  513-515- 

2.  Union   successes.  —  Capture  of   Fort  Fisher.  —  Sherman  in 
motion  again.  —  Evacuation  of  Charleston.     Sherman,  ii.  ch.  xxii.- 
xxiii. ;  Grant,  ii.  ch.  xix.-xx ;  J.  D.  Cox,  March  to  the  Sea,  ch.  viii.- 
xi.;  Battles  and  Leaders,  iv.  642-661,  683-705  ;  Ammen,  215-244: 
Nicolay  and  Hay,  x.  ch.  iii. 

3.  Thirteenth   Constitutional  Amendment.     Morse,  Lincoln,  ii. 
316-328;  Nicolay  and  Hay,  x.  ch.  iv. ;  Blaine,  i.  504-507  ;  Lincoln, 
ii.  633-634;  Hart,  Contempts,  iv.  465-467. 

4.  The  Freedmen's  Bureau.     Barnes,  ch.  v.-viii.,  xii. ;  Williams, 
ii.  pt.  8,  ch.  xxi.-xxii. ;  Herbert,  ch.  i. 

5.  President  Lincoln's  meeting  with  Vice-President  Stephens. 
Lincoln,  ii.  640-651  ;  Nicolay  and  Hay,  x.  ch.  v.-vi. ;  Morse,  Lin 
coln,  ii.  302-311. 

6.  President  Lincoln's  second  inaugural  address  (text  in  Lincoln, 
ii.  656-657).     Nicolay  and  Hay,  x.  ch.  vii. ;  Morse,  Lincoln,  ii.  311- 
315;  Schurz,  Lincoln,  103-104. 


TOPICS,   REFERENCES,   AND   RESEARCH.      559 

34O.    The  Ending  of  the  War. 

TOPICS  AND  REFERENCES. 

i.  Lee  and  Davis  preparing  for  retreat.  2.  Lee's  line  of  de 
fences  broken  by  Sheridan.  3.  Evacuation  of  Petersburg  and 
Richmond.  4.  Lee's  retreat  and  Grant's  pursuit.  —  The  surrender 
at  Appomattox  Court  House.  Grant,  ii.  ch.  xxii.-xxv. ;  Long,  402- 
427  ;  Battles  and  Leaders,  iv.  705-753  ;  Humphreys,  ch.  xiii.-xiv. ; 
Nicolay  and  Hay,  x.  ch.  viii.-xi.;  Morse,  Lincoln,  ii.  329-340; 
J.  Davis,  ii.  661-678;  Hart,  Contempts,  iv.  437-444. 

5.  Johnston's  surrender.  —  Capture  of  Jefferson  Davis.  —  End 
of  the  war.     Sherman,  ii.  342-373 ;  Grant,  ii.  ch.  xxvi. ;  J.  Davis, 
ii.  678-705  ;  Battles  and  Leaders,  iv.  754-767  ;  J.  D.  Cox,  March  to 
the  Sea,  ch.  xiii. ;  Nicolay  and  Hay,  x.  ch.  xii.-xiii.,  xvii. 

341.    Last  Speech  of  Lincoln.  —  His  Views  of 
Reconstruction  Policy. 

TOPICS  AND  REFERENCES. 

i.  The  President's  visits  to  Richmond.  2.  His  speech  at 
Washington,  April  ii.  3.  His  treatment  of  the  question  whether 
the  seceded  States  are  in  or  out  of  the  Union.  4.  His  opinion  as 
to  giving  the  suffrage  to  the  freedmen.  Lincoln,  ii.  672-675 ; 
Nicolay  and  Hay,  ix.  456-463  ;  Elaine,  ii.  46-50 ;  Hart,  Contempts, 
iv.  462-464. 

342.    The  Murder  of   President  Lincoln. 

TOPICS  AND  REFERENCES. 

i.  Anniversary  of  the  surrender  of  Fort  Sumter.  2.  The  mur 
der  of  the  President  that  evening.  3.  Attempt  on  the  life  of 
Secretary  Seward.  4.  Pursuit,  discovery,  and  death  of  the  Presi 
dent's  murderer.  5.  The  plot  and  the  plotters  of  the  crime. — 
Their  fate.  Nicolay  and  Hay,  x.  ch.  xiv.-xv. ;  Tarbell,  ii.  232-244  ; 
Morse,  Lincoln,  ii.  342-354. 

6.  No  political  prosecutions  after  the  war.     7.    Imprisonment, 
release,  and  amnesty  of  Jefferson  Davis.     Hart,  Chase,  351-354; 
Nicolay  and  Hay,  x.  274-276. 

RESEARCH.  —  Estimates  of  Lincoln.     Morse,  Lincoln,  ii.  355-358; 
Nicolay  and  Hay,  x.  ch.  xviii.  ;  Schurz,  Lincoln,  115-117. 


560  THE   WAR   FOR   THE    UNION. 

343.    Statistics  of  the  War. 

TOPICS  AND  REFERENCES. 

i.  Number  of  men  in  arms.  2.  Death-roll  of  the  war.  3.  Num 
ber  of  battles,  large  and  small.  4.  Federal  navy  of  the  war. 
5.  Confederate  cruisers  and  their  work.  6.  Money  cost  of  the 
war.  7.  Creation  and  dissolution  of  armies.  Elaine,  i.  549-562, 
ii.  27-33  ;  Nicolay  and  Hay,  x.  329-330,  335-340  ;  Phisterer,  62- 
219;  Battles  and  Leaders,  iv.  767-768;  Grant,  ii.  351-355. 

8.  Grand  final  review  at  Washington.  Grant,  ii.  378-380; 
Sherman,  ii.  375-380  ;  Elaine,  ii.  18-21  ;  Nicolay  and  Hay,  x.  330- 
335- 

RESEARCH.  —  The  organized  work  of  the  United  States  Sanitary 
Commission  and  the  United  States  Christian  Commission,  in 
assisting  the  government  to  supply  the  wants  and  to  care  for  the 
soldiers.  J.  W.  Draper,  Hi.  ch.  87 ;  Paris,  iii.  432-438  ;  Stilld ; 
Livermore  ;  Wormeley  ;  E.  P.  Smith. 


CHAPTER   XVII. 

THE    RESTORED    UNION.      1865-1880. 

344.  Vice  -  President  Andrew  Johnson  becomes 
President.  —  His  Conflict  with  Congress.  April- 
December,  1865.  Andrew  Johnson,  of  Tennessee, 
elected  Vice-President  in  1 864,  took  the  oath  of  office  as 
President  on  the  morning  of  April  15,  1865.  He  had 
been  a  senator  from  Tennessee  when  that  State  joined 
the  Confederacy,  but  refused  to  recognize  the  secession, 
and  kept  his  senatorial  seat  to  the  end  of  his  Loyaltyot 
term.  After  Nashville  was  occupied  by  the  JSg™^, 
national  forces,  in  1862,  he  was  appointed  mili-  1861-1865. 
tary  governor  of  the  State.  As  a  loyal  southerner,  the 
Republicans  thought  it  good  policy  to  make  him  Vice- 
President,  though  his  political  opinions  had  been  those  of 
a  Democrat,  and  opposed  on  some  points  to  their  own. 
There  was  now  a  situation  like  that  which  occurred  when 
Vice-President  Tyler  became  President,  and  the  result 
was  much  the  same. 

President  Johnson  retained  the  cabinet  of  his  pre 
decessor,  and  took  up  the  work  of  reconstructing  gov 
ernments  in  the  lately  rebellious  States  on  substantially 
the  lines  that  President  Lincoln  had  laid  down.  On  the 
29th  of  May  he  issued  a  proclamation  of  amnesty  and 
pardon,  differing  little  from  Lincoln's  except  in  addi 
tions  to  the  list  of  excluded  classes.  On  the  same  day  he 
issued  the  first  of  a  series  of  proclamations  which  ap 
pointed  provisional  governors  to  conduct  the  prescribed 


562     SECESSION,   CIVIL  WAR,   AND    REUNION. 

process  of  reconstruction  in  the  several  States.  The 
ThePresi-  work  was  'm  progress  everywhere  by  the  mid- 
Reoon-  die'  °^  Juty'  anc^  before  Congress  came  to- 
measures,  gather,  in  December,  all  the  States  except 
1865.  Texas  had  adopted  constitutions  prohibiting 
slavery,  had  organized  state  governments,  and  nine  of 
them  had  ratified  the  Thirteenth  Amendment  to  the  Con 
stitution  of  the  United  States  (see  sect.  339).  Without 
some  of  these  ratifications,  that  national  prohibition  of 
slavery  could  not  have  acquired  force.1 

In  several  of  the  States  thus  reconstructed,  the  legis 
latures  had  proceeded  immediately  to  pass  laws  for 
regulating  the  labor  of  the  freed  negroes,  with  provisions 
that  seemed  likely  to  take  most  of  their  lately  given  free 
dom  away.  Had  President  Lincoln  lived,  and  had  he 
found  it  impossible  to  secure  proper  protection  for  the 
freedmen  by  the  methods  of  reconstruction  that  he  first 
proposed,  he  would  undoubtedly  have  modified  his  course  ; 
and  he  would  without  doubt  have  kept  the  confidence 
and  support  of  the  people  in  what  he  did.  But  Presi- 
unpopu-  dent  Johnson  had  none  of  the  qualities  of  mind 
President  anc^  temper  that  gave  Lincoln  his  extraordi- 
Joiinson.  nary  pOwer  His  course  tended  from  the  be 
ginning  to  alarm  the  ruling  party  and  drive  it  into  the 
extremely  radical  policy  from  which  Lincoln  had  been 
holding  it  back. 

345.  Congressional  Reconstruction.  1865-1871.  In 
the  bitter  quarrel  that  ensued  between  Congress  and  the 
President,  his  reconstructive  work  was  undone,  and  most 
of  his  executive  authority  was  taken  practically  away. 
By  majorities  so  large  as  to  overcome  his  vetoes,  Con 
gress  passed  a  series  of  radical  acts.  A  Civil  Rights 

1  The  adoption  of  the  Thirteenth  Amendment  by  three  fourths 
of  the  States  was  proclaimed  December  18,  1865 


THE   RESTORED    UNION.  563 

Bill,  made  law  in  April,  1866,  affirmed  the  citizenship 
of  the  freed  negroes  and  gave  them  the  protection  of 
United  states  courts,  and  military  and  naval  forces, 
to  prevent  state  interference  with  their  equal  privileges 
and  rights.  In  June  a  joint  resolution  recom- 
mended  to  the  States  a  Fourteenth  Constitu- 
tional  Amendment,  embodying  the  principles 
of  the  Civil  Rights  Act ; l  providing,  further,  for  a  reduc 
tion  of  the  congressional  representation  of  any  State  that 
should  deny  the  elective  franchise  to  any  male  citizens  of 
voting  age ;  also  excluding  prominent  officials  of  the  late 
Confederacy  from  Federal  offices  until  Congress  should 
pardon  them,  and  forbidding  the  payment  of  any  debt 
incurred  in  aid  of  rebellion  against  the  United  States. 
The  reconstructed  legislature  of  Tennessee  ratified  this 
Fourteenth  Amendment  so  promptly  that  Congress,  in 
July,  declared  that  State  restored  to  its  former  relations 
to  the  Union. 

The  congressional  elections  of  1866  turned  on  the 
issue  between  Congress  and  the  President,  and  the  for 
mer  was  sustained.  Rejection  of  the  Fourteenth  Amend 
ment  by  all  the  lately  Confederate  States  except  Tennes 
see,  and  a  serious  riot  in  New  Orleans,  helped  to  array 
popular  feeling  against  the  President's  recon-  Congress 
structive  work.  The  result  was  the  election  SS2Sc?dln 
of  a  new  Congress  (the  Fortieth),  more  radical  Uons.1866- 
than  the  one  whose  contest  with  the  Executive  it  would 
take  up.  That  contest  was  reopened  vigorously  when  the 
final  session  of  the  Thirty-ninth  Congress  began.  By  a 

1  In  what  are  known  as  the  Louisiana  "  Slaughter  House  Cases," 
the  Supreme  Court  decided  in  1873  tnat  citizenship  of  the  State 
is  distinct  from  citizenship  of  the  United  States,  and  that  the  right 
of  a  State  to  regulate  the  privileges  of  the  former  is  not  affected  by 
this  amendment. 


SECESSION,   CIVIL   WAR,   AND    REUNION. 

law  known  as  the  Tenure  of  Office  Act,  the  power  of  the 
President  to  make  removals  from  office  was  rendered  de 
pendent  on  senatorial  consent.  Practical  independence 
of  the  President  was  conferred  on  Lieutenant-General 
Grant.  Universal  manhood  suffrage,  without  regard  to 
color,  was  established  in  the  District  of  Columbia  and  in 
the  Territories.  Nebraska  was  admitted  to  the  Union. 

Finally,  on  the  next  to  the  last  day  of  its  existence, 
this  aggressive  Congress  passed  a  "  Military  Reconstruc 
tion  Act,"  which  swept  away  the  structures 
taryRecon-  of  state  government  raised  by  the  President, 
Act,  March,  and  divided  all  the  late  Confederate  States  (ex 
cept  Tennessee,  now  fully  restored)  into  five 
military  districts,  each  to  be  commanded  by  a  general  of 
the  army,  under  whose  direction  a  new  reorganization  of 
state  governments  was  to  take  place.  In  the  proceed 
ings  for  that  purpose  the  suffrage  was  to  be  exercised  by 
blacks  and  whites  on  equal  terms  of  sworn  loyalty  to  the 
Constitution  and  the  Union,  with  an  extensive  disfran- 
chisement  of  those  white  people  who  had  taken  part  in  the 
rebellion.  When  any  State  so  reorganized  should  have 
adopted  a  satisfactory  constitution,  and  should  have  rat 
ified  the  proposed  Fourteenth  Amendment  (hitherto 
rejected  by  all  but  Tennessee),  and  said  amendment 
should  have  become  part  of  the  Constitution  of  the 
United  States,  such  State  would  be  declared  entitled  to 
representation  in  Congress,  and  not  before.  By  a  sup 
plementary  act  the  new  Congress,  convened  on  the  4th 
of  March,  added  more  strictness  to  these  provisions, 
and  they  were  set  in  operation  at  once.  Within  little 
more  than  a  year,  compliance  with  the  requirements  of 
the  act  was  secured  in  seven  States,  and  they  were  admit- 
ted  to  representation  in  June,  I868.1  The  process  was 
1  On  the  28th  of  July  the  Fourteenth  Amendment  was  proclaimed 
to  have  been  ratified  by  three  fourths  of  the  States. 


THE   RESTORED    UNION.  565 

slower  in  Mississippi,  Texas,  and  Virginia,  the  last  named 
of  which  regained  seats  in  Congress  in  January,  1871. 

The  three  laggard  States  were  required  to  ratify  not 
only  the  Fourteenth  Amendment  to  the  Constitution, 
but  a  Fifteenth,  which  Congress  proposed  in  Flfteenth 
February,  1869.  This  last  of  the  reconstruc- 
tion  amendments  forbids  the  United  States  or 
any  State  to  deny  or  abridge  the  right  of  citizens  of 
the  United  States  to  vote  "  on  account  of  race,  color,  or 
previous  condition  of  servitude."  It  was  ratified  by  the 
needed  number  of  States,  and  added  to  the  Constitution 
by  proclamation  on  March  30,  1870. 

346.  The  Working  of  the  "Reconstruction"  Mea 
sures.  1866-1876.  Serious  evils  attended  the  reorgan 
ization  and  working  of  state  governments  in  the  circum 
stances  created  by  the  Reconstruction  Act.  The  negro 
vote,  dominant  for  a  time  almost  everywhere,  was  influ 
enced  and  controlled  to  a  great  extent  by  political  ad 
venturers,  many  of  whom  went  into  the  southern  States 
from  the  north.  Such  northern  workers  in  southern 
politics  were  called  "carpet-baggers;"1  others 
of  the  same  class,  branded  as  "  scalawags,"  were  bag& 
a  home  product  in  the  south.  Between  them  "scaia- 
they  brought  about,  in  several  unfortunate 
States,  a  scandalous  reign  of  corruption,  extravagance, 
and  almost  open  plundering  of  the  public,  which  went  on 
for  several  years.  Resistance  by  violent  measures,  to 
intimidate  colored  voters,  keep  them  from  the  polls,  and 

1  The  term  "carpet-bagger"  signified  one  who  went  into  the 
south,  not  to  settle  permanently,  but  to  use  the  opportunity  for 
getting  office  and  to  engage  in  dishonest  schemes.  Large  numbers 
of  a  very  different  class  sought  homes  in  the  southern  States  with 
an  enterprising  eye  to  the  development  of  their  resources  and  the 
restoration  of  their  prosperity. 


566     SECESSION,   CIVIL   WAR,   AND   REUNION. 

frighten  them  out  of  public  offices,  was  resorted  to  by 
the  whites.  Secret  societies  for  the  purpose  were  formed, 
under  different  names,  and  these  were  all  finally  merged 
in  one  formidable  organization  known  as  the  Ku-Klux 
Klan,  which  terrorized  many  regions  of  the  south  for 
half  a  dozen  years  after  1867. 

347.  Impeachment  of  the  President.     1868.     The 
triumph  of  Congress  in  reconstruction  did  not  end  its 
conflict   with   the  President.     Several  members  of   his 
cabinet,   including  Secretary  Stanton,  had  disapproved 
his  course,  and  all  of  those  except   Stanton  resigned. 
At  length  the  •  President  attempted  to  remove  Stanton, 

in  defiance  of  the  Tenure  of  Office  Act,  which 

Attempt  to 

Stanton  deemed  unconstitutional ;  whereupon,  in  Feb 

ruary,  1868,  the  representatives  impeached  him 
for  trial  before  the  Senate,  exercising  for  the  first  time, 
against  a  President,  the  power  conferred  by  the  Consti 
tution  in  Art.  I.  sect.  ii.  clause  5,  sect.  iii.  clauses  6-7, 
and  Art.  II.  sect.  iv.  This  was  a  grave  proceeding,  new 
to  the  experience  of  the  country,  and  it  was  anxiously 
watched.  The  trial  of  the  impeachment,  begun  on  the 
Trial  and  5*^  of  March  and  ended  on  the  i6th  of  May, 
resulted  in  a  failure  to  convict,  by  one  less  than 
the  necessary  two  thirds  of  the  senatorial  vote. 

348.  Incidents  of  the  Period.     1866-1867.     After 

ten  years  of  persevering  effort  and  many  costly 
cable,  failures,  the  first  successful  telegraph  cable  was 

stretched  across  the  Atlantic,  from  Newfound 
land  to  the  coast  of  Ireland,  and  opened  for  public  use 
on  the  4th  of  August,  1866. 

The  public  was  furnished  with  a  brief  excitement  at 
the  end  of  May,  that  year,  by  an  Irish  organization  called 
the  Fenian  Brotherhood,  formed  with  objects  of  hostility 
to  the  government  of  Great  Britain.  A  body  of  about  900 


THE   RESTORED   UNION.  567 

armed  Fenians  assembled  at  Buffalo,  crossed  the  Niagara 
River  on  the  3ist  of  May,  and  invaded  Canada,  Penlan 
with  objects  that  were  never  made  clear.     After  cJJada?  °f 
a  slight  skirmish  with  Canadian  troops  they  re-  1866< 
turned  to  American  soil.    The  government  of  the  United 
States  was  tardy  in  taking  measures  to  prevent  this  breach 
of  the  peace. 

In  March,  1867,  the  French  emperor  was  warned  out 
of  Mexico,  where  he  had  been  conducting  an  audacious 
war  of  conquest  since  1862.  His  troops  had  entered  the 
country  in  cooperation  with  English  and  Spanish  forces, 
to  enforce  a  payment  of  debts.  The  English 
and  Spanish  governments  drew  out  of  the  ex-  Mexico, 
pedition  when  they  found  that  Louis  Napoleon 
had  further  designs,  and  he  proceeded  alone  to  subjugate 
the  Mexican  people,  regardless  of  remonstrances  from 
the  United  States.  He  felt  assured  that  the  American 
Republic  was  going  to  pieces,  and  that  he  could  establish 
himself  in  influence  on  this  side  of  the  world.  He  had 
succeeded  so  far  as  to  overthrow  the  Mexican  Republic 
and  set  up  an  empire,  of  which  Archduke  Maximilian,  of 
Austria,  was  persuaded  to  accept  the  throne,  —  a  throne 
supported  by  the  bayonets  of  France.  When  the  United 
States  became  free  from  domestic  war,  its  government 
renewed  expostulations  on  the  subject,  with  such  em 
phasis  that  the  French  army  supporting  Maximilian  was 
withdrawn  (March,  1867).  Two  months  later  the  unfor 
tunate  Austrian  prince  was  defeated  by  the  Mexicans, 
taken  prisoner,  tried  by  court-martial,  and  shot. 

What  is  proving  to  be  a  valuable  as  well  as  a  large 
addition  to  the  territory  of  the  United  States 
was  made  in  May,  1 867,  by  a  treaty  with  Rus-  oi  Aia»ka, 
sia,  negotiated  by  Secretary  Seward,  purchas 
ing  Alaska  (see  Map  XV.)  for  the  sum  of  $7,200,000. 


568    SECESSION,   CIVIL   WAR,   AND    REUNION. 

349.  Election  of   General  Grant.  —  Conditions  in 
the  South.     1868-1872.     The  presidential  election  of 
1868  was  carried  by  the  Republican  party  electing  Gen 
eral  Grant  over  ex-Governor  Horatio  Seymour,  of  New 
York.     The  latter  carried  New  York,  New  Jersey,  and 
Oregon,  of  the  northern  States. 

During  most  of  the  period  of  the  presidency  of  General 
Grant  a  turbulent  and  deplorable  condition  of  things 
Disorder  existed  in  many  of  the  southern  States.  Their 
south,  local  governments  were  bad ;  a  large  part  of 
1868-1872.  their  white  citizens  were  intensely  hostile  to  the 
state  authorities,  to  the  negro  voters,  to  the  politicians 
who  led  the  negroes,  and  generally  to  all  who  upheld  the 
existing  condition  of  things.  Frequent  conflicts  and  acts 
of  violence  challenged  Congress  to  sustain  its  previous 
measures  by  severe  penal  laws,  known  as  "  force  bills," 
passed  in  1870  and  1871.  The  Federal  executive  was 
called  upon  in  several  instances  to  interfere,  in  obedience 
to  the  fourth  section  of  Article  IV.  of  the  Constitution ; 
but  President  Grant  seems  to  have  avoided  such  inter 
vention  when  he  could.  In  1872  political  violence  had 
subsided  so  far  that  Congress,  that  year,  modified  its 
harshest  legislation  and  restored  the  full  franchises  of 
citizenship  to  large  classes  by  a  general  amnesty  act. 
Within  the  next  two  or  three  years  a  change  for  the 
better,  in  the  character  of  their  legislatures  and  admin 
istrative  officials,  was  brought  about  in  all  the  southern 
States. 

350.  Rupture  in    the   Republican  Party.  —  Reelec 
tion  of  President  Grant.    1872.    Beginning  about  1870, 
considerable  dissatisfaction  with  the  conduct  of  the  Ad 
ministration  and  with  the  course  of  Congress  in  carrying 
out  its  reconstruction   policy  arose  in   the   Republican 
party,  and  a  positive  rupture  appeared  in  the  presidential 


THE    RESTORED    UNION.  569 

election  of  1872.     The  dissatisfied  section  of  the  party, 
taking  the  name  of  Liberal  Republicans,  formed 

i-  •  -11  i         r     1        TN  Liberal 

a  coalition  with  the  mam  body  of  the  Demo-  Repubii- 
cratic  party,  and  Horace  Greeley,  editor  of  the 
"  New  York  Tribune,"  was  nominated  for  President  as 
the  candidate  of  both.     Dissenting  Democrats  nominated 
Charles  O' Conor,  of  New  York.     The  regular  Repub 
licans  renominated  President  Grant,  and  elected  him  by  a 
majority  much  larger  than  in  1868. 

351.   Incidents  of  the  Period  of   President  Grant. 
1869-1876.     Early  in  the  administration  of  President 
Grant,  an  opportunity  for  the  annexation  of  the  San 
Dominican  Republic,  in  the  island  of  San  Do-  £25£go 
mingo,  or  Hayti,  was  presented  to  him,  and  he  1869> 
thought  it  should  be  improved.    Without  the  approval  of 
his  cabinet  he  negotiated  an  annexation  treaty  with  the 
Dominican  president  then  in  power  (1869),  and  pressed  the 
acceptance  of  it  on  the  Senate  very  earnestly,  but  with 
out  success.     Opinion  generally  was  against  the  measure. 

From  the  beginning  of  the  ravages  committed  by  the 
Alabama  and  other  Confederate  cruisers  fitted  out  in 
British  ports,  the  American  government  had  been  claim 
ing  indemnity  from  England.  Two  conventions  for  a 
settlement  of  what  were  called  the  "Alabama  Claims" 
had  been  negotiated  in  President  Johnson's  time,  but 
neither  was  acceptable  to  the  United  States.  In  1871 
the  British  government  proposed  a  Joint  High  Commis 
sion,  to  meet  in  Washington  and  devise  a  settlement  of 
several  questions  in  controversy  between  the  two  coun 
tries,  including  the  Alabama  Claims.  The  proposal  was 
accepted,  and  resulted  in  an  agreement  styled  settlement 
the  Treaty  of  Washington,  which  was  signed 
on  the  8th  of  May,  1871.  Under  this  treaty 
the  claims  in  question  were  submitted  to  a  tribunal  of 


570     SECESSION,   CIVIL   WAR,   AND    REUNION. 

arbitration,  which  had  its  sessions  in  Geneva,  Switzer 
land,  and  which,  in  September,  1872,  awarded  $i  5,500,000 
to  the  United  States. 

President  Grant  was  very  earnest  in  efforts  to  bring 
about  some  correction  of  notorious  wrongs  in  the  treat 
ment  of  the  red  men  on  their  reservations  in  the  west, 
and  he  gave  extensive  powers  to  a  commission  of  philan 
thropic  citizens  who  tried  to  assist  him  to  that  end  ;  but 
the  "  spoilsmen  "  of  the  public  service  and  the  lawless 
population  of  the  frontier  were  too  strong  for  him  and 
them.  The  Indians  were  never  worse  treated,  and  sev 
eral  fierce  outbreaks  of  different  tribes  were  provoked. 

There  were  bloody  and  costly  wars  with  the 
wars,  Apaches  of  Arizona  in  1871,  with  the  Modocs  of 

Oregon  and  northern  California  in  1873,  and 
with  the  Sioux  of  South  Dakota  in  1876.  In  the  last- 
named  conflict,  five  companies  of  a  cavalry  regiment,  led 
by  General  Custer,  one  of  the  famous  cavalry  command 
ers  of  the  Civil  War,  were  overpowered  by  a  great  force 
of  the  Sioux  warriors,  commanded  by  an  able  chief 
named  Sitting  Bull,  and  were  slain  to  the  last  man. 

This  period  following  the  war  was  naturally  one  of 
demoralization  in  political  and  commercial  affairs.  War 
Demoraiiz-  tends  always  to  derange  the  better  order  of 
qugenc°enssof  things,  producing  a  moral  laxity  of  conduct  and 
war-  feeling,  in  many  ways.  In  this  case  it  had 

intensified  the  vices  of  the  "  spoils  system  "  in  the  pub 
lic  service,  and  raised  dishonesties  in  it  to  a  scandalous 
pitch.  Then,  too,  the  pernicious  influence  of  the  depre 
ciated  legal-tender  paper  money,  which  stimulated  extrav 
agance  and  cultivated  the  gambling  spirit  in  business, 
was  coming  to  its  climax  in  the  years  that  followed  the 
war.  The  result  was  a  state  of  things  which  brought 
unscrupulous  boldness  to  the  front  in  many  fields  of  busi- 


THE   RESTORED   UNION.  5/1 

ness  and  of  public  affairs.     The  administration  of  the 
government  was  beset  by  corrupting  influences,  as  it  had 
never  been  before.     The  country  was  outraged  Offlclal 
and  shamed  by  frauds  in  the  War  Department,  frauds- 
in  the  Custom  House,  and  in  the  Indian  Bureau,  and 
by  "  whiskey  rings  "  of  dishonest  distillers  and  conniv 
ing  officials,  who  worked  together  to  evade  the  excise. 
Plundering  combinations  got  control  of  munici-  Twee<i 
pal  governments,  most  notoriously  that  known  ring' 
as   the  "Tweed  ring,"  in  the  city  of  New  York.     Others 
took  possession  of  great  railway  corporations,  as  in  the 
case  of  the  Erie  Railway,  and  used  them  in  au-  Erle 
dacious  schemes.     Extensive  frauds  in  the  con-  Railwav- 
struction  of  the  first  line  of  rails  from  the  Missouri  to  the 
Pacific,  with  corruption  of  men  in  public  life,  by  a  com 
pany  of  men  styled  the  "  Credit  Mobilier,"  came  Credlt 
to  light  in  1872-73.    Enterprise  in  railway  build-  MoWller- 
ing  ran  wild  in  these  years,  to  such  a  degree  that  no  less 
than  $1,700,000,000  were  estimated  to  have  been   ex 
pended  upon  it,  between  1868  and  1873.    It  was  Panlcoj 
extravagantly  overdone,  and  had  much  to  do  1873- 
with  bringing  about  a  financial  panic  and  crash  in  1873. 
If   demoralizing   influences   that  arose  from  the  cir 
cumstances  of  the  Civil  War  reached  their  culmination 
in  the  period  of  the  presidency  of  General  Grant,  they 
were  generally  checked  before  it  closed.    Vigorous  move 
ments   of  correction  and  reform,  in  various  directions, 
were  set  on  foot.     It  was  then,  on  the  recommendation 
of  President  Grant,  in  his  message  of  1870,  that 


the  first  act  of  Congress  in  the  interest  of  "  civil  service 

reform. 

service  reform"  was   passed.     From    1865    to 
1870,  a  representative  from  Rhode  Island,  Mr.  Jenckes, 
had  striven  annually  to  persuade  Congress  to  begin  some 
reform  of  the  public  service,  without  success.     Now  the 


572     SECESSION,    CIVIL  WAR,   AND    REUNION. 

first  step  was  taken  toward  introducing  a  "merit  sys- 
"  Merit  tem  "  °^  selection  and  appointment,  by  means 
system."  of  competitive  examinations  ;  but  congress 
men  disliked  it,  and  brought  the  new  system  nearly  to  a 
stop,  at  the  end  of  three  years,  by  withholding  appropria 
tions  for  the  necessary  work.  Public  opinion,  however, 
was  demanding  the  reform,  and  hostile  politicians  could 
not  suppress  it  long. 

The  years  1871  and  1872  were  marked  by  two  of  the 
most  calamitous  fires  that  have  been  known  in  modern 
times.  By  that  of  1871  the  city  of  Chicago, 
Chicago  then  containing  a  few  more  than  300,0x30  in 
habitants,  was  nearly  destroyed.  The  flames 
raged  from  Sunday  evening,  October  8,  until  the  Tues 
day  following,  burning  over  more  than  three  square  miles 
of  the  densest  business  and  resident  section  of  the  city, 
devouring  the  homes  of  almost  100,000  people,  with  a 
total  destruction  of  about  17,000  buildings,  and  of  pro 
perty  reckoned  altogether  at  $200,000,000.  Boston  was 
Boston  lire,  tne  sufferer  in  November,  1872,  from  a  fire 
1872.  which  laid  waste  sixty-five  acres  in  the  com 
mercial  heart  of  the  city.  Nearly  800  buildings  and 
$80,000,000  worth  of  property  were  destroyed.  In  the 
same  years  there  were  widely  destructive  forest  fires  in 
Michigan  and  other  parts  of  the  northwest. 

352.  Preparation  to  resume  "  Specie  Payments."  — 
Rise  of  the  "  Greenback  Party."  1875-1879.  In  1875 
an  act  was  passed  by  Congress  which  provided  for  the 
resumption  of  specie  payments  by  the  government  on  the 
ist  of  January,  1879.  That  is,  the  government  pledged 
itself  to  redeem  its  legal  tender  notes,  dollar  for  dollar, 
in  gold,  on  and  after  that  date  ;  and  the  pledge  was  duly 
fulfilled.  The  price  of  gold  in  greenbacks  had  been 
slowly  declining  since  the  end  of  the  war,  and  continued 


THE    RESTORED    UNION.  573 

to  do  so  until  "resumption"  made  the  paper  dollar  and 
the  gold  dollar  equal  in  worth.  But  the  market  price  of 
all  commodities  went  down,  of  course,  toward  the  gold 
measure  of  values,  in  proportion  as  the  depreciated  green 
back  currency  rose  toward  equivalence  with  gold,1  and 
many  people  were  dissatisfied  with  that  effect.  Believ 
ing  that  inflated  prices  would  stimulate  industry  and 
trade  permanently,  as  well  as  temporarily,  and  that  abun 
dance  of  a  "cheap  money"  would  keep  the  country 
prosperous,  these  people  were  opposed  to  any  opposition 
abandonment  of  the  system  of  legal-tender  irre-  u°0nTi875~- 
deemable  paper  money,  which  the  country  had  1879< 
created  as  a  desperate  expedient,  under  the  stress  of 
war.  They  formed  what  came  to  be  known  as  the 
"  Greenback  party,"  and  were  a  force  of  importance  in 
the  politics  of  the  next  few  years. 

353.  The  Centennial  Year.  —  Disputed  Presidential 
Election.  1876.  In  1876  the  centennial  anniversary  of 
American  independence  was  celebrated  in  many 

11  .  .      .      .          i        i     i  T  Centennial 

modes,  but  most  impressively  by  the  holding,   Exposition, 
at  Philadelphia,  of  a  great  International  Expo 
sition  of  industries  and  arts.     The  educating  effect  of 
the  exposition  on  the  millions  who  flocked  to  it,  from 
every  part  of  the  country,  appeared  notably  afterward,  in 
improvements  of  workmanship  and  refinements  of  taste. 
The  presidential  election  of  that  centennial  year  was 
the  most  agitating  and  critical  in  its  outcome  that  has 

1  Since  the  suspension  of  specie  payments  in  1861  (see  sect.  318), 
gold,  whether  coined  or  uncoined,  had  been  only  a  commodity  of 
the  market,  bought  and  sold  for  greenbacks  at  prices  always  fluctu 
ating  and  generally  rising.  The  highest  greenback  price  of  gold 
was  reached  on  the  nth  of  July,  1864,  when  the  gold  dollar  was 
priced  at  $2.85^  in  greenbacks;  at  which  rate  the  paper  "dollar" 
(so  called)  was  worth  in  reality  but  35  cents. 


574     SECESSION,    CIVIL   WAR,   AND    REUNION. 

ever  occurred.  Disaffection  in  the  Republican  party 
had  not  gone  to  the  length  of  a  rupture,  as  in  1872,  but 
raised  a  heated  strife  between  some  who  favored  and 
others  who  opposed  the  renomination  of  Grant  for  a 
third  term.  Public  feeling  was  against  that  departure 
from  the  precedents  in  our  history,  and  the  project  was 
given  up. 

From  numerous  candidates  proposed,  General  Ruther 
ford  B.  Hayes,  who  had  been  an  excellent  governor  of 

Ohio  and  a  good  soldier  in  the  Civil  War,  was 
Hayes  and  ,  ,  .  T  T .  r  •  ,  ,  , 

Timen,         the  chosen  nominee.     His  formidable  opponent 

was  Governor  Samuel  J.  Tilden,  of  New  York, 
reforming  leader  of  the  Democratic  party  in  that  State, 
and  famous  for  victories  won  in  the  overthrow  of  the 
corrupt  "  Tweed  Ring "  of  New  York  city  and  a  cor 
rupt  "  Canal  Ring  "  in  the  State.  The  Greenback  party 
nominated  Peter  Cooper,  a  wealthy  philanthropist  of 
New  York,  who  received  a  small  vote.  Between  Hayes 
and  Tilden  the  contest  was  close,  and  the  result  of  it 
was  found  to  depend  mainly  on  certain  southern  States, 
where  opportunities  for  fraud  were  wide,  and  where  dis 
putes  in  the  canvassing  of  votes  were  sure  to  occur. 

The  disputes  arose  in  South  Carolina,  Florida,  Louisi 
ana,  and  Oregon,  from  each  of  which  two  certified  re 
turns  of  electoral  votes  were  sent  to  Congress  by  con 
testing  electors.  The  Constitution  provides  for  no  such 
contingency,  nor  had  Congress  provided,  by  any  enact 
ment.  The  Constitution  directs  that  "the  president  of 
the  Senate  shall,  in  the  presence  of  the  Senate  and  House 
of  Representatives,  open  all  the  certificates,  and  the  votes 
shall  then  be  counted."  By  whom  should  the  question 
between  these  rival  certificates  be  adjudged  ?  Republi 
cans  controlled  the  Senate  ;  Democrats  were  a  majority 
in  the  House  ;  and  partisan  excitement  ran  high.  The  sit- 


THE    RESTORED    UNION.  575 

uation  was  so  dangerous  that  leading  men  in  the  two  par 
ties  were  forced  to  arrive  at  some  agreement  Tledan. 
before  the  day  of  counting  came.  They  united  fSstfon, 
in  creating  an  Electoral  Commission  of  five  1876t 
senators,  five  representatives,  and  five  justices  of  the 
Supreme  Court,  to  which  all  disputed  votes  should  be 
referred.  On  this  plan  the  count  was  conducted,  and  Mr. 
Hayes,  on  the  morning  of  March  2,  1877,  was  declared 
elected,  by  a  majority  of  one  electoral  vote.  Unhappily, 
every  question  referred  to  the  Commission  was  decided 
by  a  partisan  vote,  of  8  Republicans  against  7  Democrats, 
which  cast  a  doubt  on  the  impartiality  of  the  judgment 
of  the  case.  There  was  no  resistance  to  the  decision  ;  the 
submission  to  it  was  most  admirable ;  but  a  large  part 
of  the  nation  questioned  the  rightfulness  of  the  election 
of  President  Hayes. 

354.  Administration  of  President  Hayes.  1877- 
1881.  That  any  doubt  should  shadow  the  election  of 
President  Hayes  was  most  unfortunate ;  for  his  excellent 
administration  of  the  government  marks  distinctly  an 
epoch  of  recovery  from  the  derangements  of  the  Civil 
War.  The  temper  of  partisan  politics  lost  much  of  its 
heat,  and  those  leaders  who  clung  to  the  bitter  recon 
struction  issues  found  their  influence  decline.  Public 
feeling  approved  the  action  of  the  President  when,  soon 
after  his  inauguration,  he  withdrew  most  of  the  Federal 
forces  from  the  south,  and  allowed  state  governments 
which  military  authority  had  been  upholding  in  South 
Carolina  and  Louisiana  to  be  set  aside  by  the  courts  and 
legislatures  of  those  States.  The  white  inhabi 
tants  regained  political  control  in  all  the  recon-  ascendancy 
structed  States,  and  have  kept  it  by  methods  south, 

1877-1881 

(of  intimidation  at  first  and  afterward  of  law) 

which  annul  to  a  large  extent  the  political  rights  that  were 


576    SECESSION,   CIVIL   WAR,   AND    REUNION. 

conferred  on  the  freed  slaves  by  the  reconstruction  acts. 
But  experience  had  seemed  to  give  clear  proof  of  failure 
in  the  policy  of  force,  employed  for  ten  years  to  prevent 
that  result,  and  public  opinion  settled  slowly  to  the  con 
clusion  that  the  duty  of  the  nation  to  the  emancipated 
people  must  be  performed  in  some  other  way. 

Education,  industrial  training,  encouragement  to  thrift, 

widening  of  opportunities,  promotion  of  common  interests 

and  friendly  relations  between  whites  and  blacks, 

Recent  ,         ,         , 

progress  in  have  appeared  to  be  the  most  promising  means 
for  slowly  bettering  or  curing  the  unhappy  con 
ditions  of  society  which  slavery  brought  about.  A  great 
work  in  those  directions  is  in  progress,  with  effects  that 
show  more  plainly  from  year  to  year. 

355.  The  Bland  Silver  Bill.  —Resumption  of  Specie 
Payments.  In  1878  the  approaching  resumption  of 
specie  payments,  with  the  consequent  full  return  to  prices 
measured  by  the  gold  standard  of  values,  led  those  who 
feared  bad  effects  from  that  measure  to  combine  with 
a  strong  silver-mining  interest  in  pressing  through  Con 
gress  an  act  known  as  the  Bland  Silver  Bill.  Silver  was 
Declining  losing  value,  compared  with  gold,  from  two 
saver,0*  causes.  One  cause  was  a  vast  increase  in  the 
1871-1878.  production  of  silver,  far  exceeding  the  increase 
of  gold  production  ;  the  other  was  in  the  fact  that  many 
countries,  where  formerly  both  gold  and  silver  coins  were 
equally  legal  tender,  at  a  ratio  fixed  by  law  (furnishing  a 
double  standard  of  value),  had  lately  adopted  the  single 
gold  standard,  dropping  silver  coinage,  except  for  pur 
poses  of  "  small  change."  By  law  the  United  States 
had  done  so  in  1873  ;  but  practically  it  had  done  the 
same,  by  not  coining  silver  dollars,  long  before. 

Three  desires,  then,  actuated  the  pressure  on  Con 
gress  which  brought  about  the  passage  of  the  Bland  Silver 


TOPICS,  REFERENCES,  AND    RESEARCH.      5/7 

Bill  of  1878  :  (i)  to  enlarge  the  market  for  silver  ;  (2)  to 
bring  into  use  another  and  lower  standard  of  value  —  a 
"  cheaper  money  "  —along  with  that  of  gold  ;  and  (3)  to 
increase  the  quantity  of  money  for  circulation.  The  bill 
required  the  government  to  purchase,  every  month,  not 
less  than  $2,000,000  nor  more  than  $4,000,000  worth  of 
silver  bullion,  and  coin  it  into  silver  dollars  at  the  rate  of 
412^  grains  of  standard  silver,  or  371^  grains  of  fine 
silver,  for  each  dollar.  It  also  authorized  an  issue  of  sil 
ver  certificates  on  deposits  of  silver  dollars  in  the  trea 
sury,  thus  creating  a  paper  currency  redeemable  in  that 
silver  coin. 

The  resumption  of  specie  payments  was  accomplished 
on  the  ist  of •  January,  1879,  w^tn  no  shock  of  Resump. 
disturbance  to  the  business  world.     The  prepa-  Uon-1879- 
rations  for  it  made  by  the  Secretary  of  the  Treasury, 
John  Sherman,  were  careful  and  complete. 

TOPICS    AND    SUGGESTED    READING    AND    RESEARCH. 

344.    President  Andrew  Johnson.  —  His  Conflict 
with  Congress. 

TOPICS  AND  REFERENCES. 

i.  Antecedents  of  Vice- President  Johnson.  2.  His  work  of  re 
construction  in  the  lately  seceded  States.  3.  Action  of  legislatures 
in  those  States.  4.  Feeling  produced  in  the  north.  Elaine,  ii.  I- 
15,56-154;  Loth rop,  404-418;  Storey,  290-301;  Burgess,  Recon 
struction,  31-61  ;  Grant,  ii.  359-361  ;  Hart,  Contempts,  iv.  468-475, 
479-481. 

345.    Congressional  Reconstruction. 

TOPICS  AND  REFERENCES. 

i.  Undoing  of  the  President's  reconstructive  work.  2.  Civil 
Rights  Act.  3.  Fourteenth  Constitutional  Amendment.  4.  Con 
gress  sustained  in  the  elections.  5.  Tenure  of  Office  Act.  6. 
General  Grant.  —  District  of  Columbia.  —  The  Territories.  —  Ne- 


578  THE    RESTORED    UNION. 

braska.  7.  Military  Reconstruction  Act.  — Seceded  States  re 
stored.  8.  Fifteenth  Constitutional  Amendment.  Elaine,  ii.  ch. 
viii.-xii. ;  Burgess,  Reconstruction,  ch.  v.-vii.,  x.;  Lothrop,  419-425  ; 
Storey,  ch.  xix. ;  Hart,  Contempts,  iv.  482-489,  492-494;  Barnes, 
ch.  ix.-xxiv. 

346.    The  Working  of  the  Reconstruction 
Measures. 

TOPICS  AND  REFERENCES. 

i.  Serious  evils  created.  2.  Political  adventurers  and  the  negro 
vote.  3.  Scandalous  state  of  things  brought  about.  4.  Violent 
resistance  by  whites.  5.  "  Ku-Klux  Klan"  and  other  secret  so 
cieties.  Burgess,  Reconstruction,  244-264 ;  Blaine,  ii.  463-474  ; 
S.  S.  Cox,  ch.  xxv.-xxvi. ;  Hart,  Contempts,  iv.  475-478,  495-500; 
Herbert,  ch.  ii.-xiv. ;  B.  T.  Washington,  ch.  vi. ;  Andrews,  i.  36-40. 

347.   Impeachment  of  the  President. 

TOPICS  AND  REFERENCES. 

i.  The  President's  attempt  to  remove  Secretary  Stanton.  2. 
Impeachment  proceedings  and  their  failure.  Burgess,  Reconstruc 
tion,  142-143,  157-194;  Storey,  346-351 5  Hart,  Chase,  357-3^1 ; 
McCulloch,  ch.  xxvi. ;  Blaine,  ii.  ch.  xiv. ;  Hart,  Contempts,  iv.  489- 
492. 

348.   Incidents  of  the  Period. 

TOPICS  AND  REFERENCES. 

1.  The  Atlantic  Cable.     Prescott,  i.  ch.  xxvi. 

2.  Fenian  invasion  of  Canada.     Bourinot,  378. 

3.  Undertakings  of  the  French  emperor  in  Mexico.     4.    Maxi 
milian  of  Austria  made  emperor.     5.    Expostulations  of  the  United 
States.      6.   Withdrawal  of  the    French.  —  Fate   of   Maximilian. 
H.  H.  Bancroft,  ix.  ch.  i.-xiv. ;  Nicolay  and  Hay,  vii.  ch.  xiv. 

7.  The  Alaskan  purchase.  Blaine,  ii.  333-339 ;  Burgess,  Recon 
struction,  299-302  ;  Hart,  Contempts,  iv.  547-550. 

349.    Election  of  General  Grant.  —  Conditions  in  the 

South. 

TOPICS  AND  REFERENCES. 

i.  General  Grant  elected  President.  2.  Deplorable  condition 
of  many  southern  States.  3.  Conflicts.  —  Acts  of  violence.— 


TOPICS,  REFERENCES,  AND  RESEARCH.   579 

"  Force  bills."  4.  Harsh  measures  modified  in  1872.  Stanwood, 
ch.  xxiii. ;  Burgess,  Reconstruction,  222-224,  267-276;  Andrews, 
i.  40,  78-85,  111-167.  (See,  also,  references  under  sect.  346.) 

350.  Rupture  in  the  Republican  Party.  —  Reelec 

tion  of  President  Grant. 

TOPICS  AND  REFERENCES. 

i.  "  Liberal  Republicans."  2.  Their  coalition  with  Democrats. 
—  Nomination  of  Horace  Greeley  for  President.  -3.  Reelection  of 
Grant.  Stanwood,  ch.  xxiv.  ;  Burgess,  Reconstruction,  264-267 ; 
Andrews,  i.  30-36,  57-78. 

351.  Incidents  of  the  Administration  of  President 

Grant. 
TOPICS  AND  REFERENCES. 

1.  Treaty  for  annexation  of  the  Dominican  Republic.     Storey, 
ch.  xxiii.;  Burgess,  Reconstruction,  323-327  ;  Andrews,  i.  48-56. 

2.  Settlement  of  the  "  Alabama  Claims."     Elaine,  ii.  ch.  xx. ; 
Burgess,    Reconstruction,    302-320 ;    Andrews,    i.    87-95 ;    Hart, 
Contempts,  iv.  550-556. 

3.  Indian  wars.  —  Fate  of  General  Custer  and  his  command. 
Andrews,  i.  ch.  vii. 

4.  Demoralization  resulting  from  the  recent  state  of  war  and  the 
monetary  inflation.     5.  Frauds  and  corrupting  influences.     6.  The 
"  Tweed    Ring."  —  Erie   Railway  scandals.  —  "  Credit  Mobilier." 
7.  Excessive  railway  building.  —  Panic  of  1873.    8.  Movements  of 
correction  and  reform.     9.  First  step  in  civil  service  reform. 

10.   Great  fires  in  Chicago  and  Boston.  —  Forest  fires. 
RESEARCH.  —  Insurrection  in  Cuba.  — The  affair  of  the  Virginius. 
Andrews,  i.  47-48  ;  Hart,  Contempts,  iv.  557-561. 

352.   Preparation  to   resume  "Specie  Payments."  — 
Rise  of  the  Greenback  Party. 

TOPICS  AND  REFERENCES. 

i.   The  resumption  act.     2.    Decline  of  inflated  prices  and  con 
sequent  dissatisfaction.     3.   Opposition  to  resumption.     4.  Beliefs 
of  the  Greenback  party.     Bolles,  iii.  bk.  1-2 ;  Burgess,  Reconstruc 
tion,  276-279  ;  Johnston,  Am.  Politics,  242. 
RESEARCH.  —  Gold    speculation.  —  "Black    Friday."      Andrews, 

i.  40-45- 


580  THE    RESTORED    UNION. 

353.    The  Centennial  Year.  —  Disputed   Presidential 
Election. 

TOPICS  AND  REFERENCES. 

1.  Centennial  Exposition  at  Philadelphia.     Andrews,  i.  196-200. 

2.  Division  in  the  Republican  party.     3.  Failure  to  renominate 
Grant  for  a  third  term.    4.  The  disputed  presidential  election.     5. 
No  provision  of  law  for  settling  the  dispute.     6.   Agreement  to 
create  an  Electoral  Commission.     7.    Decision  electing  President 
Hayes.  —  Doubts   of  its    impartiality.     Stanwood,  356-393;  Bur 
gess,  Reconstruction,  280-295 ;  Hart,  Contempts,  iv.  504-507  ;  An 
drews,  i.  200-221. 

354.    Administration  of  President  Hayes. 

TOPICS  AND  REFERENCES. 

i.  An  epoch  of  recovery.  2.  Withdrawal  of  Federal  forces  from 
the  south.  3.  White  ascendancy  regained  in  the  reconstructed 
States.  4.  Political  rights  of  the  freedmen  practically  annulled. 
Burgess,  Reconstruction,  295-298;  Bryce,  ii.  ch.  xcii.;  Herbert, 
ch.  xx. 

5.  Apparent  failure  of  the  policy  of  force.  6.  Duty  of  the  na 
tion  to  the  emancipated  people  :  how  shall  it  be  performed  ?  B.  T. 
Washington  ;  Cable ;  Hart,  Contempts,  iv.  663-665. 

355.    The  Bland  Silver  Bill.  —  Resumption  of 
Specie  Payments. 

TOPICS  AND  REFERENCES. 

i.  The  combination  which  passed  the  Bland  Silver  Bill.  2.  Sil 
ver  losing  value,  and  why.  3.  The  objects  sought  in  the  bill. 
4.  Provisions  of  the  bill.  Taussig,  Silver  Situation,  i-io. 

5.  Successful  resumption  of  specie  payments.  Andrews,  i.  264- 
267;  Hart,  Contempts,  iv.  531-533. 


THE    NEW    ERA. 
188O-1903. 

CHAPTER   XVIII. 

RECENT  YEARS. 

356.  General  Garfield  elected  President.  —  His 
Murder.  188O-1881.  As  the  presidential  election 
of  1880  approached,  a  wing  of  the  Republican  party 
called  "  Stalwart,"  led  by  Senator  Conkling,  of  New  York, 
renewed  the  effort  to  nominate  General  Grant  for  a 
third  term.  One  object  of  the  movement  was  to  defeat 
the  nomination  of  James  G.  Elaine,  of  Maine,  with  whom 
Conkling  was  at  feud.  The  defeat  of  Elaine  was  accom 
plished,  but  the  nomination  of  Grant  was  not.  The 
choice  of  the  party  fell  upon  General  James  A.  Party 
Garfield,  who  had  won  distinction  in  the  Civil  divlslon- 
War  and  in  public  life  since.  The  Democratic  nominee 
was  General  Winfield  Scott  Hancock,  one  of  the  notable 
corps  commanders  of  the  war.  Other  nominations  were 
made  by  the  Prohibitionists  and  by  the  Greenback  party, 
so  called.  The  latter  party  now  demanded,  not  only  the 
substitution  of  legal  tender  notes  for  the  notes  of  the 
national  banks,  but  also  an  unlimited  coinage  of  silver 
to  be  legal  tender  money.  It  cast  308,000  votes.  Gen 
eral  Garfield  was  elected  by  small  majorities  in  all  of  the 
northern  States  save  three  ;  but  he  led  General  Hancock 
by  only  10,000  in  the  total  popular  vote. 

By  calling  Mr.  Elaine  to  his  cabinet  as  Secretary  of 


582  THE    NEW   ERA. 

State,  and  by  some  appointments  to  office  in  New  York, 
President  Garfield  incurred  the  wrath  of  the  "Stalwarts" 
and  their  chief,  and  the  first  weeks  of  his  administration 
saw  the  opening  of  a  bitter  factional  feud.  The  passions 
excited  by  that  quarrel  worked  on  one  weak-minded 
wretch,  among  the  office-hunting  swarms  in  Washington, 
Thetragedy  unt^>  on  tne  2^  °f  Juty>  l88l>  ne  snot  tne  Presi- 

"f  spoils  dent,  as  ^e  latter  was  about  to  enter  a  railway 
July51?'"  train  for  Long  Branch.  The  wounded  man  lin- 
1881.  '  gered  for  more  than  eleven  weeks,  while  the 
whole  sympathizing  world  watched  the  slow  agony  of  his 
death.  On  the  igih  of  September  President  Garfield 
breathed  his  last,  and  the  Vice-President,  Chester  A. 
Arthur,  succeeded  to  his  place. 

The  new  President  had  been  most  prominent  as  the 
close  friend  and  political  lieutenant  of  Senator  Conkling  ; 
but  he  carried  no  spirit  of  faction  into  the  great  office  to 
which  he  had  been  tragically  called.  His  administration 
was  one  of  dignity,  of  prudence,  of  not  much  eventful- 
ness,  but  of  quiet  reputability  in  the  annals  of  the  United 
States. 

The  shock  of  the  murder  of  President  Garfield  by  a 
disappointed  office-seeker,  maddened  by  the  excitements 
of  a  shameful  quarrel  over  the  parcelling  out  of  public 
offices,  roused  the  public  to  a  sense  of  the  hatefulness 
and  the  mischief  of  the  "spoils  system  "  as  nothing  else 
could  have  done.  It  incited  a  really  resolute  reform 
movement,  which  has  gone  steadily  forward  from  that 
Civll  day.  A  National  Civil  Service  Reform  League, 

!erfonn,  organized  in  1881,  with  George  William  Curtis 
1881-1885.  £or  jts  abje  anc}  eloquent  president,  has  given  a 
strong  lead  to  the  influences  that  work  for  the  reform. 
The  first  efficient  law  to  establish  a  merit  system  of  ap 
pointments  in  the  national  civil  service  (the  Pendleton 


RECENT  YEARS.  583 


Act)  was  passed  by  Congress  in  1883,  an^  faithfully 
administered  by  President  Arthur.  It  has  been  supple 
mented  since.  In  many  States  and  cities  the  public  ser 
vice  has  undergone  a  like  reform. 

357.  Change  of  Party  in  the  Administration.  —  Elec 
tion  of  President  Cleveland.     1884-1885.     In    1884 
Mr.  Elaine  secured  the  Republican  nomination  for  Presi 
dent,  but  failed  in  the  election.     A  considerable 
body   of    "Independent  Republicans"    (called  entso?1 
"Mugwumps"   by  their  opponents)    withdrew  wumps," 
their  support  from  him  and  gave  it  to  Grover 
Cleveland,    the    Democratic   nominee.      Mr.   Cleveland 
had  attracted  attention  in  recent  years  by  conspicuously 
straightforward   conduct  in  public   life.     As   mayor  of 
Buffalo  he  had  dealt  with  corrupt  politicians  in  a  way 
that  caused  the  people  of  the  State  of  New  York  to  make 
him  governor  ;  and  as  governor  he  had  continued  the  ex 
hibition  of  moral  courage,  sturdy  uprightness,  and  sound 
sense.     His  election  to  the  presidency  gave  fresh  proof 
of  the  fact,  which  political  managers  are  slow  to  under 
stand,  that  no  other  candidate  for  important  office  is  so 
"popular"  as  a  single-minded,  sound-minded,  fearlessly 
straightforward  man. 

When  Mr.  Cleveland  became  President,  no  Democrat 
had  held  the  reins  of  executive  government  at  Washing 
ton  for  twenty-five  years.  To  many  good  citizens  the 
change  of  party  in  the  administration  was  a  unfounded 
dreaded  event,  and  it  surprised  them  to  find  lears> 
that  the  country  was  disturbed  no  more  than  by  the 
transfer  of  government  from  one  Republican  President 
to  another.  There  may  have  been,  on  the  whole,  a  little 
more  shifting  of  officials  and  clerks  ;  but  it  was  slowly 
done,  —  too  slowly  to  satisfy  most  of  the  politicians  of 
the  President's  party,  whose  craving  for  the  "  spoils  "  of 


5^4  THE    NEW   ERA. 

their  victory,  after  twenty-five  years  of  privation,  was 
keen.  Few  Presidents  have  been  so  little  moved  by  party 
influence  and  so  firmly  independent  in  their  course,  as 
Mr.  Cleveland  proved  to  be.  He  provoked  hostility,  as 
a  consequence,  in  some  influential  circles  of  his  party. 

358.  Controversies  with  Great  Britain.  1885-1892. 
Two  controversies  with  Great  Britain  gave  some  trouble 
to  Mr.  Cleveland's  administration.  One  related  to  the 
privileges  which  American  fishermen  had  been  enjoy 
ing  on  the  British-American  coast,  under  the  Treaty  of 
Washington,  concluded  in  1871  (see  sect.  351).  A  com 
mission  appointed  to  determine  the  compensation  to  be 
paid  for  those  privileges,  and  which  met  at  Halifax  in 
1877,  nad  made  an  award  ($5,500,000)  which 
award,  caused  dissatisfaction  in  the  United  States. 

1.877 

Consequently,  by  notice  given  in  1883,  the 
fishery  articles  of  the  treaty  were  annulled,  and  ceased 
to  have  effect  July  I,  1885.  This  reopened  troublesome 
old  questions,  and  Congress  was  asked  to  authorize  an 
arrangement  with  Great  Britain  for  a  joint  commission 
to  settle  matters  in  dispute.  Congress  declined  to  do 
so,  and  a  period  of  fishery  quarrels  ensued.  At  length, 
in  1887,  a  joint  commission  of  British  and  American 
statesmen  was  agreed  upon,  and  it  met  in  Washington  late 
that  year.  A  treaty  which  the  President  approved  was 
concluded  in  February,  but  the  Senate  rejected  it  after 
long  debate.  Fortunately,  however,  a  change  in  modes 
of  fishing  had  removed  most  of  the  causes  of  quarrel, 
and  no  further  troubles  of  a  serious  kind  occurred. 

A  graver   difference  sprang   from   the  claim   of   the 
The  United  States  to  a  right  of  jurisdiction  over  the 

?ueSfon,ea  "  seal  fisheries  "  (so  called)  of  the  Bering  Sea. 
1886-1892.  y^  controversy  became  serious  in  President 
Cleveland's  term,  and  the  peace  of  the  two  countries 


RECENT   YEARS.  585 

was  endangered  by  it  for  half  a  dozen  years.  Finally,  in 
1892,  the  questions  involved  were  submitted  to  a  tribunal 
of  arbitration,  which  had  sessions  in  Paris  during  the 
following  year.  The  decision  was  adverse  to  the  claims 
of  the  United  States,  but  regulations  for  the  preserva 
tion  of  the  fur  seals  were  prescribed,  which  the  govern 
ments  of  the  United  States  and  Great  Britain  were  to 
enforce. 

359.  Legislation  and  Incidents  of  the  Period.    1885- 
1887.     In  1887  the  repeal  of  the  Tenure  of  Office  Act, 
passed  in  1867  to  tie  President  Johnson's  hands 
(see  sect.  345),  was  brought  about  by  a  sharp  office  Act 
refusal  on  the  part  of  President  Cleveland  to 
report  reasons  to  the  Senate  for  his  removal  of  a  district 
attorney,  and  to  submit  papers  relating  to  the  case.    He 
questioned  the  constitutionality  of  the  act,  and  condemned 
it  as  a  grave  encroachment  on  the  responsible  powers  of 
the  executive.     His  argument  was    so  convincing,  and 
public  opinion  endorsed  it  so  strongly,  that  Congress  at 
its  next  session  repealed  the  act. 

Two  other  measures  of  great  importance,  touching  the 
presidential  office,  were  perfected  in  1886  and  1887.  The 
first  of  these  is  a  careful  guard  against  the  oc-  succession 
currence  of  a  vacancy  in  the  headship  of  govern-  p°rSiedencyf 
ment.  It  prescribes  that,  in  case  of  the  death,  1886-1887- 
resignation,  or  disability  of  both  President  and  Vice- Presi 
dent,  the  executive  office  shall  devolve  on  members  of  the 
cabinet  in  the  following  order:  I,  Secretary  of  State;  2, 
Secretary  of  the  Treasury ;  3,  Secretary  of  War ;  4,  At 
torney-General  ;  5,  Postmaster-General ;  6,  Secretary  of 
the  Navy  ;  7,  Secretary  of  the  Interior.  The 
second  act  removed  that  dangerous  question 
that  arose  in  1876,  relative  to  the  counting  of  toralvotM- 
electoral  votes.  It  provides  for  the  determination  by  state 


$86  THE  NEW  ERA. 

courts,  as  far  as  possible,  of  all  contests  over  electoral 
votes ;  but  when  Congress  must  decide  such  contests,  in 
counting  electoral  votes,  it  shall  do  so  by  concurrent 
action  of  the  two  houses,  acting  separately  ;  and  if  they 
disagree,  the  votes  which  are  certified  by  the  state 
executive  shall  be  counted. 

In  exercise  of  the  power  conferred  by  the  Constitu 
tion  (Art.  I.  sect.  viii.  clause  3)  "to  regulate  commerce 
.  .  .  among  the  several  States,"  Congress  passed  an  act 
of  high  importance  in  1887.  It  placed  all  railroads  that 
run  in  or  through  more  than  one  State  under  the  super- 
inter-state  vision  of  an  Inter-State  Commerce  Commission, 
commis-06  which  has  large  powers  to  prevent  unfair  dis- 
sion,  1887.  criminations  between  persons  or  places,  in  facili 
ties  for  business  or  in  transportation  rates.  Amend 
ments  from  time  to  time  have  improved  the  working  of 
the  act,  and  made  it  effective  for  removing  many  causes 
of  complaint. 

The  message  of  President  Cleveland  to  Congress  in 
1887  was  devoted  to  one  subject,  giving  emphasis  to  the 
President  ^act  that  the  taxation  imposed  by  the  existing 
tarei«mes-s  tariff  was  piling  up  a  dangerous  surplus  in  the 
sage,  1887.  Treasury,  draining  money  from  the  business  of 
the  country  to  an  alarming  extent.  The  time-honored 
principles  of  the  Democratic  party  were  against  the  col 
lection  of  such  a  surplus  of  revenue,  and  against  the  high 
tariff  that  produced  it ;  but  a  large  section  of  the  party 
had  been  helping  of  late  to  defeat  all  attempts  to  re 
duce  tariff  rates.  The  President's  message  was  a  sum 
mons  to  his  party  to  renew  allegiance  to  the  principles 
it  had  always  professed.  The  call  was  answered,  and  the 
tariff  question,  as  a  leading  issue  in  politics,  was  raised 
again  to  its  old  place.  Before  Congress  closed  its  ses 
sion,  the  Democratic  majority  in  the  House  of  Repre- 


RECENT   YEARS. 

sentatives  had  passed  a  bill,  known   as   the  Mills  Bill, 
for  moderating  duties,  and  the  Republican  Sen-  Mllls 
ate  had  voted  it  down.     The  issue  was  made,  BUL 
and  went  to  the  people  in  the  election  of  the  next  year. 

After  a  lingering  and  painful  illness  of  several  months, 
General  Grant  died  on  the  23d  of  July,  1885,  Deathoi 
and  was  entombed  at   New  York,  on  the  8th   jjJJJJ*1 
of  August,  with  funeral  honors  the  most  elabo-  J*1?''1885- 
rate  ever  paid  in  America  to  a  public  man. 

In  the  spring  of  1886  an  extensive  strike  on  one  of 
the  systems  of  southwestern  railways  was  attended  by 
violent  rioting  at  St.  Louis.  This  was  followed  by  an 
outbreak  of  labor  troubles  at  Chicago,  connected  with 
which  a  mass-meeting  in  the  Haymarket  was  held  on  the 
evening  of  the  4th  of  May.  Speeches  in  the  anarchist 
spirit,  counselling  criminal  violence,  were  made,  and  one 
of  the  speakers  was  arrested  by  a  body  of  the  police. 
Thereupon  a  bomb,  thrown  from  the  crowd, 
exploded  in  the  midst  of  the  police,  killing  seven  anarchists, 
and  wounding  many  more.  Eight  persons  known 
as  anarchists  were  arrested  and  brought  to  trial,  as  ac 
cessories  to  the  crime,  the  throwing  of  the  bomb  being 
proved  against  none;  but  all  were  convicted,  of  whom 
four  were  hanged,  three  were  sentenced  to  imprisonment, 
and  one  took  his  own  life.  The  justice  of  the  conviction 
of  some  of  the  accused  was  questioned  by  many  people. 

360.  Election  of  President  Harrison.  1888.  Though 
President  Cleveland  had  pleased  few  of  the  political 
managers  of  his  party,  they  were  forced  to  renominate 
him  in  1888.  The  Republicans  named  Benjamin  Harri 
son,  of  Indiana,  grandson  of  the  former  President  Harri 
son,  —  a  gentleman  who  had  given  excellent  proofs  of 
capacity  in  both  civil  and  military  life.  Other  candidates 
were  put  in  nomination  by  several  temporary  organiza- 


588  THE   NEW   ERA. 

tions,  which  cast  few  votes.  So  far  as  the  election  turned 
on  the  tariff  question,  which  it  may  have  done  in  the 
main,  it  had  no  decisive  result.  Of  the  popular  vote, 
Cleveland  received  a  majority  of  about  100,000,  out  of  a 
total  that  exceeded  11,000,000;  but  Harrison's  vote  was 
more  effective  in  carrying  States,  and  the  electoral  vote 
secured  for  him  was  233  against  168. 

The  Republicans  not  only  regained  the  presidency, 
but  they  won  a  majority  of  the  House  of  Representa 
tives,  and  controlled  the  whole  government  once  more. 
In  the  Senate  they  were  heavily  reinforced  during  the 
New  states,  next  two  vears  by  the  admission  of  six  new 
1889-1890.  states,  carved  out  of  the  great  territory  of  the 
farther  west  and  northwest.  Washington,  Montana,  and 
the  two  Dakotas  came  into  the  Union  in  1889,  Idaho  and 
Wyoming  in  1890. 

At  the  same  time,  in  1889,  a  portion  of  the  Indian 
Territory,  bought  from  the  Indians  and  named  Okla- 
okiahoma,  homa,  "  the  beautiful  land,"  was  opened  to  white 
settlement.  In  anticipation  of  the  opening, 
thousands  of  intending  settlers  had  gathered  on  the  bor 
der,  and  were  held  back  by  soldiers,  until,  on  the  22d  of 
April,  the  signal  of  admission  was  given  and  they  entered 
the  land  of  promise  with  a  rush.  One  town  site,  Guthrie, 
had  10,000  inhabitants  camped  on  it  that  night.  The 
Territory  of  Oklahoma  was  organized  promptly,  and  has 
had  a  remarkably  rapid  growth. 

361.  The  McKinley  Tariff.  1890.  The  party  re 
stored  to  power  seems  to  have  had  no  doubt  that  its  tariff 
policy  was  endorsed  by  the  people  ;  for,  instead  of  lower 
ing  the  rates  of  duty,  it  proceeded  at  once  to  raise  them 
Aim  of  the  to  a  much  higher  scale.  The  aim  of  the  new 
measure.  measure,  which  became  law  October  I,  1890, 
was  to  prohibit,  practically,  the  importation  of  many  arti- 


RECENT   YEARS.  589 

cles,  and  reduce  the  excessive  revenue  by  that  means, 
while  forcing  the  creation  of  manufactories  to  produce 
such  excluded  commodities  in  the  United  States.  The  act 
accomplishing  this,  known  as  the  McKinley  Tariff,  from 
the  name  of  the  chairman,  William  McKinley,  of  the 
House  Committee  that  framed  it,  was  odious  at  home 
to  the  opponents  of  extreme  "protection,"  and  excited 
bitter  feelings  abroad. 

362.  The  Sherman  Act.  1890.  Another  act  of  the 
same  period  introduced  a  new  experiment  in  finance. 
It  is  known  as  the  Sherman  Act,  and  it  repealed  the 
Bland  Silver  Act  of  1878  (see  sect.  355),  but  only  to  give 
further  satisfaction  to  the  demand  for  more  Growlng 
silver  in  monetary  use.  That  demand  was  XinSfo?1 
spreading  fast  in  the  country,  and  politicians  in  silver< 
both  parties  were  turning  toward  it  an  attentive  ear. 
An  increasing  number  of  people  were  persuaded  that  the 
need  of  the  time  was  more  money,  and  that  the  quantity 
of  gold  in  the  world  was  too  limited  to  allow  of  a  suf 
ficient  supply  of  money  from  that  source  alone.  In  the 
opinion  of  many  there  was  need  of  no  "  standard  of  value," 
but  all  money  could  be  created,  as  the  greenbacks  were 
created,  by  the  "  fiat  "  of  government,  making  a  "  dollar," 
by  calling  it  so,  on  a  paper  note.  But,  they  would  say,  if  we 
must  have  a  precious  metal  standard,  let  it  be  the  cheaper 
and  more  plentiful  silver,  or  gold  and  silver  together,  at 
the  ratio  of  value  they  once  had,  which  was  16  to  i. 

In  1890  these  opinions  in  favor  of  silver  money  were 
spreading  fast,  and  they  were  greatly  promoted  by  the 
Sherman  Act.  It  required  the  Secretary  of  the  Treasury  to 
buy  4,500,000  ounces  of  silver  every  month  at 
the  market  price,  and  to  issue  treasury  notes  in 
payment,  which  should  be  legal  tender  for  all  Act 
debts,  and  which  should  be  redeemable  in  either  gold  or 


590  THE   NEW   ERA. 

silver,  at  the  discretion  of  the  Secretary.  The  coining 
of  $2,000,000  worth  of  the  silver  every  month  was  no 
longer  required,  as  formerly  by  the  Bland  Act,  but  only 
so  much  as  might  be  needed  for  redeeming  the  treasury 
notes.  As  it  turned  out,  there  was  no  demand  for  the 
silver  coins,  since  the  legal  tender  notes  were  worth  just 
as  much,  and  were  more  convenient  for  use. 

363.  Second   Election    of   ex-President   Cleveland. 
1892.     The  monetary  ideas  described  above  were  repre 
sented  in  a  new  political  party  that  took  form  at  this  time, 

and  which  soon  became  formidable  in  the  west. 

The 

Populist  It  received  the  name  of  the  People's  or  Popu 
list  party,  and,  in  the  presidential  election  of 
1892,  it  cast  1,122,000  votes  for  James  B.  Weaver,  its 
nominee.  President  Harrison  and  ex-President  Cleve 
land  were  rival  candidates  again  in  this  election,  and  the 
latter  was  chosen  by  a  plurality  of  nearly  400,000  votes. 
The  silver-mining  States,  and  most  of  the  other  new 
States  in  the  far  west,  were  carried  by  the  Populist  party, 
or  by  a  fusion  of  Democrats  and  Populists,  and  those  two 
parties,  together,  gained  control  of  both  branches  of 
Congress. 

364.  The  Hawaiian  Islands.1  —  Columbian  Exposi 
tion.    1893.     On  entering  office,  in  March,   1893,  Pre 
sident  Cleveland  felt  called  upon  to  undo  a  recent  act 
of  his  predecessor,  which  he  disapproved.     A  revolution 
in  the  Hawaiian  Islands  had  overturned  the  native  gov 
ernment  in  the  previous  January,  with  the  unconcealed 
approval  of  the  American  minister  at  Honolulu,  and  with 
something  like  protection  given  to  the  revolutionists  by 
marines  from  a  United  States  ship  of  war.     The  active 
parties  in  the  revolution  were  mostly  alien  residents, 
and  their  purpose  was  to  bring  about  the  annexation  of 

1  See  Map  XVI. 


RECENT   YEARS.  591 

the  islands  to  the  United  States.  Having  organized  a 
provisional  government,  they  sent  commissioners  to 
Washington,  with  whom  President  Harrison  Annexation 
negotiated  a  treaty  of  annexation,  which  he  treaty> 
sent  to  the  Senate,  where  it  was  under  consideration 
when  the  change  of  executive  took  place.  President 
Cleveland  withdrew  the  treaty  immediately,  condemning 
the  whole  proceeding  in  strong  terms. 

The  next  important  official  act  of  President  Cleveland 
was  to  preside,  on  the  ist  of  May,  at  the  formal  opening 
of  a  great  international  exposition,  at  Chicago, 

Exposition 

commemorative  of  the  discovery  of  America  at  Chicago, 
by  Columbus.  The  exact  anniversary  of  the 
discovery,  October  12,  1892,  had  been  celebrated  by 
a  ceremonious  dedication  of  buildings  on  the  exposition 
ground,  then  unfinished.  In  their  beauty,  their  extent, 
and  their  whole  artistic  arrangement,  these  buildings  and 
the  surrounding  grounds  surpassed  those  of  all  previous 
"world's  fairs,"  and  gave  impressive  evidence  of  the 
advance  of  the  country  in  conceptions  of  art. 

365.   A  Monetary  Crisis.    1893.    The  working  of  the 
Sherman  Silver  Act  of  1890  had  produced  by  this  time 
an  alarming  condition  in  the  national  Treasury  and  in  the 
country  at  large.    Silver  had  fallen  in  market  value  from 
$1.20  per  ounce  in  1890  to  85  cents  at  the  end  of  1892. 
As  silver  dropped  in  value,  the  demand   for   gold   in 
creased.    It  was  hoarded,  or  it  went  abroad.    People  who 
carried  United  States  notes,  either  greenbacks  or  silver 
certificates,  to  the  United  States  Treasury  and  demanded 
gold  for  them  must  be  given  the  gold,  or  the  Worklng 
credit   of  the  government  would  be  impaired.   Sherman 
The  government  must  fulfil  its  promises  to  pay,  Act> 
by  payments  in  the  money  that  was  the  standard  money  of 
the  world.     United  States  law  might  make  silver  money 


592  THE    NEW   ERA. 

legal  tender  for  debts  in  the  United  States,  but  could  not 
make  it  so  outside.  Therefore,  to  preserve  its  credit  in 
the  world,  it  was  compelled  to  keep  its  silver  coin,  its 
silver  certificates,  and  its  greenbacks  up  to  the  gold 
standard,  by  keeping  them  exchangeable  for  gold. 

At  the  same  time,  by  its  own  laws  the  government 
was  compelled  to  accept  the  legal  tender  silver  and  paper 
Drain  of  money  for  customs  dues  and  all  taxes,  and  none 
from  the  °^  ^ts  revenue  was  paid  in  gold.  Then  the  notes 
Treasury,  ft  recjeerneci  were  paid  out  and  might  come  back 
to  it  for  re-redemption  again  and  again,  working  like  an 
endless  chain,  as  was  said  aptly  at  the  time,  to  draw  gold 
from  the  Treasury.  The  only  way  in  which  gold  could 
be  obtained  for  satisfying  this  exhausting  demand  was  by 
buying  it  with  bonds,  and  the  Treasury  had  no  authority 
to  do  that  with  such  bonds  as  would  sell  at  a  proper  rate 
in  gold. 

In  June,  1893,  this  grave  situation  was  made  worse  by 
a  stoppage  of  the  free  coinage  of  silver  in  India,  where 
silver  money  had  been  most  in  use.  This  caused  a  new 
depression  in  value  of  silver,  a  fresh  increase  of  demand 
for  gold,  and  a  panic  of  alarm  in  the  United  States,  lest 
our  government  should  lose  the  ability  to  pay  its  obliga 
tions  in  gold.  The  President  called  Congress  to  an  extra 
session  in  August,  and  urged  that,  at  least,  the 

Purchase 

of  silver  requirement  to  buy  silver  should  be  repealed.  A 
bill  to  that  effect  was  passed  by  the  House  with 
no  long  delay,  but  the  Senate,  controlled  by  supporters 
of  the  silver  policy,  resisted  all  appeals  from  the  alarmed 
business  interests  of  the  country  until  the  end  of  October, 
when  it  passed  the  bill. 

The  monetary  situation  was  still  a  cause  of  great 
anxiety,  and  the  President  appealed  to  Congress,  at  sub 
sequent  sessions,  for  measures  to  redeem  finally  and 


RECENT   YEARS.  593 

cancel  all  the  legal  tender  notes  and  certificates  of  the 
government,  and  to  require  duties  on  imports  to  be  paid 
in  gold  ;  but  it  was  not  done. 

366.  The  Wilson  Tariff  and  the  Income  Tax.   1894. 
The  subject  of  tariff  revision  was  taken  up  in  the  House 
of  Representatives  during  the  special  session  of  1893-94, 
and  a  bill  called  the  Wilson  Bill  was  framed,  which  re 
duced  the  rates  of  duty  to  an  important  extent.     With 
it  went  an  internal  revenue  bill,  to  make  up  the  loss  of 
tariff  revenue,  and  the  bill  provided  for  an  income  tax. 
When  the  tariff  bill  reached  the  Senate,  some  protected 
interests,  in  sugar  manufacture,  coal    and  iron  mining, 
etc.,  were  strong  enough  there  to  procure  changes  which 
disgusted  most  of  the  advocates  of  tariff  reform.     Presi 
dent  Cleveland  was  so  dissatisfied  that  he  refused  to  sign 
the  act,  but  allowed  it  to  become  law.     The  income  tax 
was  extremely  unpopular,  and  rejoicing  occurred  when,  in 
the  spring  of  1895,  it  was  pronounced  unconstitutional 
by  the  Supreme  Court. 

367.  Venezuela    Controversy   with    Great  Britain. 
1895-1897.     On  the  i;th  of  December,  1895,  President 
Cleveland  startled  the  country  by  a  message  which  com 
plained  sharply  of  the  refusal  of  the  British  government 
to  arbitrate  a  pending  dispute  with  Venezuela,  relative 
to  the  boundary  between  that  country  and  British  Guiana. 
He  recommended  the  appointment  of  a  commission  to 
ascertain   the   true  boundary,  with    a  view   to 
determining   the  future  action    of   the  United  message,  s 
States.     This  was  a  menace  to  England  that 

might  easily  bring  on  war.  Congress  acted  with  haste 
on  the  President's  recommendation  ;  the  commission  was 
appointed  and  proceeded  to  its  task.  In  both  England 
and  the  United  States  there  was  grievous  surprise  to 
find  the  two  countries  brought  suddenly,  as  it  seemed, 


594  THE    NEW    ERA. 

to  the  verge  of  war,  and  great  excitement  prevailed  for 
some  weeks.  Of  really  angry  war  feeling  there  was 
none,  and  before  long  a  reopening  of  negotiations  between 
the  governments  led  to  an  arrangement  for  the  arbitra 
tion  of  the  dispute. 

From  the  settlement  of  the  Venezuela  question  the 
British  and  American  governments  went  on  to  the  fram- 
Defeated  mg  °f  a  general  treaty  for  the  peaceful  settlement 
S?aS?tt°n  ky  arbitration  of  future  questions  between  them. 
That  most  important  treaty,  signed  at  Wash 
ington  on  the  nth  of  January,  1897,  was  approved  with 
general  joy  in  the  country ;  notwithstanding  which  pub 
lic  approval,  it  was  defeated  by  a  faction  in  the  Senate, 
large  enough  to  prevent  concurrence  by  the  two-thirds 
vote  which  the  Constitution  requires. 

368.  The  "Silver  Question"  in  the  Presidential 
Election.  1896.  In  the  summer  and  fall  of  1896  the 
country  passed  through  a  presidential  election  as  excit 
ing  as  that  of  1860  had  been.  One  great  body  of  the 
American  people  had  come  to  believe  that  a  free,  unlim 
ited  coinage  of  legal  tender  silver  money,  with  the  quan 
tity  of  silver  in  the  silver  dollar  proportioned  to  the 
gold  in  a  gold  dollar  in  the  old  ratio  of  16  to  I  (not 
withstanding  the  lowered  value  of  silver), 
Party  dlvi-  .  .  .  ,  .  .  ' 

sion  in         would  give  prosperity  and  plenty  to  everybody, 

and  overthrow  what  they  looked  upon  as  a 
tyrannical  money  power,  upheld  by  the  existing  single 
standard  of  value  in  gold.  Another  large  body  believed 
as  firmly  that  what  these  silver  advocates  wished  to  do 
meant  universal  ruin,  overwhelming  and  complete.  The 
silver  men  won  control  of  the  Democratic  national  con 
vention,  held  at  Chicago,  and  nominated  William  J.  Bryan, 
of  Nebraska,  for  President.  The  nomination  of  Mr.  Bryan 
was  endorsed  by  the  Populists,  and  by  a  body  of  Repub- 


RECENT   YEARS.  595 

licans  organized  as  a  National  Silver  party.  It  was  re 
pudiated  by  many  Democrats,  who  held  another  conven 
tion  and  nominated  General  John  M.  Palmer,  of  Illinois. 
The  controlling  majority  of  the  Republican  party,  in  its 
national  convention  at  St.  Louis,  declared  itself  "opposed 
to  the  free  coinage  of  silver,  except  by  international  agree 
ment  with  the  leading  commercial  nations  of  the  world  ; " 
and  it  nominated  William  McKinley  for  President.  There 
was  never  before  such  debating  by  a  whole  nation  in 
speech  and  print,  —  such  a  "  campaign  of  educa-  Tlie  « cam. 
tion,"  as  it  was  styled,  —  as  that  which  ensued.  ESSi??4" 
The  decision  of  the  people  was  against  the  silver  1896< 
theory,  by  7,104,000  votes  given  to  McKinley,  6,506,000 
to  Bryan,  134,000  for  Palmer,  and  181,000  for  Prohibi 
tion  and  Labor  nominees. 

369.  The  Dingley  Tariff.  — Adoption  of  the  "  Single 
Gold  Standard."  1897-190O.  One  of  the  first  acts 
of  President  McKinley,  on  taking  office,  was  to  call  a 
special  session  of  Congress  for  new  tariff  legislation,  to 
increase  the  revenue  of  government,  which  he  held  to  be 
the  most  imperative  of  needs.  Congress  met  on  the  1 5th 
of  March,  1897,  and  the  House  was  so  expeditious  in  act 
ing  on  the  President's  recommendation  that  on  the  3Oth 
of  the  same  month  it  passed  a  bill,  reported  from  Com 
mittee  by  Mr.  Dingley,  of  Maine,  and  known  as  the 
Dingley  Tariff  Bill.  The  bill,  which  restored  extreme 
protective  duties,  higher  than  those  of  the  McKinley 
Tariff,  passed  the  Senate  in  July. 

An  effort  to  persuade  the  leading  nations  of  Europe 
to  join  the  United  States  in  restoring  the  mone-  Monetary 
tary  use  of  silver  was  made  by  the  appointment  commisslon- 
in  April  of  a  commission  of  three  gentlemen,  who  visited 
France  and  England,  but  returned  with  a  discouraging 
report. 


596  THE    NEW   ERA. 

Efforts  at  home  to  deal  with  the  incongruous  and  dis 
turbing  monetary  system  of  the  country  were  blocked  by 
irreconcilable  differences  between  the  Senate,  controlled 
by  the  silver  parties,  and  the  House  of  Representatives, 
where  opposite  opinions  prevailed.  Thus  the  situation 
remained  until  the  spring  of  1900,  when  the  sway  of 
silver  doctrines  in  the  Senate  was  lost.  A  law  was  then 
enacted  which  makes  25.8  grains  of  coined  gold,  eight- 
tenths  fine,  the  standard  "  dollar," — the  sole 
standard  unit  of  value  in  the  United  States.  "  Dollars  " 

"  dollar,"  .     .  . 

established,  represented  in  other  forms,  on  paper  or  in 
silver  coins,  must  be  kept  to  equivalence  with 
that  gold  "dollar"  by  being  exchangeable  for  it.  Appar 
ently  that  standard  is  now  fixed  by  both  public  opinion 
and  law. 

In  May,  1 898,  a  convention  with  Great  Britain  provided 

for  the  creation  of  a  Joint  High  Commission,  to  settle  a 

number  of  troublesome  questions  between  Canada  and  the 

United  States,  including  a  disputed  boundary  between 

Alaska   and    the    Canadian    Dominion.      The 

Canadian  . 

questions,      Joint   Commission   held   meetings  at  intervals 

1898-1899. 

until  February,  1899,  when  discouraging  differ 
ences  on  the  Alaska  boundary  question  brought  them  to 
a  close. 

In  July,  1898,  the  annexation  of  the  Hawaiian  Islands 
was  accomplished  by  a  joint  resolution  of  Congress. 

370.    The    Spanish- American    War.     1898.      Since 
1895  a  revolt  in  Cuba,  resisted  with  cruelty  by  the  Span 
ish   government,    had    been   appealing   to   the 
oi  the          sympathy  of  the  American  people,  and  stirring 
February,     an  indignation  that  grew  hotter  from  month  to 
month.  •   To  that  excitement  of  feeling  another 
was  added  suddenly,  on  the  I5th  of  February,  1898,  when 
the  United  States  battleship  Maine,  while  paying  a  visit  of 


RECENT   YEARS. 


597 


courtesy  to  Havana,  was  destroyed,  with  almost  her  entire 
crew,  by  what  seemed  to  be  the  explosion  of  a  submarine 
mine.  An  American  naval  court  of  inquiry  investigated 
the  catastrophe,  and  decided  that  the  explosion  Courtsof 
was  exterior  to  the  ship ;  while  a  Spanish  ^auiry. 
court  concluded  that  it  happened  in  the  vessel's  magazine. 
Whatever  the  fact,  American  feeling  was  hardened  in 
stantly  to  a  determination  that  the  war  in  Cuba  must  be 
stopped.  After  some  fruitless  negotiation  to  that  end, 
the  President  was  directed  by  Congress,  on  the  i8th  of 
April,  to  "  demand  that  the  government  of  Spain  at  once 
relinquish  its  authority  and  government  in  the  island  of 
Cuba."  War  followed  immediately ;  the  President,  on 
the  23d  of  April,  called  for  125,000  volunteers,  and  for 
75,000  more  on  the  25th  of  May.  Cuban  ports  were 
blockaded,  and  naval  forces  were  increased  with  rapidity 
by  the  purchase  and  adaptation  of  privately  built  ships. 

A  fleet  from  Spain,  which  reached  the  harbor  of  San 
tiago  de  Cuba,  was  block 
aded  there.  Another  Span 
ish  fleet,  guarding  the  Phi 
lippine  Islands,  — the  only 
naval  force  of  Spain  in  the 
Pacific,  —  was  attacked  in 
Manila  Bay  by  the  Asiatic 
squadron  of  the  United 
States,  under  Commodore 
(afterward  Admiral) 
George  Dewey,  and  de 
stroyed,  on  the  ist  of  May. 

On  the  I4th  of  June  an  expedition  of  16,000  men,  under 
General  Shafter,  sailed  from  Tampa,  Florida,  to  Santiago 
de  Cuba,  to  cooperate  with  the  blockading  fleet  in  the 
capture  of  that  port  and  the  Spanish  fleet.  Landed  at  a 


N 


MANILA    BAY. 


THE    NEW   ERA. 


El  Caney 


point  near  Santiago,  the  American  army  fought  severe 
battles  with  the  Spanish  troops  at  San  Juan  Hill  and  El 
Caney,  on  the  1st  and  2d  of  July,  and  gained  positions 
Land  and  f  or  an  investment  of  the  city.  On  the  morning 
at  Santiago,  °f  tne  3^  Admiral  Cervera,  who  commanded 
July  1-3.  tne  Spanish  fleet,  foreseeing  the  capture  of  the 
port,  attempted  to  run  the  blockade  and  escape  ;  but  every 

one  of  his  ships  was 
driven  ashore  or 
sunk.  The  honors 
of  this  victory  have 
been  kept  in  much 
dispute  between 
friends  of  Admiral 
Sampson  and  Com 
modore  Schley,  who 
were  first  and  sec 
ond  in  command. 

Santiago  and  the  Spanish  army  were  surrendered  on  the 
I  ;th  of  July. 

Before  this  occurred,  troops  sent  from  San  Francisco 
were  arriving  at  Manila,  to  assist  Admiral  Dewey  in  tak 
ing  that  city.  Aguinaldo,  exiled  leader  of  an  insurrection 
in  the  Philippines  which  had  failed  the  year  before,  was 
brought  back  and  raised  a  native  force,  between  which 
and  the  Americans  some  degree  of  cooperation  was  main- 
Apuinaido  tained  for  a  few  weeks.  But  Aguinaldo  and  his 
juiySu*'  followers  were  working  for  the  independence  of 
87181  the  islands,  while  the  government  of  the  United 

States  was  yielding  to  a  desire  for  their  acquisition,  as 
possessions  of  its  own.  Aguinaldo  proclaimed  a  revolu 
tionary  government,  with  himself  at  its  head,  and  began 
to  take  an  attitude  of  hostility  to  the  Americans  before 
the  capture  of  Manila,  which  occurred  August  13. 


THE  SANTIAGO  CAMPAIGN. 


RECENT   YEARS.  599 

While  the  siege  of  Manila  was  in  progress,  another 
expedition  from  the  United  States,  under  General  Miles, 
took  possession  of  the  island  of  Porto  Rico,  after  a  brief 
campaign  of  nineteen  days,  from  July  25   till  port0Rico 
August    12.     In  that   interval   peace   negotia-  j^y\u. 
tions  with  Spain  had  been  in  progress,  and  hos-  gust 
tilities  were  suspended  on  the   I2th  of  August,  articles 
preliminary  to  a  treaty  having  been  signed  that  day. 
Peace  commissioners  from  the  two  nations  met 
at  Paris  in  October,  and  the  definite  treaty  was  peace*  Ces- 

i    T^  i  r-  i-         -111          sionsfrom 

signed  December   10.     Spam  relinquished  her  Spain,  De- 

^    i_  j    j  cember  10. 

claim  to  sovereignty  over  Cuba,  and  ceded  to 
the  United  States  (see  Map  XVI.)  the  island  of  Porto 
Rico,  the  island  of  Guam  in  the  Marianas  or  Ladrones,  and 
the  Philippine  Islands,  for  which  latter  the  United  States 
agreed  to  pay  the  sum  of  $20,000,000.  The  acquisition 
of  the  Philippines  was  opposed  with  deep  feeling  by  many 
of  the  American  people,  who  looked  upon  the  policy  of 
colonial  empire,  and  the  subjugation  of  native  peoples,  as 
a  wrong  and  dangerous  departure  from  the  principles 
and  precedents  of  the  Republic. 

371.  Native  Revolt  in  the  Philippines.  —  Inde 
pendence  of  Cuba.  1899-1902.  The  treaty  was  rati 
fied,  however ;  American  authority  was  asserted  in  the 
Philippines,  and  Aguinaldo  became  the  leader  of  a  revolt 
against  it,  which  came  to  an  outbreak  on  the  4th  of  Feb 
ruary,  1899.  From  that  time  until  April,  1901,  when 
Aguinaldo  was  captured  by  stratagem,  and  little  of  the 
revolt  was  left,  an  army  was  maintained  in  the  Islands 
which  numbered  71,000  officers  and  men  in  October, 
1900.  Until  July  I,  1901,  the  Islands  were  under  mili 
tary  rule,  with  a  civil  commission,  having  legislative 
powers,  acting  in  cooperation  with  the  military  authority 
during  the  last  ten  months.  On  the  ist  of  July,  1901, 


600  THE    NEW    ERA. 

civil  government  was  established,  pursuant  to  an  act  of 
Congress  passed  in  the  previous  March.  Judge  Taft, 
who  had  been  at  the  head  of  the  previous  commission, 
was  appointed  governor,  and  his  wise  administration 
appears  to  have  created  general  content. 

Civil  government  in  Porto  Rico,  with  a  governor  ap 
pointed  by  the  President  of  the  United  States,  and  a 
legislative  assembly  elected  by  the  Porto  Ricans,  was 
established  in  1900. 

A  military  administration  in  Cuba  was  maintained 
by  the  United  States,  with  General  Leonard  Wood  as 
The  governor,  until  the  Cubans  had  framed  a  repub- 

of'cuba1,0  lican  constitution  which  satisfied  certain  con- 
May,  1902.  ditions  imposed  by  the  American  Congress, 
and  had  elected  a  president  and  legislature.  Then,  on 
the  2Oth  of  May,  1902,  the  military  forces  of  the  United 
States  were  withdrawn,  and  the  independent  Republic  of 
Cuba  was  recognized  in  due  form. 

372.  In  China.  19OO.  By  the  acquisition  of  the 
Philippine  Islands  the  United  States  was  led  to  take  an 
active  interest  in  the  affairs  of  the  Far  East.  The  great 
empire  of  China  appeared  to  be  in  a  crumbling  state,  and 
European  powers  were  taking  advantage  of  the  weakness 
of  its  government  to  extort  cessions  of  ports  and  districts, 
and  special  trading,  mining,  and  railway-building  privi 
leges,  in  a  shamefully  bullying  way.  The  American 
government  took  no  part  in  that  scramble  ;  but  its  Secre 
tary  of  State,  Mr.  John  Hay,  pressed  each  of  the  powers 
in  question  for  a  pledge  against  any  interference  with 
equal  rights  of  trade  in  China.  Early  in  1900  he  secured 
such  a  guarantee  of  what  was  called  the  policy 
floor,"  of  the  "open  door."  In  dealing  with  the  dread 
ful  "  Boxer  "  rising  against  foreigners  in  China, 
which  occurred  that  year,  the  American  government  took 


RECENT   YEARS.  6oi 

a  creditable  part,  sending  a  considerable  military  force 
from  the  Philippines,  under  General  Chaffee,  to  aid  in 
the  rescue  of  the  besieged  legations  at  Pekin.  It  exer 
cised  a  potent  influence  in  restraining  the  allies  from 
extreme  measures  against  the  Chinese,  who  had  been 
provoked  by  great  wrongs. 

373.  Reelection    of   President    McKinley.       1900. 
The   presidential    election  of   1900   brought   the    silver 
question  up  once  more,  and  it  pushed  aside  the  issue  that 
would  otherwise  have  been  supreme,  between  those  who 
supported  the  government  in  its  acquisition  and  subjuga 
tion  of  the  Philippine  Islands  (called  "  imperialists  "),  and 
those  (called  "anti-imperialists")  who  opposed  it.     The 
silver  forces  again  controlled  the  Democratic  nomina 
tions,  and  again  named  Mr.  Bryan,  still  demanding  a  free 
coinage  of  silver  at   16  to  i.     President  McKinley  was 
renominated  by  the  Republicans,  and  the  canvass  of  1896 
was  repeated,  with  less  heat.    The  verdict  of  the  country 
was  more  emphatic  than  before.     Mr.  McKinley  was  re- 
elected  by  a  majority  of  nearly  a  million  over  Mr.  Bryan, 
and   by   half  a  million  over  all  the  candidates  (Demo 
cratic,  Prohibitionist,  Labor  party,  etc.)  in  the  field. 

374.  Murder  of  President  McKinley.  —  Succession 
of    Vice-President    Roosevelt.     1901.     President   Mc 
Kinley  lived  through  but  six  months  of  his  second  term. 
On  the  6th  of  September,  1901,  while  attending  the  Pan- 
American  Exposition 1  at  Buffalo,  and  receiving  a  throng 
of  people  in  its  Temple  of  Music,  he  was  most  treacher 
ously  murdered  by  an  assassin,  who  approached  him,  in 
the  passing  line,  with  a  pistol  hidden  by  a  handkerchief 
in  his  hand.     For  some  days  there  was  hope  that  the 

1  The  Pan-American  Exposition  was  so  called  because  limited 
to  a  representation  of  the  resources,  industries,  and  arts  of  North, 
South,  and  Central  American  countries. 


602  THE    NEW   ERA. 

President  would  survive  the  dreadful  wound  he  received, 
but  the  hope  was  delusive ;  he  died  on  the  I4th.  The 
wretch  who  killed  him,  and  who  was  seized  on  the  spot, 
proved  to  be  a  Polish  anarchist,  who  had  no  personal  mo 
tive,  but  was  actuated  by  the  insane  enmity  of  his  kind 
to  all  authority  and  law.  The  murderer  was  tried,  con 
victed,  and  executed  within  two  months  after  his  crime. 

Vice-President  Theodore  Roosevelt,  who  succeeded  to 
the  presidency,  had  had  large  experience  already  in 
public  life,  though  but  forty-three  years  of  age,  and  was 
Theodore  distinguished  for  vigor  and  independence  of 
Roosevelt.  character,  and  for  high  political  ideals.  As  a 
member  of  the  national  Civil  Service  Commission,  as 
a  police  commissioner  in  the  city  of  New  York,  and  as 
governor  of  the  State  of  New  York,  he  had  identified 
himself  especially  with  civil  service  reform  ;  and  he  had 
served  with  fine  spirit  in  the  Cuban  campaign  of  the 
Spanish-American  War.  The  cabinet  of  the  late  Pre 
sident  was  retained  by  Mr.  Roosevelt,  without  change. 

375.  The  Hay-Pauncefote  Treaty.  -  -  The  Inter- 
oceanic  Canal.  1901-1903.  In  November  Mr.  Hay, 
of  the  State  Department,  added  to  his  successes 
Pauncefote  in  diplomacy  by  concluding  with  the  British 
November,  ambassador  at  Washington,  Lord  Pauncefote, 
a  new  treaty,  superseding  the  Clayton-Bulwer 
Treaty  of  1850,  relative  to  the  long-contemplated  inter- 
oceanic  canal.  A  similar  treaty  had  been  drawn  and  signed 
by  the  same  negotiators  in  the  previous  year,  but  received 
amendments  in  the  Senate  which  the  British  government 
declined  to  accept.  The  new  Hay-Pauncefote  Treaty 
proved  acceptable  in  both  countries,  and  was  ratified  with 
out  change.  Like  the  Clayton-Bulwer  Treaty,  it  guar 
antees  the  neutrality  of  any  canal  that  may  be  opened 
through  the  Central  American  isthmus,  but  gives  to  the 


TOPICS,  REFERENCES,  AND   RESEARCH.     603 

United  States  rights  of  ownership,  regulation,  and  defence, 
which  the  former  treaty  did  not. 

This  arrangement  with  England  was  preparatory  to 
the  taking  of  definite  measures  for  securing  the  construc 
tion  of  the  canal  at  the  cost  and  under  the  ownership  of 
the  United  States.     An  act  of  Congress  passed  in  June, 
1902,  gives  authority  to  the  President  to  pur 
chase,  for  the  sum  of  $40,000,000,  the  unfin-  canaiAct, 
ished  Panama  Canal,  begun  in  1882  by  a  French 
company  which  became  bankrupt  in  1888 ;  provided  that 
the  government  of  Colombia,  in  whose  territory  it  lies, 
will  transfer  the  franchise  of  that  company  to  the  United 
States,  with  proper  rights  and   powers  to  protect  and 
regulate  the  canal,  and  with  control  of  a  strip  of  ground 
on  the  margins  of  the  canal,  not  less  than  six  miles  wide. 
A  convention  which  satisfied  those  conditions  was  signed 
by  the  Colombian  minister  at  Washington,  on  Rejected 
the  22d  of  January,  1903  ;  but  rejected  by  the  §?Slan 
Colombian  government  in  the  August  following.   1903< 
If  the  arrangement  for  acquiring  the  Panama  Canal  should 
fail,  the  President  is  empowered  to  undertake  the  con 
struction  of  a  canal  on  what  is  known  as  the  Nicaragua 
route. 

TOPICS    AND    SUGGESTED    READING   AND    RESEARCH. 

356.    General  Garfield  elected  President.  —  His 

Murder. 
TOPICS  AND  REFERENCES. 

i.  Strife  over  the  Republican  nomination.  2.  Opposing  candi 
dates.  —  Demands  of  the  Greenback  party.  —  The  election.  3.  Fac 
tious  hostility  to  President  Garfield.  4.  Effect  on  a  disappointed 
office-seeker.  —  The  President  shot.  Andrews,  i.  307-336 ;  Rid- 
path,  ch.  xii.-xiii. ;  Stanwood,  ch.  xxvi. 

5.  Vice-President  Arthur  as  President.  6.  Civil  service  reform 
quickened  by  the  murder  of  President  Garfield.  Andrews,  i.  336-347. 


604  RECENT   YEARS. 

357.    Change  of  Party  in  the  Administration. — 
Election  of  President  Cleveland. 

TOPICS  AND  REFERENCES. 

x.  Action  of  "  Independent  Republicans."  2.  Election  of  Mr. 
Cleveland,  Democratic  candidate,  over  Mr.  Elaine.  3.  The  coun 
try  undisturbed  by  the  change  of  party  in  the  government.  4.  In 
dependent  course  of  President  Cleveland.  Andrews,  ii.  62-95  ; 
Stanwood,  ch.  xxvii. 

358.    Controversies  with  Great  Britain. 

TOPICS  AND  REFERENCES. 

i.  Fisher)'  disputes.  —  The  Halifax  award.  —  Fishery  articles  of 
the  Treaty  of  Washington  annulled.  2.  New  treaty  rejected  by 
the  Senate.  3.  Causes  of  dispute  removed  by  changed  modes  of 
fishing.  Andrews,  ii.  118-125,  290-291;  Burgess,  Reconstruction, 
319-322  ;  Blaine,  ii.  ch.  xxvii.;  Hart,  Contempts,  iv.  542-546. 

4.  Bering  Sea  controversy  and  its  arbitration.  Hart,  Con 
tempt,  iv.  564-567;  Andrews,  ii.  125-126. 

359.    Legislation  and  Incidents  of  the  Period. 

TOPICS  AND  REFERENCES. 

1.  Repeal  of  the  Tenure  of  Office  Act.     Cleveland,  464-475  ; 
Atlantic  Monthly,  June-July,  1900. 

2.  Provision  against  vacancies  in  the  presidential  office.     3.   Act 
to  regulate  the  counting  of  electoral  votes.     Stanwood,  ch.  xxviii. 

4.  Inter-State  Commerce  Commission. 

5.  President   Cleveland's  tariff  message  in  1887.  —  The  Mills 
Bill.     Stanwood,  458-459  ;  Andrews,  ii.  114-117;  Hart,  Contempts, 
iv.  518-520. 

6.  Death  of  General  Grant.     Andrews,  ii.  127-132. 

7.  Labor-strike  riots.  —  Crime  and  execution  of  Chicago  anar 
chists.     Andrews,  ii.  137-145. 

36O.    Election  of  President  Harrison. 

TOPICS  AND  REFERENCES. 

i.  Indecisive  verdict  of  the  election  on  the  tariff  question.  2. 
Republicans  again  in  control  of  the  government.  3.  Admission  of 


TOPICS,   REFERENCES,  AND    RESEARCH.      605 

new  States.  —  Creation  and  opening  of  Oklahoma  Territory.     Stan- 
wood,  459-487;  Andrews,  ii.  157-158,  195-200. 
RESEARCH.  —  Difficulty  of  the  United  States  with  Chile.     Hart, 
Practical  Essays,  v. 

361.    The  McKinley  Tariff. 

TOPICS  AND  REFERENCES. 

i.  Plan  of  the  new  tariff.  Stanwood,  489-490  ;  Taussig,  Tariff 
Hist.,  ch.  v. 

362.    The  Sherman  Act. 

TOPICS  AND  REFERENCES. 

i.  Object  of  the  act.  2.  Demand  for  more  silver  in  monetary 
use.  3.  Opinions  which  caused  the  demand.  4.  Provisions  of  the 
act.  Taussig,  Silver  Situation,  pt.  i,  sect.  vi. ;  White,  ch.  viii. 

363.  Second  election  of  ex-President  Cleveland. 

TOPICS  AND  REFERENCES. 

i.  The  People's  or  Populist  party.  2.  Election  of  President 
Cleveland.  3.  Fusion  of  Democrats  and  Populists  in  Congress. 
Stanwood,  490-518;  Andrews,  ii.  232-243. 

364.  The  Hawaiian  Islands.  —  Columbian  Expo 

sition. 

TOPICS  AND  REFERENCES. 

i.  The  Hawaiian  revolution.  2.  Treaty  of  annexation  with 
drawn  by  President  Cleveland.  Andrews,  ii.  310-316;  Richardson, 
ix.  460-472. 

3.   The  Columbian  Exposition  at  Chicago.     Andrews,  ii.  243-272. 

365.    A  Monetary  Crisis. 

TOPICS  AND  REFERENCES. 

i.  Demand  for  gold,  as  silver  declined  in  value.  2.  Why 
the  government  must  give  gold  in  exchange  for  its  notes.  3.  The 
"  endless  chain  "  process,  drawing  gold  from  the  treasury.  4.  The 
situation  in  1893. — Extra  session  of  Congress.  —  Repeal  of  the 
requirement  to  buy  silver.  5.  Further  measures  urged  without 
success.  Stanwood,  522-525  ;  Taussig,  Silver  Situation,  ch.  vi. ; 


6o6  RECENT   YEARS. 

White,  ch.   viii.;  Political  Science   Quarterly,  December,    1893; 
Hart,  Contempts,  iv.  533-536;  Richardson,  ix.  401-405. 

366.    The  Wilson  Tariff  and  the  Income  Tax. 
TOPICS  AND  REFERENCES. 

i.   Tariff  reductions.  —  Internal  revenue.  —  Income  tax.     2.  Sen 
ate  action  on  the  tariff  bill.     3.    Income  tax  pronounced  unconsti 
tutional.     Andrews,  ii.  303-307 ;  Stanwood,  523-525. 
RESEARCH.  —  Supreme  Court  decision  against  the  constitutional 
ity  of  the  income  tax.     Lamed,  Ready  Ref.,  vi.  554-557. 

367.    Venezuela  Controversy  with  Great  Britain. 

TOPICS  AND  REFERENCES. 

i.  President  Cleveland's  message  on  the  Venezuela  question.  2. 
Menace  of  war.  —  Feeling  in  the  two  countries.  3.  Arrangement 
for  arbitrating  the  dispute.  Larned,  Ready  Ref.,  vi.  557-560,  684- 
693 ;  Hart,  Contempts,  iv.  567-572. 

4.  General  arbitration  treaty  rejected  by  the  Senate.  Larned, 
Ready  Ref.,  vi.  577-580. 

368.    Silver  Question  in  the  Presidential  Election. 

TOPICS  AND  REFERENCES. 

i.  Two  conflicting  opinions  concerning  money.  2.  Excitement 
of  the  contest.  —  The  "campaign  of  education."  3.  The  candi 
dates  and  the  popular  vote.  Stanwood,  525-569;  Larned,  Ready 
Ref.,  vi.  563-574;  Hart,  Contempts,  iv.  536-538. 

369.    The  Dingley  Tariff.  —  Adoption  of  the  Gold 
Standard. 

TOPICS  AND  REFERENCES. 

i.  Special  session  of  Congress  for  tariff  legislation.  2.  Char 
acter  of  the  Dingley  tariff.  Larned,  Ready  Ref.,  vi.  580-581. 

3.  Failure  of  negotiations  for  free  silver  coinage   in   Europe. 
Larned,  Ready  Ref.,  vi.  314-317. 

4.  Final  adoption  of  a  standard  "  dollar,"  defined  in  gold.     Hart, 
Contemp'ls,  iv.  539-541  ;  Larned,  Ready  Ref.,  vi.  639-641. 

5.  Joint    High    Commission   for   settlement    of   questions   with 
Canada.     Larned,  Ready  Ref.,  vi.  63-64. 


TOPICS,   REFERENCES,  AND    RESEARCH.     607 

370.    The  Spanish-American  War. 

TOPICS  AND  REFERENCES. 

i.  American  sympathy  with  revolt  in  Cuba.  2.  Destruction  of 
the  Maine  in  Havana  harbor.  3.  Determination  to  stop  the  war 
in  Cuba.  —  Demand  addressed  to  Spain.  4.  Consequent  war.  — 
Calls  for  volunteers.  —  Blockade  of  Cuban  ports.  5.  Blockade  of 
Spanish  fleet  at  Santiago  de  Cuba.  6.  Destruction  of  another 
in  Manila  Bay.  7.  Military  expedition  to  Santiago.  —  Battles  of 
San  Juan  Hill  and  El  Caney.  8.  Attempted  escape  and  destruc 
tion  of  Cervera's  fleet.  9.  Surrender  of  Santiago.  10.  Siege  and 
capture  of  Manila.  —  Relations  between  American  army  and  a 
native  force  under  Aguinaldo.  n.  Revolutionary  government 
proclaimed  by  Aguinaldo.  12.  Conquest  of  Porto  Rico.  13.  Peace 
negotiations  and  treaty.  —  End  of  Spanish  rule  in  Cuba.  —  Ces 
sions  to  the  United  States.  —  Payment  for  the  Philippine  Islands. 
14.  Opposition  to  the  acquisition  of  the  Philippines,  and  its 
grounds.  Larned,  Ready  Ref.,  vi.  583-638,  171-182;  Hart,  Con- 
's,  iv.  579-581,  586-590,  608-611. 


37  1  .    Native  Revolt  in  the   Philippines.  —  Independ 
ence  of  Cuba. 

TOPICS  AND  REFERENCES. 

i.  Revolt  led  by  Aguinaldo,  and  its  suppression.  2.  Military 
rule,  followed  by  a  civil  government.  3.  Civil  government  in 
Porto  Rico.  4.  Creation  of  the  independent  Republic  of  Cuba. 
Larned,  Ready  Ref.,  vi.  371-403,  182-190;  Hart,  Contempts,  iv. 
601-603. 

372.    In  China. 
TOPICS  AND  REFERENCES. 

i.  Condition  of  China.  —  Action  of  European  powers.  2.  Guar 
antee  of  the  uopen  door"  secured  by  Secretary  Hay.  3.  Part 
taken  by  American  forces  against  the  "  Boxer  "  rising.  Larned, 
Ready  Ref.,  vi.  80-144;  Hart,  Contempts,  iv.  616-622. 

373.    Reelection  of  President  McKinley. 

TOPICS  AND  REFERENCES. 

i.  The  silver  question  revived.  —  The  issue  that  it  pushed  aside. 
2.  The  vote  reelecting  President  McKinley.  Larned,  Ready  Ref., 
vi.  646-660. 


6o8  RECENT   YEARS. 

374.    Murder  of  President  McKinley.  —  Succession 
of  Vice-President  Roosevelt. 

TOPICS. 

i.    Circumstances  of  the  murder  of  the  President.     2.   Antece 
dents  and  reputation  of  Vice-President  Roosevelt. 

375.    The  Inter-oceanic  Canal. 

TOPICS. 

i.   The  Hay-Pauncefote  treaty.  — Isthmian  Canal  Act  of  Con 
gress. —  Rejected  convention  with  Colombia. 


EPOCHS   OF   PROGRESS   AND    CHANGE. 

Early  Epochs  in  the  Settlement  of  the  United  States.  In  the 
spreading  of  population  over  the  great  area  of  the  United 
States  there  have  been  six  epochs  of  movement,  distinctly 
marked :  — 

The  first  movement  planted  settlements  along  the  Atlantic 
margin  of  the  continent  and  on  the  eastern  slopes   coastset. 
of  the  Appalachian  Mountain  system,  which  was  the   tiements. 
limit  of  occupation,  practically,  till  the  end  of  the  seventeenth 
century. 

The  second  entered  the  valleys  that  lie  between  the  ridges 
of   the   mountain   system,  stretching   southwestwardly  from 
Pennsylvania,  where  they  come  nearest  to  the  coast,   ^  tne 
and  where  the  movement  into  them  began.     Those  JJJJJ™ 
valleys  gave  a  direction  to  the  most  important  ad-   talns- 
vance  of  settlement  in  the  first  half  of  the  eighteenth  cen 
tury. 

Epochs  of  the  Waterways :  Rivers,  Canals,  and  Lakes.    The 
third  movement,   passing  the  mountains,  into  the 
valley  of  the  Ohio,  was  pioneered  about  the  middle   valley  of 
of  the  eighteenth  century,  and,  during  the  next  seven   1750-    ' 
decades,  carried  most  of  the  westward  emigration   1820' 
of  the  times  to  the  borders  of  that  river  and  its  many  tribu 
tary  streams. 

The  fourth  movement  of  population,  started  by  the  build 
ing  of  the  Erie  Canal  (1817-25),  was  into  the  basin  of  the 
Great  Lakes.      In   1820  there  were  probably  not  into  the 
more  than  100,000  people  in  the  whole  country  that 
has  its  drainage  to  the  lakes,  against  a  million,  at 
least,  in  the  region  whose  waters  run  to  the  Ohio.   i860. 
From  that  time  the  westward  migration  on  both  courses,  lake 


6lO        EPOCHS    OF    PROGRESS    AND    CHANGE. 

and  river,  went  forward  at  an  ever  increasing  rate,  stimulated 
in  both  directions  by  the  rapid  development  of  steamboat 
navigation,  and  forwarded  in  both  by  an  energetic  construction 
of  connecting  canals.  The  quarter  century  between  1825  and 

1850  was  a  period  in  which  waterways,  natural  and  artificial, 
were  an  agency  of  more  importance  than  in  any  former  or 
later  time. 

Epochs  of  the  Railway.1     The  fifth  epoch  opened  when  the 
new  agency  of  the  railway  was  added  to  the  agency  of  the  water 
ways,  with  substantial  ability  to  double  the  rate  of 
Opening  of 
the  rail-      material   progress.      That   came,   as   a  fact,   about 

1850 ;  for  railways,  with  steam  locomotion,  though 
they  had  their  beginning  in  1830,  did  little  for  the  western 
country  in  their  first  twenty  years.  In  1850  only  9000  miles 
of  the  iron  road  had  been  constructed  in  the  whole  United 
States,  and  most  of  that  was  in  the  east.  Then  the  real 
opening  of  the  era  of  the  rail  and  the  locomotive,  as  the  chief 
factors  in  our  national  development,  may  be  said  to  have 
occurred.  In  that  year  lines  of  rail  from  Georgia  and  South 
Carolina  passed  the  southern  mountains  to  Chattanooga.  In 

1851  the  Erie  Railway  was  finished  from  Lake  Erie  to  New 
York ;  the  Hudson  River  road  was  opened  from  New  York 
to  Albany ;  and  the  several  linked  roads  (consolidated  after 
ward  in  the  New  York  Central)  which  had  connected  Albany 
with  Buffalo  since  1842  were  permitted  for  the  first  time  to 
carry  freight  in  free  competition  with  the  Erie  Canal.     It  was 
in  the  same  year  that  heavy  iron  rails  began  to  displace  thin 
strips  of  iron  laid  on  wooden  stringers,  in  the  construction 
westward    °f  tracks.     In  1852  two  railways  from  Lake  Erie  to 
fhJioco6-01   Chicago  were  opened,  and  in  1853  the  last  link  (be- 
ISBO?'        tween  Cleveland  and  Toledo)  needed  to  connect 
1861.          New  York  with  Chicago  by  rail  was  filled  up.     In 
1854  the  Mississippi  was  reached  by  the  chain  of  rails  from 
the  ocean,  and  the  chain  was  stretched  to  the  Missouri  in 
1859.     By  1860  the  miles  of  railroad  in  the  whole  country 

1  Poor,  Manual  of  the  Railroads  of  the  United  States.     Inter 
state  Commerce  Commission,  Annual  Reports. 


EPOCHS    OF    PROGRESS    AND    CHANGE.       6ll 

had  increased  to  30,000.     Then  came  the  check  of  the  Civil 
War,  during  which  only  5000  miles  of  new  road  were  built. 

What  we  may  fairly  call  a  sixth  epoch  was  opened  almost 
simultaneously  with  the  closing  of  the  Civil  War.     Hitherto 
the  railway  had  been  either  the  ally  or  the  rival  of  Beyon(1 
many  mighty  waterways  of  travel  and  trade.     Now  ^uf^|at 
it  ran  beyond  reach  of  their  help  or  their  competi-   1865- 
tion,  out  of  the  great  valley  regions  into  the  almost  waterless 
high  plateaus  and  mountains  of  the  farther  west.     There  it 
began  the  work  of  wonder  which  is  peopling  supposed  deserts 
with  millions,  covering  them  with  fruitful  orchards  and  fertile 
fields,  and  filling  the  depths  of  their  hills  with  wealthy  towns. 
In  1860  there  were  400,000  white  inhabitants  of  California 
and  Oregon,  but  less  than  200,000  between  them  and  the 
eastern  settlements  of  Kansas  and  Nebraska,  with  little  rea 
son  to  suppose  that  the  latter  number  could  be  much  in 
creased.     Nevertheless,  the  building  of  a  railroad 
from  the  Missouri  to  the  Pacific,  to  span  that  wide 
solitude,  was  begun  in   1865  and  finished  in  1869. 
It  was   an  undertaking,  not  of  commercial  enter-  1869. 
prise,  but  of  public  policy,  projected  by  the  government  as 
a  means  of  binding  the  Pacific  States  to  the  Union,  and  the 
building  of  it  was   induced  by  enormous  grants  of  public 
lands.     Nobody  expected  much  settlement  of  population  or 
creation  of  traffic  along  its  line,  but  there  was  an   The 
ambition  to  make  it  a  route  of  trade  with  China  and  ^Jjfg 
Japan  ;  yet  the  census  of  1900  found  nearly  three   19°0- 
millions  of  people  in  five  States  through  which  it  runs,  and  a 
recent  historian  of  the  road  has  written  that  ninety-five  cents 
of  every  dollar  it  earns  comes  from  its  local  trade.     Instead 
of  the  one  line  of  rail  across  the  continent  there  are  five  lines 
to-day,  inside  of  the  limits  of  the  United  States,  with  a  sixth  in 
Canadian  territory,  at  the  north ;  and  not  less  than  ten  mil 
lions  of  people  are  dwelling  west  of  the  meridian  from  which 
railway  building  took  its  new  start  in  1865. 


6l2       EPOCHS    OF   PROGRESS   AND    CHANGE. 

Irrigation  of  Arid  Lands  in  the  Farther  West.1  In  the  recent 
history  of  American  agriculture,  the  facts  of  most  interest  are 
connected  with  the  beginnings  of  an  artificial  irrigation  of 
lands,  in  those  wide  regions  of  the  farther  west  which  receive 
little  rain.  Not  many  years  ago  they  were  looked  upon  as 
wastes  of  desert,  although  it  was  known  that  much  of  their 
soil  became  fertile  wherever  watered  by  the  smallest  stream. 
Primitive  Some  artificial  watering,  by  small  canals  and  distrib- 
irrigation.  utjng  ditches,  from  the  limited  lakes  and  rivers,  had 
been  practised  from  early  times  by  the  Pueblo  Indian  tribes 
of  Arizona  and  New  Mexico ;  and  the  Mormon  settlers  in 
Utah  had  applied  such  irrigation  to  considerable  areas  of 
land.  In  1870,  at  Greeley,  Colorado,  a  colony  was  founded 
for  the  purpose  of  testing  the  possibility  of  profitable  agri 
culture  in  that  country,  on  lands  artificially  irrigated,  and  the 
experiment  had  success.  Gradually  from  that  time  the  con 
viction  has  been  growing  that  a  large  part  of  the  arid  lands 
of  the  west  are  not  only  capable  of  reclamation,  but  richly 
worth  being  reclaimed,  even  at  great  cost  for  works  to  store 
and  distribute  the  waters  in  a  regulated  way.  Between  1880 
Recent  anc^  ^89  nearly  $68,000,000  of  private  capital  were 
works.  invested  in  such  works,  and  at  the  end  of  that  period, 
as  shown  by  the  census  report  of  1900,  there  were  more  than 
seven  and  a  half  millions  of  acres  of  far  western  land  under 
irrigation,  in  108,000  farms.  In  1902  Congress  was  prevailed 
upon  to  make  the  undertakings  of  irrigation  a  national  task, 
so  far  as  to  apply  to  them  the  proceeds  of  the  sale  of  public 
lands  in  Arizona,  California,  Colorado,  Idaho,  Kansas,  Ne 
braska,  Nevada,  New  Mexico,  North  and  South  Dakota,  Okla 
homa,  Oregon,  Utah,  Washington,  and  Wyoming.  This  was 
done  by  an  act  that  became  law  in  June  of  that  year. 

Expansion  and  Development  in  Thirty-Jive  Years.2  In  thirty- 
five  years,  between  the  end  of  the  Civil  War  and  the  end  of 

1  United  States  Census  Reports :  Twelfth  Census,  1900,  vol.  vi. 
(Agriculture)  pp.  797-880. 

8  United  States  Census  Reports :  Twelfth  Census,  1900,  vol.  ii. 
(Population),  v.-vi.  (Agriculture),  vii.-x.  (Manufactures). 


EPOCHS    OF    PROGRESS    AND   CHANGE.       613 

the  century,  our  nation  added  more  than  forty  millions  to  the 
number  of  its  inhabitants,  spread  them  to  the  remotest  cor 
ners  of  its  immense  domain,  and  gave  them  busy  employments 
of  a  thousand  kinds.  To  accomplish  that  wonderful  expan 
sion  of  life  and  labor  on  the  continent,  many  agen- 
cies  have  worked  together,  but  the  railway  has  led  of  the 
them  all.  Its  miles  were  lengthened  from  35,000  in 
1865  to  198,000  in  1901.  By  facilitating  and  cheapening  the 
transportation  of  commodities,  it  has  opened  illimitable 
markets  for  wheat  grown  on  the  great  fields  of  the  distant 
northwest,  for  meats  fattened  on  the  wide  plains  of  Texas, 
Kansas,  and  Nebraska,  for  fruits  ripened  on  the  Pacific  slope, 
and  for  every  mineral  unearthed  in  the  rich  rocky  recesses 
of  the  land.  A  few  examples  will  indicate  how  much  that 
unlocking  of  the  resources  of  the  country  has  meant.  In 
1870  the  improved  farm  lands  of  the  United  States  mea 
sured  188,000,000  acres  in  extent;  in  1900  the  measure  was 
414,000,000.  Of  wheat  grown  there  were  152,000,000  bushels 
in  1867,  and  748,000,000  in  1902  ;  of  corn,  868,- 
000,000  bushels  in  1867,  and  2,105,000,000  in  1901  ; 


of  cotton,  2,278,000  bales  in  1866,  and  10,768,000  oithe 
in  1902.  The  domestic  animals  of  the  country  were 
valued  at  $1,229,000,000  in  1870,  and  at  $2,981,000,000  in 
1900.  The  wool  produced  in  1866  weighed  150,000,000 
pounds,  against  316,000,000  in  the  product  of  1902.  The 
tons  of  coal  mined  were  70,000,000  in  1880,  and  261,000,000 
in  1901.  Of  iron  and  steel  there  were  3,263,000  tons  pro 
duced  in  .1870,  and  29,507,000  in  1900;  but  the  nine-fold 
increase  of  quantity  yielded  only  a  four-fold  increase  in 
market  value  of  product,  showing  that  steel  and  iron  have 
been  cheapened  more  than  half  in  the  thirty  years. 

Cheapened  Production  of  Iron  and  Steel.  This  cheapening 
of  iron  and  steel,  which  has  brought  them  nearly  to  the  same 
level  of  low  price,  is  the  most  important  event  in  the  indus 
trial  history  of  recent  years.  It  gives  the  most  useful  form 
of  the  most  useful  metal  to  a  thousand  uses  from  which  steel 
was  barred  formerly  by  its  cost.  It  has  been  the  result  of 


614        EPOCHS    OF    PROGRESS    AND    CHANGE. 

scientific  and  mechanical  improvements  in  the  processes  of 
manufacture,  starting  from  a  revolutionary  discovery  that  was 

perfected  by  Henry  Bessemer  in  England,  about 
Scientific  o  TU  •  i  r 

and  me-       1859.     Ihe  simple  process  of  Bessemer  for  convert- 
improve1      ing  crude  iron  into  hard  and  elastic  steel,  on  a  huge 

scale,  at  low  cost,  by  forcing  air  through  the  molten 
metal  to  burn  out  an  excess  of  carbon  in  it,  was  introduced 
in  the  United  States  about  1865.  From  that  date,  slowly  at 
first  and  rapidly  at  last,  steel  has  been  displacing,  not  only 
iron,  but  wood  and  other  materials,  for  countless  constructive 
purposes.  The  greatest  of  economies  in  railway  transporta 
tion  has  resulted  from  the  durability  of  steel  tracks,  super 
seding  the  old  iron  rail.  The  frames  of  important  build 
ings,  bridges,  ships — nearly  all  considerable  structures  of 
every  character  —  are  now  of  steel  ;  while  its  use  in  machinery 
and  utensils  increases  from  day  to  day.  By  the  more  eco 
nomical  organization  of  their  works,  by  the  encouragement 
they  give  to  labor-saving  inventions,  and  by  what  seems  to 
be  a  more  efficient  general  management,  the  iron  and  steel 
manufacturers  of  the  United  States  are  now  confessedly  lead 
ing  the  world. 

General  Progress  in  Manufacturing  Industries^  Generally, 
the  manufacturing  industries  of  the  country  have  been  stim 
ulated  to  a  prodigious  growth  within  the  past  thirty  years,  by 
their  protection,  on  the  one  hand,  from  competition  abroad, 
and,  on  the  other  hand,  by  the  great  area  of  their  free  trade 
at  home,  with  multiplying  millions  of  people.  According  to 
the  census  reports,  $2,000,000,000  invested  in  all. branches 
of  manufacture  in  1870  had  been  increased  to  nearly  $10,000,- 
000,000  in  1900  ;  2,000,000  wage-earners  in  manufacturing 
establishments  had  been  multiplied  to  more  than  5,000,000; 
their  earnings  had  risen  from  less  than  $800,000,000  to  more 
than  $2  300,000,000 ;  and  the  value  of  the  total  product  of 
American  manufactures  had  advanced  from  $4.000,000,000  to 

1  United  States  Census  Reports :  Twelfth  Census,  ipoo,  vol. 
vii.-x.  (Manufactures). 


EPOCHS    OF    PROGRESS    AND    CHANGE.       615 

$13,000,000,000.  Whether  the  country  and  the  people,  as  a 
whole,  have  been  bettered  in  condition,  or  otherwise,  by  the 
protective  policy  which  helped  to  produce  these  results,  is  a 
question  much  disputed  between  those  who  favor  that  policy 
and  those  who  are  opposed. 

No  parts  of  the  country  have  gained  more  from  this  de 
velopment   of  manufacturing   industry   than    those  parts   in 
which  it  was  neglected  most  before  the  Civil  War.. 
There  was  a  seven-fold  increase  of  capital  invested   in  the 
in  manufactures  in   the   southern    States   between 
1870  and   1900,   against  five-fold   in  the  United   States  at 
large ;    nearly   five-fold    increase   of    wage-earnings,    against 
three-fold  in  the  whole  country ;  and  a  value  of  product  four 
times  greater  in  one  case  and  but  three  times  greater  in  the 
other. 

Discovery  and  Invention^  Since  the  beginning  of  the  nine 
teenth  century,  scientific  discovery  and  mechanical  invention 
have  wrought  more  change  in  the  conditions  of  life  on  the 
globe  than  in  all  the  ages  that  went  before  ;  and  in  no  other 
country  has  the  change  been  so  great  and  so  rapid  as  in  the 
United  States.  Generally  speaking,  so  far  as  human  activities 
are  affected  by  them,  the  important  inventions  of  0 

man  have  started  from  and  been  dependent  on  some   natural 

forces, 
capture  of  a  natural  force,  subduing  it  to  his  use.  At 

first,  and  till  not  much  more  than  a  century  ago,  he  merely 
caught  those  forces  as  he  found  them  already  in  action  around 
him,  —  already  setting  matter  in  motion,  —  in  winds,  water 
falls,  and  strong  animals,  like  the  horse.  He  borrowed,  so  to 
speak,  the  existing  motions  of  the  natural  world,  and  made 
them  directly  helpful  to  himself.  At  last  —  late  in  history  — 
he  began  to  get  an  inkling  of  the  existence  of  an  enormous 
store  of  locked-up  force  in  the  universe,  prepared  in  motion- 

1  lies,  Flame,  Electricity,  and  the  Camera ;  Mendenhall,  Cen 
tury  of  Electricity  ;  Thurston,  History  of  the  Growth  of  the  Steam 
Engine. 


6l6       EPOCHS    OF    PROGRESS    AND    CHANGE. 

less,  imprisoned  forms,  ready  to  leap  into  activity  for  his  ser 
vice  when  he  had  learned  how  to  set  it  free.     Ap- 
Steam  and 
the  steam    plying  heat  to  water,  he  discovered  the  manageable 

energy  in  steam,  invented  the  cylinder  and  piston, 
and  acquired  a  new  motor  for  every  machine  he  might  con 
trive.  From  the  day  of  that  grand  achievement  down  to  a 
time  that  seems  only  yesterday,  invention  was  busy  mainly 
with  devices  for  perfecting  and  extending  the  service  of  the 
steam  engine, — multiplying  its  labors  as  spinner,  weaver, 
knitter,  shoemaker,  miller,  sawyer,  smith,  printer,  wagoner, 
galley-slave,  —  slave,  in  fact,  for  every  task  that  the  needs  and 
desires  of  mankind  can  impose.  For  more  than  half  a  cen 
tury  after  Watts,  steam  power  was  the  sole  form  of  force 
(except  explosive  and  destructive  force)  that  men  had  learned 
to  generate  and  make  useful  for  themselves.  Then,  having 
Electric  come  upon  faint  traces  of  that  more  mysterious 
The't'eie-  f°rm  of  force  that  we  call  electricity,  they  began  to 
graplL  learn  something  of  its  hidden  sources  and  strange 
workings,  and  to  bring  it  into  use ;  but  only  as  an  agile  ser 
vant  at  first,  swift  of  motion,  but  feeble,  —  fit  for  the  message- 
bearing  telegraph,  and  for  nothing  else.  Electrical  discovery 
reached  that  practical  result  in  1844,  and  then  halted  for 
more  than  twenty  years.  It  was  not  until  about  1867  tnat 
the  development  of  the  dynamo  began  to  disclose 
namo,  the  possibility  of  a  generation  of  controllable  electric 
power.  Since  that  time,  the  electric  battery  and  the 
electric  dynamo  have  taken  the  lead  that  the  steam  engine  had 
held  before,  among  the  agencies  of  progress  and  change.  The 
marvel  of  the  telephone  dates  from  about  1876-1878 ; 
phone,6"  electric  lighting  was  made  practicable  in  the  next 
lighting,  decade  ;  the  electric  railway,  which  is  transforming 
railway,  cities  and  revolutionizing  rural  life,  had  its  begin- 
Sono?iS  ™nS  aDOUt  J88i  ;  the  converting  of  power  from  great 
power"  waterfalls,  like  that  at  Niagara,  into  electric  energy, 
iloo  transmissible  by  wire  for  distant  use,  was  accom 

plished  in  the  last  decade  of  the  century;  the  em 
ployment  of  that  energy  in  new  processes  of  electro-metal- 


EPOCHS    OF    PROGRESS    AND   CHANGE.       617 

lurgy   and   electro-chemical   manufacture,  yielding   valuable 
new  products,  arose  simultaneously ;  and  the  latest 

grand  achievement  of  electrical  science,  in  wireless  chemistry 

and  metal- 
telegraphy,  had  just  been  reached  when  the  century   lurgy, 

...      ,        wireless 

closed.      That  we  are  entering  an  era  in  which  the   tele- 
new-found  form  of  Nature's  energy  will  work  more  fas!)1-7' 
change   in  the  world  and  in  the  life  of  man  than   1900t 
all  that  has  gone  before  seems  a  reasonable  belief. 

Social  Effects  of  Economic  Changes.  The  many  and  great 
economic  changes  of  the  past  thirty  years  have  acted  upon 
the  conditions  of  life  in  the  country  with  profound  social 
effects.  The  increase  of  wealth  has  surpassed  the  increase 
of  population,  which  would  mean  a  notable  advance  in  gen 
eral  welfare  if  the  increase  had  been  shared  in  a  general  way ; 
but  that  is  a  matter  of  some  doubt.  Probably  there  is,  on 
the  whole,  a  larger  proportion  of  the  people  who  enjoy  what 
we  call  "easy  circumstances"  in  life  than  there  was  a  gener 
ation  ago.  Probably,  too,  those  who  live  by  hard  labor  earn 
generally  the  means  of  a  more  comfortable  living  than  they 
did  at  the  time  in  question.  On  all  such  points  the  compari 
sons  are  uncertain,  because  the  scales  of  measurement  have 
changed.  Wages,  salaries,  incomes  of  every  description,  have 
mostly  risen ;  but  the  cost  of  living  has  risen,  too,  in  dif 
ferent  particulars,  at  different  places. 

The  one  certain  fact  is  that  the  inequalities  of  wealth  in  the 
country  have  been  widening  in  these  years  to  a  startling  de 
gree.     The  mere  millionaires,  now  common  among  widening 
us,  were  rarities  in  the  last  generation,  while  the  tiS?!?11" 
huger  fortunes  of  the  present  day,  measured  by  hun-  wealtl1- 
dreds  of  millions,  were  unimaginable,  even  to  the  romancers 
of  that  age.     On  the  other  hand,  there  was  much  less  of  ex 
treme  poverty  than  has  come  to  be  familiar  to  us  in  the  last 
thirty  or  forty  years.     There  were  few,  if  any,  of  the  grave 
social  problems  that  confront  us  in  these  days,  on  both  sides 
of   the   scale   of  fortune,  —  on  the  side  of   poverty  and  on 
the  side  of  wealth.     Of  unemployed  labor  there  was  seldom 
enough  to  raise  questions  in  our  minds.    We  knew  nothing 


618        EPOCHS    OF    PROGRESS    AND    CHANGE. 

of  the  anarchist  or  the  tramp.  As  for  the  great  problem  that 
now  troubles  the  world,  namely,  how  to  keep  peace  between 
powerful  combinations  of  workmen  in  one  class  and  capital 
ists  in  another,  and  how  to  protect  the  general  welfare  against 
both,  it  had  not  come  into  view. 

Combinations  in  industry  on  the  vast  scale  of  the  corpo 
rations,  the  "trusts,"  so  called,  and  the  labor  unions  of  the 
0  osin  Present  time,  were  not  possible  until  science  and 
combina-  invention  had  done  what  they  have  done  in  recent 

tions  of  . 

labor  and  years,  with  steam,  electricity,  and  other  forces,  to 
overcome  distance  and  time,  widening  and  speed 
ing  the  intercourse  of  people  with  one  another.  Such  organ 
izations  have  risen  among  us  lately  in  a  startling  way,  with 
immeasurable  capabilities  of  good  in  all  of  them,  if  wisely 
directed  and  justly  controlled  ;  and  with  dreadful  powers  of 
mischief,  if  wantonly  used.  Their  natural  relation  to  each 
other  is  that  of  alliance  and  cooperation ;  but  their  present 
tendency  is  toward  conflict,  with  deep  injury  to  the  very  in 
terests  that  have  organized  them,  and  still  more  injury  to 
society  at  large.  Struggles  between  employers  and  employed, 
in  strikes  and  lockouts,  have  been  growing  more  frequent, 
more  bitter,  and  more  extensive,  from  year  to  year.  The 
most  serious  of  such  contests  occurred  in  1902,  when  the 
production  of  anthracite  coal  was  stopped  for  many  months 
by  a  general  strike  of  the  miners  engaged  in  it,  and  severe 
suffering  in  the  whole  country  was  caused.  By  the  personal 
intervention  of  President  Roosevelt,  the  mine-owners  and  the 
Peaceable  miners  were  persuaded  finally  to  submit  the  dis- 
oi?£-atl011  Putes  between  them  to  a  commission,  and  the  strike 
putes.  was  brought  to  an  end.  This  and  other  successes 
in  arbitration  give  hope  that  tribunals  for  a  peaceful  settle 
ment  of  labor  controversies  may  come  into  existence,  and 
may  acquire  an  authority  that  will  remove  most  occasions  of 
strife.  One  step  of  importance  toward  that  result  was  taken 
in  December,  1901,  when  action  by  a  society  called  the  "Na 
tional  Civic  Federation  "  led  to  a  conference  in  New  York, 
at  which  eleven  representatives  of  great  corporations,  twelve 


EPOCHS   OF    PROGRESS    AND    CHANGE.       619 

of  the  foremost  leaders  of  labor  organizations  in  the  country, 
and  thirteen  distinguished  gentlemen  who  are  selected  repre 
sentatives  of  the  public  at  large,  organized  an  "  Industrial 
Department  "  of  the  said  "  Civic  Federation,"  having  for  its 
purpose  "  to  promote  industrial  peace  and  prosperity,"  by 
using  its  influence  and  tendering  its  good  offices  "  to  obviate 
and  prevent  strikes  and  lockouts."  The  pacific  influence  of 
so  broadly  representative  a  body  can  hardly  fail  to 

be  very  great.     Another  influence  to  the  same  end  partment 

of  Com- 
seems  likely  to  result  from  the  creation,  by  act  of  merce  and 

Congress,  in  1903,  of  a  new  department  of  admin 
istration  in  the  national  government,  styled  the  Department 
of  Commerce  and  Labor. 

Hostilities  more  serious  than  those  in  the  industrial  field, 
because  fiercer  and  more  lawless,  have  grown  alarmingly  of 
late  in  the  relations  between  white  and  black  peo-  Raoe 
pie,  especially  in  those  parts  of  the  country  where  com11***- 
slavery  left  large  numbers  of  the  African  race.  The  political 
suppression  of  the  negro  in  those  sections  has  not  produced 
a  friendlier  attitude  toward  him  on  the  part  of  the  whites. 
Whole  communities  seem  to  go  mad  with  rage  when  a  black 
man  commits  or  is  suspected  of  the  commission  of  some  foul 
crime,  and  rise  in  furious  mobs,  to  trample  on  civilization 
and  law.  This  is  one  of  the  most  sinister  signs  of  the  times. 

Progress  in  Education?  The  hopeful  remedy  for  all  social 
disorders  is  in  general  education,  and  a  noble  share  of  the 
intense  energy  of  American  life  and  labor  has  always  been 
directed  to  educational  work,  —  more  in  late  years  than  be 
fore.  The  foundations  of  a  broad  system  of  free  common 
schools  were  laid  early  in  most  of  the  States ;  but  not  much 
beyond  the  establishing  and  improving  of  that  elementary 
system  had  been  accomplished  at  the  outbreak  of  the  Civil 
War.  For  an  education  above  the  rudiments  of  knowledge 

1  United  States  Census  Reports :  Twelfth  Census,  1900,  vol.  ii. 
(Population);  Butler,  editor,  Education  in  the  United  States; 
National  Educational  Association,  Journal ;  Washington,  Booker 
T.,  The  Future  of  the  Negro. 


620        EPOCHS    OF   PROGRESS    AND   CHANGE. 

the  free  opportunities  were  scant.  Private  academies  and 
endowed  colleges  had  risen  only  in  limited  numbers,  as  in 
stitutions  for  a  favored  few.  Then,  at  about  the  middle  of 
the  last  century,  an  expansion  of  the  free  public  school  sys- 
The  high  tem  to  a  higher  and  larger  range  was  begun,  by  add- 
deveiop-  m&  tne  "high  school"  and  the  "normal  school;" 
ment.  an(j  this  has  gone  forward  with  a  vigor  so  increasing 
that,  in  1902,  the  number  of  high  school  pupils  in  the  coun 
try  was  reported,  at  the  annual  meeting  of  the  National  Edu 
cational  Association,  to  have  doubled  within  the  ten  years  last 
past.  At  the  same  time,  the  care  for  learning  in  still  higher 
ranges  has  been  stimulated  in  an  equal  degree.  By  muni 
ficent  endowments  from  private  benefactors,  by  large  grants 
of  public  lands,  by  liberal  appropriations  of  state  aid,  —  often 
by  united  contributions  from  all  three  sources  of 

ties  and  support, — great  universities  and  special  schools  of 
schools  of  °  i  •  i.  j  j-  M 

science        science  and  art  have  been  multiplied  extraordinarily 

within  the  past  forty  years.  Nor  has  that  upward 
pushing  of  educational  forces  caused  any  slackening  of  effort 
in  the  elementary  field.  The  work  of  common  teaching  has 
been  raised  almost  everywhere  to  a  new  efficiency,  animated 
with  a  new  spirit,  and  made  resolutely  searching,  to  reach  all 
the  youth  in  the  land,  by  laws  that  restrict  the  industrial  em 
ployments  of  the  young  and  require  their  attendance 
united  at  school.  A  systematic  invigoration  of  all  educa- 
Bureauoi  tional  work  has  resulted  from  the  organization  at 
Washington,  in  1867,  of  a  national  Bureau  of  Educa 
tion,  which  gathers  stimulating  and  suggestive  information 
from  every  part  of  the  world. 

The  real  fruits  of  education,  in  conduct  and  character,  can 
not  be  shown  statistically  ;  but  a  certain  gross  measure  of  the 

work  of  American  schools  during  the  last  two  de- 
Rapid  les 
sening  oi     cades  appears  in  the  census  reports  of  1880,  1890, 
illiteracy.  .     .     ,.  ,       ,•  ,       ,  T 

and  1900,  and  it  indicates  a  splendid  advance.     In 

1880  no  less  than  17  per  cent,  of  the  total  population  of  the 
United  States,  above  ten  years  of  age,  was  illiterate,  —  unable 
to  read  and  write.  In  igoo'the  illiterates  had  been  reduced 


EPOCHS    OF    PROGRESS   AND    CHANGE.        621 

to  10.7  per  cent.  Of  the  white  population  of  the  country, 
9.4  per  cent,  was  illiterate  in  1880,  and  only  6.2  per  cent,  in 
1900.  Illiteracy  among  the  native  whites  dropped  from  8.7 
per  cent,  in  1880  to  4.6  per  cent,  in  1900  ;  but  among  the 
foreign-born  white  inhabitants  it  increased  from  12  to  12.9 
per  cent.  But  the  greater  gain  in  elementary  education  ap 
pears  among  the  people  of  color,  70  per  cent,  of  whom  had 
not  learned  to  read  or  write  in  1880,  while  the  census  of  1900 
found  but  44.5  per  cent,  in  that  ignorant  state. 

Conditions  in  the  former  slave  States  were  changed  amaz 
ingly  in  those  twenty  years.  In  the  two  groups,  of  "  South 
Atlantic"  and  "South  Central,"  into  which  those 
States  are  divided  in  the  census  reports,  75  and  76 
per  cent,  of  the  colored  population  was  illiterate  in  states. 
1880,  against  47  and  48  per  cent,  in  1900.  Of  the  white  popu 
lation  in  the  same  two  groups,  20  and  22  per  cent,  were 
unable  to  read  and  write  in  1880,  and  but  n  per  cent,  in  1900. 
At  this  rate  of  diffusion,  the  rudiments  of  education  will  soon 
be  given  to  all  races  in  all  regions,  south  and  north. 

Possibly  more  important  to  the  freed  blacks  than  a  know 
ledge  of  letters  is  the  teaching  of  handicrafts,  the  training 

for  industrial  occupations,  the  cultivation  of  thrifty 

Industrial 
ambitions  and  well-ordered  modes  of  living,  on  which  training  of 

many  devoted  men  and  women  are  expending  their 
lives  in  the  south.  That  most  practical  mission  work,  begun 
by  General  Samuel  C.  Armstrong,  the  founder  of  Hampton 
Institute,  in  1868,  has  grown  to  fame  and  greatness  in  the 
hands  of  Booker  T.  Washington,  the  wise  leader,  who  seems 
to  be  showing  the  way  of  uplift  to  his  race. 

As  an  instrument  for  producing  enlightened  judgment  and 
action  in  our  democratic  country,  the  free  public  library,  cre 
ated  wholly  within  the  last  half  century,  ranks  nearly 
if  not  quite  as  high  in  importance  as  the  free  public  public 
school.     The  first  library  ever  founded  as  a  munici 
pal  institution,  maintained  at  public  cost,  for  supplying  books 
freely  to  readers  for  use  in  their  own  homes,  was  opened  in 
Boston  in  1852.     From  that  seed  of  example,  more  than  5000 


622        EPOCHS    OF    PROGRESS    AND    CHANGE. 

public  libraries,  for  the  free  lending  of  books,  have  sprung 
into  existence  since,  within  the  United  States,  nearly  3000  of 
Travelling  which  exceed  1000  volumes  in  extent.  These  have 
libraries,  spread  from  cities  to  towns  and  villages,  in  every 
quarter  of  the  land.  Beyond  the  villages,  too,  out  among  the 
country  farms,  to  the  remotest  settlements,  streams  of  good 
literature  are  now  flowing,  in  "  travelling  libraries,"  and  by 
systems  of  rural  delivery,  from  centres  of  distribution  already 
organized  in  many  States.  Added  to  the  free  circulating 
libraries  are  some  2500  more  that  are  free  for  the  use  of 
books  by  students  and  readers  within  their  own  rooms.  Men 
Library  °^  great  wealth  are  promoting  this  free  library  move- 
fndownd  ment  by  such  endowments  and  gifts  as  never  were 
ments.  bestowed  on  any  public  benefaction  before.  The 
gifts  of  Mr.  Andrew  Carnegie  alone,  to  libraries  in  the  United 
States,  were  reckoned  at  a  total  of  $38,500,000  in  1903. 
Among  all  the  activities  of  the  new  era  we  have  entered,  this 
seems  to  be  preeminent  in  the  largeness  of  its  spirit  and  its 
promise  of  beneficent  fruits. 

American  Literature.  In  the  period  following  the  Napo 
leonic  wars  and  our  second  war  with  England,  when  the 
awakening  of  a  new  spirit  in  the  country  seemed  to  occur,  we 
noted  (see  sect.  219)  a  very  well-marked  point  of  time  from 
which  American  literature,  in  the  higher  meaning  of  the  term, 
may  be  said  to  date.  It  appears  late  in  the  second  decade 
Begin-  °*  tne  nineteenth  century,  when  Bryant  (1817)  pub- 
nin2s.  Hshed  the  poem  "  Thanatopsis,"  when  Irving  (1819) 
gave  the  first  essays  of  the  "  Sketch  Book  "  to  the  world,  and 
when  Cooper  (1820)  produced  his  first  romance.  Almost 
every  name  of  high  distinction  in  American  letters  —  almost 
every  writing  that  appears  to  be  marked  for  lasting  preserva 
tion —  has  come  from  the  generation  that  was  young  in  those 
in  its  years.  At  the  middle  of  the  century  that  genera- 
prime.  tion  was  m  jts  prime  ;  its  productive  vigor  was  mostly 
spent  before  the  ending  of  the  Civil  War  j  and  not  much  that 
is  equal  to  the  best  of  its  work  has  been  added  to  Amer 
ican  literature  since  that  time,  if  the  critical  judgment  of  our 


EPOCHS    OF    PROGRESS    AND    CHANGE.       623 

own  day  is  true.     Let  the  reader  make  a  list  of  the  poems, 
romances,  essays,  histories,  and  other  writings  from   1840. 
American  pens  that  class  most  assuredly  high  in   1870- 
quality,  as  works  of  true  literary  art,  arranging  them  by  the 
dates  of  their  first  publication,  and  it  will  surprise  him  to  see 
how  they  cluster  in  the  middle  decades  of  the  nineteenth 
century,  and  how  they  drop  away  in  its  final  thirty  years. 

The  later  period  is  more  fertile  than  its  predecessor,  and 
the  quality  of  its  literary  product  is  not  mean.     In  fact,  there 
was  never  a  time  before  in  any  country  when  liter-  Literary 
ary  gifts  of  a  considerably  high  order  were  diffused   fertility- 
so  commonly,  or  cultivated  so  assiduously,  yielding  so  much 
that  is  good  ;  but  the  uplift  of  inspiration  to  great  work  seems 
wanting  in  nearly  all  that  is  done.    Perhaps  our  age 
exhausts  its  genius  so  nearly  in  subduing  the  forces   high 
of  nature  and  organizing  the  energies  of  mankind 
that  it  has  little  to  spare  for  the  undertakings  of  art.     The 
next  generation  may  have  more  freedom  from  material  tasks 
and  be  better  prepared  for  the  finer  workings  of  imagination 
and  thought.     There  are  signs  to  indicate  a  trend  that  way 
in  the  swift  and  powerful  currents  of  American  life. 


APPENDIX   A. 
THE   CONSTITUTION    OF   THE    UNITED   STATES. 

PREAMBLE. 

WE,  the  people  of  the  United  States,  in  order  to  form  a  more 
perfect  union,  establish  justice,  insure  domestic  tranquillity,  provide 
for  the  common  defense,  promote  the  general  welfare,  and  secure 
the  blessings  of  liberty  to  ourselves  and  our  posterity,  do  ordain 
and  establish  this  Constitution  for  the  United  States  of  America. 

ARTICLE  I.    LEGISLATIVE  DEPARTMENT. 

Section  I.     Congress  in  General. 

All  legislative  powers  herein  granted  shall  be  vested  in  a  Con 
gress  of  the  United  States,  which  shall  consist  of  a  Senate  and 
House  of  Representatives. 

Section  II.    House  of  Representatives. 

1.  The  House  of  Representatives  shall  be  composed  of  members 
chosen  every  second  year  by  the  people  of  the  several  States,  and 
the  electors  in  each  State  shall  have  the  qualifications  requisite  for 
electors  of  the  most  numerous  branch  of  the  State  legislature. 

2.  No  person  shall  be  a  Representative  who  shall  not  have  at 
tained  to  the  age  of  twenty-five  years,  and  been  seven  years  a  citi 
zen  of  the  United  States,  and  who  shall  not,  when  elected,  be  an 
inhabitant  of  that  State  in  which  he  shall  be  chosen. 

3.  Representatives  and  direct  taxes  shall  be  apportioned  among 
the  several  States  which  may  be  included  within  this  Union,  ac 
cording  to  their  respective  numbers,  which  shall  be  determined  by 
adding  to  the  whole  number  of  free  persons,  including  those  bound 
to  service  for  a  term  of  years,  and  excluding  Indians  not  taxed, 
three  fifths  of  all  other  persons.     The  actual  enumeration  shall  be 
made  within  three  years  after  the  first  meeting  of  the  Congress  of 
the  United  States,  and  within  every  subsequent  term  of  ten  years, 
in  such  manner  as  they  shall  by  law  direct.     The  number  of  Repre- 

I 


APPENDIX   A. 

sentatives  shall  not  exceed  one  for  every  thirty  thousand,  but  each 
State  shall  have  at  least  one  Representative ;  and  until  such  enume 
ration  shall  be  made,  the  state  of  New  Hampshire  shall  be  entitled 
to  choose  three,  Massachusetts  eight,  Rhode  Is  land  and  Providence 
Plantations  one,  Connecticut  five,  New  York  six,  New  Jersey  four, 
Pennsylvania  eight,  Delaware  one,  Maryland  six,  Virginia  ten, 
North  Carolina  five,  South  Carolina  five,  and  Georgia  three. 

4.  When  vacancies  happen  in  the  representation  from  any  State, 
the  executive  authority  thereof  shall  issue  writs  of  election  to  fill 
such  vacancies. 

5.  The  House  of  Representatives  shall  choose  their  Speaker  and 
other  officers,  arid  shall  have  the  sole  power  of  impeachment. 

Section  III.     Senate. 

1.  The  Senate  of  the  United  States  shall  be  composed  of  two 
Senators  from  each  State,  chosen  by  the  legislature  thereof,  for  six 
years ;  and  each  Senator  shall  have  one  vote. 

2.  Immediately  after  they  shall  be  assembled  in  consequence  of 
the  first  election,  they  shall  be  divided  as  equally  as  may  be  into 
three  classes.     The  seats  of  the  Senators  of  the  first  class  shall  be 
vacated  at  the  expiration  of  the  second  year ;  of  the  second  class, 
at  the  expiration  of  the  fourth  year,  and  of  the  third  class,  at  the 
expiration  of  the  sixth  year,  so  that  one  third  may  be  chosen  every 
second  year  ;  and  if  vacancies  happen  by  resignation  or  otherwise 
during  the  recess  of  the  legislature  of  any  State,  the  executive 
thereof  may  make  temporary  appointments  until  the  next  meeting 
of  the  legislature,  which  shall  then  fill  such  vacancies. 

3.  No  person  shall  be  a  Senator  who  shall  not  have  attained  to 
the  age  of  thirty  years,  and  been  nine  years  a  citizen  of  the  United 
States,  and  who  shall  not,  when  elected;  be  an  inhabitant  of  that 
State  for  which  he  shall  be  chosen. 

4.  The  Vice-President  of  the  United  States  shall  be  President  of 
the  Senate,  but  shall  have  no  vote,  unless  they  be  equally  divided. 

5.  The  Senate  shall  choose  their  other  officers,  and  also  a  Presi 
dent  pro  tempore  in  the  absence  of  the  Vice-President,  or  when  he 
shall  exercise  the  office  of  President  of  the  United  States. 

6.  The  Senate  shall  have  the  sole  power  to  try  all  impeachments. 
When  sitting  for  that  purpose,  they  shall  be  on  oath  or  affirmation.. 
When  the  President  of  the  United  States  is  tried,  the  Chief  Justice 
shall  preside :  and  no  person  shall  be  convicted  without  the  concur 
rence  of  two  thirds  of  the  members  present. 


THE    CONSTITUTION. 

7.  Judgment  in  cases  of  impeachment  shall  not  extend  further 
than  to  removal  from  office,  and  disqualification  to  hold  and  enjoy 
any  office  of  honor,  trust,  or  profit  under  the  United  States ;  but 
the  party  convicted  shall,  nevertheless,  be  liable  and  subject  to  in 
dictment,  trial,  judgment,  and  punishment,  according  to  law. 

Section  IV.    Both  Houses. 

1.  The  times,  places,  and  manner  of  holding  elections  for  Sena 
tors  and  Representatives  shall  be  prescribed  in  each  State  by  the 
legislature  thereof;  but  the  Congress  may  at  anytime  bylaw  make 
or  alter  such  regulations,  except  as  to  the  places  of  choosing  Sen 
ators. 

2.  The  Congress  shall  assemble  at  least  once  in  every  year,  and 
such  meeting  shall  be  on  the  first  Monday  in  December,  unless  they 
shall  by  law  appoint  a  different  day. 

Section  V.     The  Houses  Separately. 

1.  Each  house  shall  be  the  judge  of  the  elections,  returns,  and 
qualifications  of  its  own  members,  and  a  majority  of  each  shall  con 
stitute  a  quorum  to  do  business  ;  but  a  smaller  number  may  adjourn 
from  day  to  day,  and  may  be  authorized  to  compel  the  attendance 
of  absent  members,  in  such  manner,  and  under  such  penalties,  as 
each  house  may  provide. 

2.  Each  house  may  determine  the  rules  of  its  proceedings,  pun 
ish  its  members  for  disorderly  behavior,  and,  with  the  concurrence 
of  two  thirds,  expel  a  member. 

3.  Each  house  shall  keep  a  journal  of  its  proceedings,  and  from 
time  to  time  publish  the  same,  excepting  such  parts  as  may  in  their 
judgment  require  secrecy,  and  the  yeas  and  nays  of  the  members  of 
either  house  on  any  question  shall,  at  the  desire  of  one  fifth  of  those 
present,  be  entered  on  the  journal. 

4.  Neither  house,  during  the  session  of  Congress,  shall,  without 
the  consent  of  the  other,  adjourn  for  more  than  three  days,  nor  to 
any  other  place  than  that  in  which  the  two  houses  shall  be  sitting. 

Section  VI.     Privileges  and  Disabilities  of  Members. 

i.  The  Senators  and  Representatives  shall  receive  a  compensa 
tion  for  their  services,  to  be  ascertained  by  law  and  paid  out  of 
the  Treasury  of  the  United  States.  They  shall,  in  all  cases  except 
treason,  felony,  and  breach  of  the  peace,  be  privileged  from  arrest 
during  their  attendance  at  the  session  of  their  respective  houses, 

3 


APPENDIX   A. 

and  in  going  to  and  returning  from  the  same ;  and  for  any  speech 
or  debate  in  either  house  they  shall  not  be  questioned  in  any  other 
place. 

2.  No  Senator  or  Representative  shall,  during  the  time  for  which 
he  was  elected,  be  appointed  to  any  civil  office  under  the  authority 
of  the  United  States,  which  shall  have  been  created,  or  the  emolu 
ments  whereof  shall  have  been  increased  during  such  time ;  and  no 
person  holding  any  office  under  the  United  States  shall  be  a  mem 
ber  of  either  house  during  his  continuance  in  office. 

Section  VII.     Mode  of  Passing  Laws. 

1.  All  bills  for  raising  revenue  shall  originate  in  the  House  of 
Representatives;  but  the  Senate  may  propose  or  concur  with  amend 
ments  as  on  other  bills. 

2.  Every  bill  which  shall  have  passed  the  House  of  Representa 
tives  and  the  Senate  shall,  before  it  become  a  law,  be  presented  to 
the  President  of  the  United  States;  if  he  approve  he  shall  sign  it, 
but  if  not  he  shall  return  it,  with  his  objections,  to  that  house  in 
which  it  shall  have  originated,  who  shall  enter  the  objections  at  large 
on  their  journal  and  proceed  to  reconsider  it.    If  after  such  reconsid 
eration  two  thirds  of  that  house  shall  agree  to  pass  the  bill,  it  shall 
be  sent,  together  with  the  objections,  to  the  other  house,  by  which 
it  shall  likewise  be  reconsidered,  and  if  approved  by  two  thirds  of 
that  house  it  shall  become  a  law.     But  in  all  such  cases  the  votes  of 
both  houses  shall  be  determined  by  yeas  and  nays,  and  the  names 
of  the  persons  voting  for  and  against  the  bill  shall  be  entered  on 
the  journal  of  each  house  respectively.     If  any  bill  shall  not  be  re 
turned  by  the  President  within  ten  days  (Sundays  excepted)  after 
it  shall  have  been  presented  to  him,  the  same  shall  be  a  law,  in  like 
manner  as  if  he  had  signed  it,  unless  the  Congress  by  their  adjourn 
ment  prevent  its  return,  in  which  case  it  shall  not  be  a  law. 

3.  Every  order,  resolution,  or  vote  to  which  the  concurrence  of 
the  Senate  and  House  of  Representatives  may  be  necessary  (except 
on  a  question  of  adjournment)  shall  be  presented  to  the  President 
of  the  United  States ;  and  before  the  same  shall  take  effect,  shall 
be  approved  by  him,  or  being  disapproved  by  him,  shall  be  repassed 
by  two  thirds  of  the  Senate  and  House  of  Representatives,  accord 
ing  to  the  rules  and  limitations  prescribed  in  the  case  of  a  bill. 


THE   CONSTITUTION. 

Section  VIII.     Powers  granted  to  Congress. 
The  Congress  shall  have  power  : 

1.  To  lay  and  collect  taxes,  duties,  imposts,  and  excises,  to  pay 
the  debts  and  provide  for  the  common  defense  and  general  welfare 
of  the  United  States ;  but  all  duties,  imposts,  and  excises  shall  be 
uniform  throughout  the  United  States  ; 

2.  To  borrow  money  on  the  credit  of  the  United  States  ; 

3.  To  regulate  commerce  with  foreign  nations  and  among  the 
several  States,  and  with  the  Indian  tribes ; 

4.  To  establish  an  uniform  rule  of  naturalization,  and  uniform 
laws  on  the  subject  of  bankruptcies  throughout  the  United  States ; 

5.  To  coin  money,  regulate  the  value  thereof,  and  of  foreign  coin, 
and  fix  the  standard  of  weights  and  measures ; 

6.  To  provide  for  the  punishment  of  counterfeiting  the  securities 
and  current  coin  of  the  United  States ; 

7.  To  establish  post-offices  and  post-roads ; 

8.  To  promote  the  progress  of  science  and  useful  arts  by  securing 
for  limited  times  to  authors  and  inventors  the  exclusive  right  to 
their  respective  writings  and  discoveries ; 

9.  To  constitute  tribunals  inferior  to  the  Supreme  Court ; 

10.  To  define  and  punish  piracies  and  felonies  committed  on  the 
high  seas  and  offenses  against  the  law  of  nations ; 

11.  To  declare  war,  grant  letters  of  marque  and  reprisal,  and 
make  rules  concerning  captures  on  land  and  water ; 

12.  To  raise  and  support  armies,  but  no  appropriation  of  money 
to  that  use  shall  be  for  a  longer  term  than  two  years ; 

13.  To  provide  and  maintain  a  navy  ; 

14.  To  make  rules  for  the  government  and  regulation  of  the  land 
and  naval  forces ; 

15.  To  provide  for  calling  forth  the  militia  to  execute  the  laws  of 
the  Union,  suppress  insurrections,  and  repel  invasions ; 

1 6.  To  provide  for  organizing,  arming,  and  disciplining  the  mili 
tia,  and  for  governing  such  part  of  them  as  may  be  employed  in  the 
service  of  the  United  States,  reserving  to  the  States  respectively  the 
appointment  of  the  officers,  and  the  authority  of  training  the  militia 
according  to  the  discipline  prescribed  by  Congress ; 

1 7.  To  exercise  exclusive  legislation  in  all  cases  whatsoever  over 
such  district  (not  exceeding  ten  miles  square)  as  may,  by  cession  of 
particular  States  and  the  acceptance  of  Congress,  become  the  seat 
of  the  Government  of  the  United  States,  and  to  exercise  like  author- 

5 


APPENDIX   A. 

ity  over  all  places  purchased  by  the  consent  of  the  legislature  of  the 
State  in  which  the  same  shall  be,  for  the  erection  of  forts,  maga 
zines,  arsenals,  dockyards,  and  other  needful  buildings  ;  and 

1 8.  To  make  all  laws  which  shall  be  necessary  and  proper  for 
carrying  into  execution  the  foregoing  powers,  and  all  other  powers 
vested  by  this  Constitution  in  the  Government  of  the  United  States, 
or  in  any  department  or  officer  thereof.1 

Section  IX.     Powers  denied  to  the  United  States. 

1.  The  migration  or  importation  of  such  persons  as  any  of  the 
States  now  existing  shall  think  proper  to  admit  shall  not  be  pro 
hibited   by  the    Congress   prior  to   the  year  one   thousand   eight 
hundred  and  eight,  but  a  tax  or  duty  may  be  imposed  on  such  im 
portation,  not  exceeding  ten  dollars  for  each  person. 

2.  The  privilege  of  the  writ  of  habeas  corpus  shall  not  be  sus 
pended,  unless  when  in  cases  of  rebellion  or  invasion  the  public 
safety  may  require  it. 

3.  No  bill  of  attainder  or  ex  post  facto  law  shall  be  passed. 

4.  No  capitation  or  other  direct  tax  shall  be  laid,  unless  in  pro 
portion  to  the  census  or  enumeration  hereinbefore  directed  to  be 
taken. 

5.  No  tax  or  duty  shall  be  laid  on  articles  exported  from  any  State. 

6.  No  preference  shall  be  given  by  any  regulation  of  commerce 
or  revenue  to  the  ports  of  one  State  over  those  of  another ;  nor 
shall  vessels  bound  to  or  from  one  State  be  obliged  to  enter,  clear, 
or  pay  duties  in  another. 

7.  No  money  shall  be  drawn  from  the  Treasury  but  in  conse 
quence  of  appropriations  made  by  law ;  and  a  regular  statement 
and  account  of  the  receipts  and  expenditures  of  all  public  money 
shall  be  published  from  time  to  time. 

8.  No  title  of  nobility  shall  be  granted  by  the  United  States  ;  and 
no  person  holding  any  office  of  profit  or  trust  under  them  shall, 
without  the  consent  of  the  Congress,  accept  of  any  present,  emolu 
ment,  office,  or  title,  of  any  kind  whatever,  from  any  king,  prince, 
or  foreign  State. 

Section  X.     Powers  denied  to  the  States. 

i.  No  State  shall  enter  into  any  treaty,  alliance,  or  confederation ; 
grant  letters  of  marque  and  reprisal ;  coin  money ;  emit  bills  of 

1  This  is  the  Elastic  Clause  in  the  interpretation  of  which  arose  the  original  and 
fundamental  division  of  political  parties. 

6 


THE    CONSTITUTION. 

credit ;  make  anything  but  gold  and  silver  coin  a  tender  in  payment 
of  debts ;  pass  any  bill  of  attainder,  ex  post  facto  law,  or  law  im 
pairing  the  obligation  of  contracts,  or  grant  any  title  of  nobility. 

2.  No  State  shall,  without  the  consent  of  the  Congress,  lay  any 
imposts  or  duties  on  imports  or  exports,  except  what  may  be  abso 
lutely  necessary  for  executing  its  inspection  laws ;  and  the  net  pro 
duce  of  all  duties  and  imposts,  laid  by  any  State  on  imports  or 
exports,  shall  be  for  the  use  of  the  Treasury  of  the  United  States; 
and  all  such  laws  shall  be  subject  to  the  revision  and  control  of  the 
Congress. 

3.  No  State  shall,  without  the  consent  of  the  Congress,  lay  any 
duty  of  tonnage,  keep  troops  or  ships  of  war  in  time  of  peace,  enter 
into  any  agreement  or  compact  with  another  State  or  with  a  for 
eign  power,  or  engage  in  war,  unless  actually  invaded  or  in  such 
imminent  danger  as  will  not  admit  of  delay. 

ARTICLE  II.     EXECUTIVE  DEPARTMENT. 

Section  I.     President  and  Vice-President. 

1.  The  executive  power  shall  be  vested  in  a  President  of  the 
United  States  of  America.     He  shall  hold  his  office  during  the  term 
of  four  years,  and  together  with  the  Vice-President,  chosen  for  the 
same  term,  be  elected  as  follows : 

2.  Each  State  shall  appoint,  in  such  manner  as  the  legislature 
thereof  may  direct,  a  number  of  electors,  equal  to  the  whole  num 
ber  of  Senators  and  Representatives  to  which  the  State  may  be  en 
titled  in  the  Congress ;  but  no  Senator  or  Representative,  or  person 
holding  an  office  of  trust  or  profit  under  the  United  States,  shall  be 
appointed  an  elector. 

3.  [The  electors  shall  meet  in  their  respective  States  and  vote  by 
ballot  for  two  persons,  of  whom  one  at  least  shall  not  be  an  inhab 
itant  of  the  same  State  with  themselves.     And  they  shall  make  a 
list  of  all  the  persons  voted  for,  and  of  the  number  of  votes  for 
each ;  which  list  they  shall  sign  and  certify,  and  transmit  sealed  to 
the  seat  of  the  government  of  the  United  States,  directed  to  the 
President  of  the  Senate.     The  President  of  the  Senate  shall,  in  the 
presence  of  the  Senate  and  House  of  Representatives,  open  all  the 
certificates,  and  the  votes  shall  then  be  counted.     The  person  hav 
ing  the  greatest  number  of  votes  shall  be  the  President,  if  such  num 
ber  be  a  majority  of  the  whole  number  of  electors  appointed ;  and  if 
there  be  more  than  one  who  have  such  majority,  and  have  an  equal 

7 


APPENDIX   A. 

number  of  votes,  then  the  House  of  Representatives  shall  immedi 
ately  choose  by  ballot  one  of  them  for  President ;  and  if  no  person 
have  a  majority,  then  from  the  five  highest  on  the  list  the  said 
House  shall  in  like  manner  choose  the  President.  But  in  choosing 
the  President  the  votes  shall  be  taken  by  States,  the  representation 
from  each  State  having  one  vote ;  a  quorum  for  this  purpose  shall 
consist  of  a  member  or  members  from  two  thirds  of  the  States,  and 
a  majority  of  all  the  States  shall  be  necessary  to  a  choice.  In  every 
case,  after  the  choice  of  the  President,  the  person  having  the  great 
est  number  of  votes  of  the  electors  shall  be  the  Vice-President. 
But  if  there  should  remain  two  or  more  who  have  equal  votes,  the 
Senate  shall  choose  from  them  by  ballot  the  Vice-President.]1 

4.  The  Congress  may  determine  the  time  of  choosing  the  electors 
and  the  day  on  which  they  shall  give  their  votes,  which  day  shall  be 
the  same  throughout  the  United  States. 

5.  No  person  except  a  natural-born  citizen,  or  a  citizen  of  the 
United  States  at  the  time  of  the  adoption  of  this  Constitution,  shall 
be  eligible  to  the  office  of  President ;  neither  shall  any  person  be 
eligible  to  that  office  who  shall  not  have  attained  to  the  age  of 
thirty-five  years,  and  been  fourteen  years  a  resident  within  the 
United  States. 

6.  In  case  of  the  removal  of  the  President  from  office,  or  of  his 
death,  resignation,  or  inability  to  discharge  the  powers  and  duties 
of  the  said  office,  the  same  shall  devolve  on  the  Vice-President,  and 
the  Congress  may  by  law  provide  for  the  case  of  removal,  death, 
resignation,  or  inability,  both  of  the  President  and  Vice-President, 
declaring  what  officer  shall  then  act  as  President,  and  such  officer 
shall  act  accordingly  until  the  disability  be  removed  or  a  President 
shall  be  elected. 

7.  The  President  shall,  at  stated  times,  receive  for  his  services  a 
compensation,  which  shall  neither  be  increased  nor  diminished  dur 
ing  the  period  for  which  he  shall  have  been  elected,  and  he  shall 
not  receive  within  that  period  any  other  emolument  from  the  United 
States  or  any  of  them. 

8.  Before  he  enter  on  the  execution  of  his  office  he  shall  take  the 
following  oath  or  affirmation  : 

"  I  do  solemnly  swear  (or  affirm)  that  I  will  faithfully  execute  the 
office  of  President  of  the  United  States,  and  will  to  the  best  of  my 
ability  preserve,  protect,  and  defend  the  Constitution  of  the  United 
States." 

1  This  clause  of  the  Constitution  has  been  amended.  See  Amendments,  Art. 
XII. 

8 


THE   CONSTITUTION. 

Section  II.    Powers  of  the  President. 

1.  The  President  shall  be  Commander-in-chief  of  the  Army  and 
Navy  of  the  United  States,  and  of  the  militia  of  the  several  States 
when  called  into  the  actual  service  of  the  United  States ;  he  may 
require  the  opinion,  in  writing,  of  the  principal  officer  in  each  of 
the  executive  departments,  upon  any  subject  relating  to  the  duties 
of  their  respective  offices,  and  he  shall  have  power  to  grant  re 
prieves  and  pardons  for  offenses  against  the  United  States,  except 
in  cases  of  impeachment 

2.  He  shall  have  power,  by  and  with  the  advice  and  consent  of 
the  Senate,  to  make  treaties,  provided  two  thirds  of  the  Senators 
present  concur ;    and  he  shall  nominate,  and,  by  and  with  the  ad 
vice  and  consent  of  the  Senate,  shall  appoint  ambassadors,  other 
public  ministers  and  consuls,  judges  of  the  Supreme  Court,  and  all 
other  officers  of  the  United  States,  whose  appointments  are  not 
herein  otherwise  provided  for,  and  which  shall  be  established  by 
law ;  but  the  Congress  may  by  law  vest  the  appointment  of  such 
inferior  officers,  as  they  think  proper,  in  the  President  alone,  in 
the  courts  of  law,  or  in  the  heads  of  departments. 

3.  The  President  shall  have  power  to  fill  up  all  vacancies  that 
may  happen  during  the  recess  of  the  Senate,  by  granting  commis 
sions  which  shall  expire  at  the  end  of  their  next  session. 

Section  III.     Duties  of  the  President. 

He  shall  from  time  to  time  give  to  the  Congress  information  of 
the  state  of  the  Union,  and  recommend  to  their  consideration  such 
measures  as  he  shall  judge  necessary  and  expedient ;  he  may,  on 
extraordinary  occasions,  convene  both  houses,  or  either  of  them, 
and  in  case  of  disagreement  between  them  with  respect  to  the  time 
of  adjournment,  he  may  adjourn  them  to  such  time  as  he  shall  think 
proper  ;  he  shall  receive  ambassadors  and  other  public  ministers  ; 
he  shall  take  care  that  the  laws  be  faithfully  executed,  and  shall 
commission  all  the  officers  of  the  United  States. 

Section  IV.     Impeachment. 

The  President,  Vice-President,  and  all  civil  officers  of  the  United 
States  shall  be  removed  from  office  on  impeachment  for  and  con 
viction  of  treason,  bribery,  or  other  high  crimes  and  misdemean 
ors. 


APPENDIX   A. 

ARTICLE  III.    JUDICIAL  DEPARTMENT. 

Section  I.     United  States  Courts. 

The  judicial  power  of  the  United  States  shall  be  vested  in  one 
Supreme  Court,  and  in  such  inferior  courts  as  the  Congress  may 
from  time  to  time  ordain  and  establish.  The  judges,  both  of  the 
supreme  and  inferior  courts,  shall  hold  their  offices  during  good 
behavior,  and  shall,  at  stated  times,  receive  for  their  services  a 
compensation  which  shall  not  be  diminished  during  their  continu 
ance  in  office. 

Section  II.     Jurisdiction  of  the  United  States  Courts. 

1.  The  judicial   power   shall   extend   to  all   cases,  in  law   and 
equity,  arising  under  this   Constitution,  the   laws  of  the   United 
States,  and  treaties  made,  or  which  shall  be  made,  under  their 
authority ;  to  all  cases  affecting  ambassadors,  other  public  minis 
ters,  and  consuls ;  to  all  cases  of  admiralty  and  maritime  jurisdic 
tion;  to  controversies  to  which  the  United  States  shall  be  a  party; 
to  controversies  between  two  or  more  States ;  between  a  State  and 
citizens  of  another  State ;  between  citizens  of  different  States ;  be 
tween  citizens  of  the  same  State  claiming  lands  under  grants  of 
different  States,  and  between  a  State,  or  the  citizens  thereof,  and 
foreign  States,  citizens,  or  subjects.1 

2.  In  all  cases  affecting  ambassadors,  other  public  ministers  and 
consuls,  and  those  in  which  a  State  shall  be  a  party,  the  Supreme 
Court  shall  have  original  jurisdiction.     In  all  the  other  cases  be 
fore  mentioned,  the  Supreme  Court  shall  have  appellate  jurisdic 
tion,  both  as  to  law  and  fact,  with  such  exceptions,  and  under  such 
regulations  as  the  Congress  shall  make. 

3.  The  trial  of  all  crimes,  except  in  cases  of  impeachment,  shall 
be  by  jury;  and  such  trial  shall  be  held  in  the  State  where  the 
said  crimes  shall  have  been  committed ;  but  when  not  committed 
within  any  State,  the  trial  shall  be  at  such  place  or  places  as  the 
Congress  may  by  law  have  directed. 

Section  III.     Treason. 

i.  Treason  against  the  United  States  shall  consist  only  in  levy 
ing  war  against  them,  or  in  adhering  to  their  enemies,  giving  them 
aid  and  comfort.     No  person  shall  be  convicted  of  treason  unless 
1  This  clause  has  been  amended.     See  Amendments,  Art.  XI. 
10 


THE   CONSTITUTION. 

on  the  testimony  of  two  witnesses  to  the  same  overt  act,  or  on  con 
fession  in  open  court. 

2.  The  Congress  shall  have  power  to  declare  the  punishment  of 
treason,  but  no  attainder  of  treason  shall  work  corruption  of  blood 
or  forfeiture  except  during  the  life  of  the  person  attainted. 

ARTICLE   IV.  —  THE    STATES    AND    THE    FEDERAL    GOVERN 
MENT. 

Section  I.     State  Records. 

Full  faith  and  credit  shall  be  given  in  each  State  to  the  public 
acts,  records,  and  judicial  proceedings  of  every  other  State.  And 
the  Congress  may  by  general  laws  prescribe  the  manner  in  which 
such  acts,  records,  and  proceedings  shall  be  proved,  and  the  effect 
thereof. 

Section  II.     Privileges  of  Citizens,  etc. 

1.  The  citizens  of  each  State  shall  be  entitled  to  all  privileges 
and  immunities  of  citizens  in  the  several  States. 

2.  A  person  charged  in  any  State  with  treason,  felony,  or  other 
crime,  who  shall  flee  from  justice,  and  be  found  in  another  State, 
shall,  on  demand  of  the  executive  authority  of  the  State  from  which 
he  fled,  be  delivered  up,  to  be  removed  to  the  State  having  juris 
diction  of  the  crime. 

3.  No  person  held  to  service  or  labor  in  one  State,  under  the 
laws  thereof,  escaping  into  another,  shall,  in  consequence  of  any 
law  or  regulation  therein,  be  discharged  from  such  service  or  labor, 
but  shall  be  delivered  up  on  claim  of  the  party  to  whom  such  ser 
vice  or  labor  may  be  due.1 

Section  III.     New  States  and  Territories. 

1.  New  States  may  be  admitted  by  the  Congress  into  this  Union; 
but  no  new  State  shall  be  formed  or  erected  within  the  jurisdiction 
of  any  other  State ;  nor  any  State  be  formed  by  the  junction  of 
two  or  more  States  or  parts  of  States,  without  the  consent  of  the 
legislatures  of  the  States  concerned  as  well  as  of  the  Congress. 

2.  The  Congress  shall  have  power  to  dispose  of  and  make  all 
needful   rules   and  regulations  respecting  the   territory  or  other 
property  belonging  to  the  United  States ;  and  nothing  in  this  Con 
stitution  shall  be  so  construed  as  to  prejudice  any  claims  of  the 
United  States  or  of  any  particular  State. 

1  This  clause  has  been  canceled  by  Amendment  XIII.,  which  abolishes  slavery. 

I  I 


APPENDIX   A. 


Section  IV.     Guarantee  to  the  States. 

The  United  States  shall  guarantee  to  every  State  in  this  Union 
a  republican  form  of  government,  and  shall  protect  each  of  them 
against  invasion,  and  on  application  of  the  legislature,  or  of  the 
executive  (when  the  legislature  cannot  be  convened),  against  do 
mestic  violence. 

ARTICLE  V.    POWER  OF  AMENDMENT. 

The  Congress,  whenever  two  thirds  of  both  houses  shall  deem 
it  necessary,  shall  propose  amendments  to  this  Constitution,  or, 
on  the  application  of  the  legislatures  of  two  thirds  of  the  several 
States,  shall  call  a  convention  for  proposing  amendments,  which  in 
either  case  shall  be  valid  to  all  intents  and  purposes  as  part  of  this 
Constitution,  when  ratified  by  the  legislatures  of  three  fourths  of 
the  several  States,  or  by  conventions  in  three  fourths  thereof,  as 
the  one  or  the  other  mode  of  ratification  may  be  proposed  by  the 
Congress,  provided  that  no  amendment  which  may  be  made  prior 
to  the  year  one  thousand  eight  hundred  and  eight  shall  in  any 
manner  affect  the  first  and  fourth  clauses  in  the  ninth  section  of 
the  first  article;  and  that  no  State,  without  its  consent,  shall  be 
deprived  of  its  equal  suffrage  in  the  Senate. 

ARTICLE  VI.    PUBLIC   DEBT,  SUPREMACY  OF  THE  CONSTITU 
TION,   OATH  OF  OFFICE,  RELIGIOUS  TEST. 

1.  All  debts  contracted  and  engagements  entered  into,  before 
the  adoption  of  this  Constitution,  shall  be  as  valid  against  the 
United  States  under  this  Constitution  as  under  the  Confederation. 

2.  This  Constitution,  and  the  laws  of  the  United  States  which 
shall  be  made  in  pursuance  thereof,  and  all  treaties  made,  or 
which  shall  be  made,  under  the  authority  of  the  United  States, 
shall  be  the  supreme  law  of  the  land ;  and  the  judges  in  every 
State  shall  be  bound  thereby,  anything  in  the  Constitution  or  laws 
of  any  State  to  the  contrary  notwithstanding. 

3.  The  Senators  and  Representatives  before  mentioned,  and  the 
members  of  the  several  State  legislatures,  and  all  executive  and 
judicial  officers  both  of  the  United  States  and  of  the  several  States, 
shall  be  bound  by  oath  or  affirmation  to  support  this  Constitution ; 
but  no  religious  test  shall  ever  be  required  as  a  qualification  to  any 
office  or  public  trust  under  the  United  States. 


12 


THE    CONSTITUTION. 

ARTICLE  VII.    RATIFICATION- OF  THE  CONSTITUTION. 

The  ratification  of  the  conventions  of  nine  States  shall  be  suf 
ficient  for  the  establishment  of  this  Constitution  between  the  States 
so  ratifying  the  same. 

Done  in  convention  by  the  unanimous  consent  of  the  States 
present,1  the  seventeenth  day  of  September,  in  the  year  of  our 
Lord  one  thousand  seven  hundred  and  eighty-seven,  and  of 
the  Independence  of  the  United  States  of  America  the  twelfth- 
In  witness  whereof,  we  have  hereunto  subscribed  our  names. 

George  Washington,  President,  and  Deputy  from  VIRGINIA. 

NEW  HAMPSHIRE  —  John  Langdon,  Nicholas  Oilman. 

MASSACHUSETTS  —  Nathaniel  Gorham,  Rufus  King. 

CONNECTICUT  —  William  Samuel  Johnson,  Roger  Sherman. 

NEW  YORK  —  Alexander  Hamilton. 

NEW  JERSEY  —  William  Livingston,  David  Brearly,  William  Pat 
terson,  Jonathan  Dayton. 

PENNSYLVANIA  —  Benjamin  Franklin,  Thomas  MifHin,  Robert 
Morris,  George  Clymer,  Thomas  Fitzsimons,  Jared  Ingersoll, 
James  Wilson,  Gouverneur  Morris. 

DELAWARE  —  George  Read,  Gunning  Bedford,  Jr.,  John  Dickin 
son,  Richard  Bassett,  Jacob  Broom. 

MARYLAND  —  James  McHenry,  Daniel  of  St.  Thomas  Jenifer, 
Daniel  Carroll. 

VIRGINIA — John  Blair,  James  Madison,  Jr. 

NORTH  CAROLINA  —  William  Blount,  Richard  Dobbs  Spaight, 
Hugh  Williamson. 

SOUTH  CAROLINA  — John  Rutledge,  Charles  Cotesworth  Pinck- 
ney,  Charles  Pinckney,  Pierce  Butler. 

GEORGIA  —  William  Few,  Abraham  Baldwin. 

Attest :  William  Jackson,  Secretary. 

1  Rhode  Island  sent  no  delegates  to  the  Federal  Convention. 


APPENDIX   A. 

AMENDMENTS.1 

ARTICLE  I. 

Congress  shall  make  no  law  respecting  an  establishment  of  re 
ligion,  or  prohibiting  the  free  exercise  thereof ;  or  abridging  the 
freedom  of  speech  or  of  the  press;  or  the  right  of  the  people 
peaceably  to  assemble,  and  to  petition  the  government  for  a  re 
dress  of  grievances. 

ARTICLE  II. 

A  well-regulated  militia  being  necessary  to  the  security  of  a  free 
State,  the  right  of  the  people  to  keep  and  bear  arms  shall  not  be 
infringed. 

ARTICLE  III. 

No  soldier  shall,  in  time  of  peace,  be  quartered  in  any  house 
without  the  consent  of  the  owner,  nor  in  time  of  war,  but  in  a  man 
ner  to  be  prescribed  by  law. 

ARTICLE  IV. 

The  right  of  the  people  to  be  secure  in  their  persons,  houses, 
papers,  and  effects,  against  unreasonable  searches  and  seizures, 
shall  not  be  violated,  and  no  warrants  shall  issue  but  upon  prob 
able  cause,  supported  by  oath  or  affirmation,  and  particularly 
describing  the  place  to  be  searched,  and  the  persons  or  things  to  be 
seized. 

ARTICLE  V. 

No  person  shall  be  held  to  answer  for  a  capital  or  otherwise 
infamous  crime,  unless  on  a  presentment  or  indictment  of  a  grand 
jury,  except  in  cases  arising  in  the  land  or  naval  forces,  or  in  the 
militia,  when  in  actual  service  in  time  of  war  or  public  danger; 
nor  shall  any  person  be  subject  for  the  same  offense  to  be  twice 
put  in  jeopardy  of  life  or  limb;  nor  shall  be  compelled  in  any 
criminal  case  to  be  a  witness  against  himself,  nor  be  deprived  of 
life,  liberty,  or  property,  without  due  process  of  law ;  nor  shall 
private  property  be  taken  for  public  use  without  just  compensation. 

ARTICLE  VI. 

In  all  criminal  prosecutions  the  accused  shall  enjoy  the  right  to 
a  speedy  and  public  trial,  by  an  impartial  jury  of  the  State  and 

l  Amendments  I.  to  X.  were  proposed  by  Congress,  Sept.  25,  1789,  and  de 
clared  in  force  Dec.  15,  1791. 

14 


AMENDMENTS. 

district  wherein  the  crime  shall  have  been  committed,  which  dis 
trict  shall  have  been  previously  ascertained  by  law,  and  to  be  in 
formed  of  the  nature  and  cause  of  the  accusation ;  to  be  confronted 
with  the  witnesses  against  him ;  to  have  compulsory  process  for 
obtaining  witnesses  in  his  favor,  and  to  have  the  assistance  of 
counsel  for  his  defense. 

ARTICLE  VII. 

In  suits  at  common  law,  where  the  value  in  controversy  shall 
exceed  twenty  dollars,  the  right  of  trial  by  jury  shall  be  preserved, 
and  no  fact  tried  by  a  jury  shall  be  otherwise  reexamined  in  any 
court  of  the  United  States,  than  according  to  the  rules  of  the  com 
mon  law. 

ARTICLE  VIII. 

Excessive  bail  shall  not  be  required,  nor  excessive  fines  imposed, 
nor  cruel  and  unusual  punishments  inflicted. 

ARTICLE  IX. 

The  enumeration  in  the  Constitution  of  certain  rights  shall  not 
be  construed  to  deny  or  disparage  others  retained  by  the  people. 

ARTICLE  X. 

The  powers  not  delegated  to  the  United  States  by  the  Constitu 
tion,  nor  prohibited  by  it  to  the  States,  are  reserved  to  the  States 
respectively  or  to  the  people. 

ARTICLE  XL1 

The  judicial  power  of  the  United  States  shall  not  be  construed 
to  extend  to  any  suit  in  law  or  equity,  commenced  or  prosecuted 
against  one  of  the  United  States  by  citizens  of  another  State,  or 
by  citizens  or  subjects  of  any  foreign  State. 

ARTICLE  XII.2 

i.  The  electors  shall  meet  in  their  respective  States  and  vote 
by  ballot  for  President  and  Vice-President,  one  of  whom,  at  least, 
shall  not  be  an  inhabitant  of  the  same  State  with  themselves;  they 
shall  name  in  their  ballots  the  person  voted  for  as  President,  and 
in  distinct  ballots  the  person  voted  for  as  Vice-President,  and  they 

1  Proposed  by  Congress  March  5,  1794,  and  declared  in  force  Jan.  8,  1798. 
-  Proposed  by  Congress  Dec.  12,  1803,  and  declared  in  force  Sept.  25,  1804. 

15 


APPENDIX   A. 

shall  make  distinct  lists  of  all  persons  voted  for  as  President  and 
of  all  persons  voted  for  as  Vice-President,  and  of  the  number  of 
votes  for  each ;  which  lists  they  shall  sign  and  certify,  and  trans 
mit  sealed  to  the  seat  of  the  government  of  the  United  States, 
directed  to  the  President  of  the  Senate.  The  President  of  the 
Senate  shall,  in  the  presence  of  the  Senate  and  House  of  Repre 
sentatives,  open  all  the  certificates  and  the  votes  shall  then  be 
counted.  The  person  having  the  greatest  number  of  votes  for 
President  shall  be  the  President,  if  such  number  be  a  majority  of 
the  whole  number  of  electors  appointed ;  and  if  no  person  have 
such  majority,  then  from  the  persons  having  the  highest  numbers 
not  exceeding  three  on  the  list  of  those  voted  for  as  President,  the 
House  of  Representatives  shall  choose  immediately,  by  ballot,  the 
President.  But  in  choosing  the  President  the  votes  shall  be  taken 
by  States,  the  representation  from  each  State  having  one  vote ;  a 
quorum  for  this  purpose  shall  consist  of  a  member  or  members 
from  two  thirds  of  the  States,  and  a  majority  of  all  the  States  shall 
be  necessary  to  a  choice.  And  if  the  House  of  Representatives 
shall  not  choose  a  President  whenever  the  right  of  choice  shall 
devolve  upon  them,  before  the  fourth  day  of  March  next  following, 
then  the  Vice-President  shall  act  as  President,  as  in  the  case  of  the 
death  or  other  constitutional  disability  of  the  President. 

2.  The  person  having  the  greatest  number  of  votes  as  Vice-Pres 
ident  shall  be  the  Vice-President,  if  such  number  be  a  majority  of 
the  whole  number  of  electors  appointed ;  and  if  no  person  have  a 
majority,  then  from  the  two  highest  numbers  on  the  list  the  Senate 
shall  choose  the  Vice-President;  a  quorum  for  the  purpose  shall 
consist  of  two  thirds  of  the  whole  number  of  Senators,  and  a  ma 
jority  of  the  whole  number  shall  be  necessary  to  a  choice. 

3.  But  no  person  constitutionally  ineligible  to  the  office  of  Pres 
ident  shall  be   eligible  to  that  of  Vice-President  of  the  United 
States. 

ARTICLE  XIII.1 

1.  Neither  slavery  nor  involuntary  servitude,  except  as  a  punish 
ment  for  crime  whereof  the  party  shall  have  been  duly  convicted, 
shall  exist  within  the  United  States  or  any  place  subject  to  their 
jurisdiction. 

2.  Congress  shall  have  power  to  enforce  this  article  by  appro 
priate  legislation. 

1  Proposed  by  Congress  Feb.  i,  1865,  and  declared  in  force  Dec.  18,  1865. 

16 


AMENDMENTS. 

ARTICLE  XIV.1 

1.  All  persons  born  or  naturalized  in  the  United  States,  and  sub 
ject  to  the  jurisdiction  thereof,  are  citizens  of  the  United  States 
and  of  the  State  wherein  they  reside.     No  State  shall  make  or  en 
force  any  law  which  shall  abridge  the  privileges  or  immunities  of 
citizens  of  the  United  States ;  nor  shall  any  State  deprive  any  per 
son  of  life,  liberty,  or  property,  without  due  process  of  law ;  nor 
deny  to  any  person  within  its  jurisdiction  the  equal  protection  of 
the  laws. 

2.  Representatives  shall  be  apportioned  among  the  several  States 
according  to  their  respective  numbers,  counting  the  whole  number 
of  persons  in  each  State,  excluding  Indians  not  taxed.     But  when 
the  right  to  vote  at   any  election  for  the  choice  of  electors  for 
President  and  Vice-President  of  the  United  States,  Representa 
tives  in  Congress,  the  executive  and  judicial  officers  of  a  State,  or 
the  members  of  the  legislature  thereof,  is  denied  to  any  of  the  male 
inhabitants  of  such  State,  being  twenty-one  years  of  age,  and  citi 
zens  of  the  United  States,  or  in  any  way  abridged,  except  for  par 
ticipation  in  rebellion,  or  other  crime,  the  basis  of  representation 
therein  shall  be  reduced  in  the  proportion  which  the  number  of 
such  male  citizens  shall  bear  to  the  whole  number  of  male  citizens 
twenty-one  years  of  age  in  such  State. 

3.  No  person  shall  be  a  Senator  or  Representative  in  Congress, 
or  elector  of  President  and  Vice-President,  or  hold  any  office,  civil 
or  military,  under  the  United  States  or  under  any  State,  who,  hav 
ing  previously  taken  an  oath  as  a  member  of  Congress,  or  as  an 
officer  of  the  United  States,  or  as  a  member  of  any  State  legisla 
ture,  or  as  an  executive  or  judicial  officer  of  any  State,  to  support 
the  Constitution  of  the  United  States,  shall  have  engaged  in  insur 
rection  or  rebellion  against  the  same,  or  given  aid  or  comfort  to 
the  enemies  thereof.     But  Congress  may,  by  a  vote  of  two  thirds 
of  each  house,  remove  such  disability. 

4.  The  validity  of  the  public  debt  of  the  United  States,  author 
ized  by  law,  including  debts  incurred  for  payment  of  pensions  and 
bounties  for  services  in  suppressing  insurrection  or  rebellion,  shall 
not  be  questioned.     But  neither  the  United  States  nor  any  State 
shall  assume  or  pay  any  debt  or  obligation  incurred  in  aid  of  insur 
rection  or  rebellion  against  the  United  States,  or  any  claim  for  the 
loss  or  emancipation  of  any  slave ;  but  all  such  debts,  obligations, 
and  claims  shall  be  held  illegal  and  void. 

1  Proposed  by  Congress  June  16,  1866,  and  declared  in  force  July  28,  1868. 

17 


APPENDIX   B. 

5.  The  Congress  shall  have  power  to  enforce,  by  appropriate 
legislation,  the  provisions  of  this  article. 

ARTICLE  XV.* 

1.  The  right  of  citizens  of  the  United  States  to  vote  shall  not  be 
denied  or  abridged. by  the  United  States  or  by  any  State  on  ac 
count  of  race,  color,  or  previous  condition  of  servitude. 

2.  The  Congress  shall  have  power  to  enforce  this  article  by  ap 
propriate  legislation. 


APPENDIX    B. 

LIST   OF   STATES. 

Showing  the  several  dates  of  their  ratification  of  the  Federal  Constitu 
tion,  or  of  their  admission  to  the  Union,  and  the  population  of  each 
according  to  the  census  nearest  to  the  year  of  its  admission. 

RATIFIED   THE   CONSTITUTION. 


Date  of 
Ratification. 

White. 

Free 
Black. 

Slave. 

Total. 

IDate  of 
Census. 

Delaware 

•3    8OO 

8  887 

Pennsylvania  

Dec.  12,  1787 

424,099 

6,537 

3,737 

434,373 

1790 

Jan   2   1788 

52  886 

398 

82,548 

2^2  *8l 

2  go  I 

Massachusetts  

Feb.  6,  1788 
April  28  1788 

373,254 

5,463 

8  043 

378,717 

1790 

South  Carolina  
New  Hampshire  
Virginia  
New  York 

May  23,  1788 
June  21,  1788 
June  25,  1788 
July  26    1788 

140,178 
141,111 
442,115 

1,801 
630 
12,766 

107,094 
158 
293,427 

249,073 
141,899 
748,308 

1790 
1790 
1790 

North  Carolina  
Rhode  Island 

Nov.  21,  1789 

288,204 
64  689 

4,975 

100,572 
952 

393,751 

1790 

1  Proposed  by  Congress  February  26,  1869,  and  declared  in  force  March  30, 
1870. 


18 


LIST   OF   STATES. 
ADMITTED   TO  THE   UNION. 


Date  of 

Admission. 

White. 

Free 

Black. 

Slave. 

Total. 

o  J2 

V    V) 

3s 

85  144 

Tennessee  
Ohio         

June  i,  1796 

91.709 

309 

13,584 

105,602 

1800 

A      JI            8 

,  .  660 

1810 

Indiana  

Dec.  11,  1816 

145,758 

1,230 

•  e8 

190 

12    8.4 

147,178 

1820 
1820 

Illinois  

Dec.  3,  1818 

53,788 

«C    ACt 

457 

917 

55,  '62 

1820 
1820 

Maine 

ec  088 

1820 

10,222 

1  8  AQ 

Florida 

O 

8l7 

12,2    7 

Dec  28   1846 

ioi  881 

May  29    1848 

333 
6?c 

062 

iRftn 

128 

i860 

625 

i860 

West  Virginia  

Nevada                 .     . 

June  19,  1863 
Oct   31    1864 

424,033 

6  812 

17,980 

- 

442,013 

6  8-7 

1870 
l86o 

ADMITTED  TO   THE   UNION  SINCE    THE   ABOLITION   OF 
SLAVERY. 


Date  of 
Admission. 

White. 

Black. 

Total. 

Date  of 
Census. 

Nebraska  
Colorado  
North  Dakota  
South  Dakota  

Mch.  i,  1867 
Aug.  i,  1876 
Nov.  2,  1889 
Nov.  2,  1889 
Nov.  8,  1889 

122,117 
191,126 
182,123 
327,290 

789 
2,435 
373 
54i 

122,906 

193,561 
182,496 
327,831 

1870 
1880 
1890 
1890 

Nov.  ii    1889 

Idaho 

Tulv  •*    1800 

82  018 

Utah  .  .  . 

Jan   4    1896 

c88 

206  487 

I»90 

APPENDIX   C. 
DISTRICT   OF  COLUMBIA   AND  TERRITORIES. 


Date  of 
Organization. 

White. 

Colored.* 

Total. 

Date  of 

Census. 

District  of  Columbia... 
Indian  Territory  
New  Mexico 

Mch.  3,  1791 
June  30,  1834 

191.532 
302,680 

87,186 
89,380 

278,718 
392,060 

1900 
1900 
1900 

Arizona  
Alaska  

Feb.  24,  1863 
July  27    1868 

92,903 

30,028 

122,931 

63,592 

1900 
1900 

Oklahoma 

Apnl  22,  1889 

*  Including  Indians  not  taxed. 


APPENDIX    C. 
PRESIDENTIAL   ELECTIONS. 

POLITICAL    PARTIES,    CANDIDATES,    METHODS,    AND  VOTES,  FROM 
THE    FIRST    ELECTION    UNTIL    THE    LATEST.1 

The  first  four  elections  were  conducted  in  accordance  with 
the  provisions  of  the  Constitution  as  it  was  originally  framed  and 
adopted,  the  electors  voting  for  two  persons,  with  no  indication 
of  one  to  be  President,  the  other  Vice-President  (see  Constitution, 
Article  2,  section  3).  Subsequent  elections  have  been  regulated 
by  the  Eleventh  Amendment  to  the  Constitution,  adopted  in  1804. 

First  Election,  1789  :  "Washington  and  Adams. 

Parties  and  Candidates. 

There  was  no  definite  contest  between  Federalists  and  Anti- 
Federalists  in  the  election,  and  no  nomination  of  candidates. 
Washington  was  the  choice  of  all  for  President,  but  many  per 
sons  were  suggested  in  different  States  for  the  second  place. 

States  participating :  io.2 

1  Compiled  mainly  from  Stanwood's  History  of  the  Presidency. 

2  Rhode  Island  and  North  Carolina  had  not  yet  adopted  the  Constitution,  and 
the  vote  of  New  York  was  lost  in  consequence  of  a  disagreement  between  the  two 
branches  of  its  legislature. 

20 


PRESIDENTIAL   ELECTIONS. 

Mode  of  choosing  Electors. 

By  legislature  in  Connecticut,  New  Jersey,  Delaware,  South 
Carolina,  Georgia  ;  by  vote  of  the  people  in  Virginia,  Maryland, 
and  Pennsylvania ;  by  selection  in  the  legislature  from  persons 
named  by  popular  vote  in  Massachusetts  and  New  Hampshire. 

Electoral  Vote. 

The  ten  States  participating  were  entitled  to  73  electoral  votes, 
but  four  electors  failed  to  perform  their  duty.  Washington  was 
named  on  all  of  the  69  votes  that  were  cast.  John  Adams  was 
elected  Vice-President  by  34  votes.  Samuel  Huntington  received 
2,  John  Jay  9,  John  Hancock  4,  Robert  H.  Harrison  6,  George 
Clinton  3,  John  Rutledge  6,  John  Milton  2,  James  Armstrong  I, 
Edward  Telfair  i,  Benjamin  Lincoln  i. 

Second  Election,  1792  :  Washington  and  Adams. 

Parties  and  Candidates  (nominations  informal). 

Federalist :  George  Washington,  of  Virginia,  and  John  Adams, 
of  Massachusetts. 

Anti-Federalist  (beginning  to  be  styled  Democratic-Republican, 
or  simply  Republican):  George  Washington,  of  Virginia,  and 
George  Clinton,  of  New  York. 

States  participating :  15. 

Mode  of  choosing  Electors. 

By  vote  of  the  people  in  Pennsylvania,  Maryland,  Virginia ; 
by  people  and  legislature  in  New  Hampshire  and  Massachu 
setts  ;  by  members  of  the  legislature,  meeting  for  the  purpose 
in  districts,  in  North  Carolina;  by  legislature  in  other  States. 

Electoral  Vote. 

For  Washington,  132  (unanimous) ;  for  Adams,  77  ;  for  Clinton, 
50;  for  Jefferson,  4;  for  Aaron  Burr,  i. 

Third  Election,  1796  :  Adams  and  Jefferson. 

Parties  and  Candidates  (nominations  informal). 

Federalist :  John  Adams,  of  Massachusetts,  and  Thomas 
Pinkney,  of  South  Carolina. 

Republican  :  Thomas  Jefferson,  of  Virginia,  and  Aaron  Burr, 
of  New  York. 

21 


APPENDIX   C. 

States  participating :  16. 

Mode  of  choosing  Electors. 

By  vote  of  the  people  in  Pennsylvania,  Maryland,  Virginia, 
North  Carolina;  by  people  and  legislature  in  New  Hampshire 
and  Massachusetts ;  by  legislature  in  other  States. 

Electoral  Vote. 

For  Adams,  71  ;  for  Jefferson,  68;  for  Thomas  Pinkney,  59; 
for  Burr,  30;  for  Samuel  Adams,  15  ;  for  Oliver  Ellsworth,  11  ; 
for  George  Clinton,  7  ;  for  John  Jay,  5  ;  for  James  Iredell,  3  ;  for 
George  Washington,  2  ;  for  Samuel  Johnson,  2  ;  for  John  Henry, 
2;  for  Charles  C.  Pinckney,  I. 

Fourth  Election,  18OO  :  Jefferson  and  Burr. 

Parties  and  Candidates  (nominations  informal). 

Republican :  Thomas  Jefferson,  of  Virginia,  and  Aaron  Burr, 
of  New  York. 

Federalist:  John  Adams,  of  Massachusetts,  and  Charles  C. 
Pinckney,  of  South  Carolina. 

States  participating  :   16. 
Mode  of  choosing  Electors. 

By  vote  of  the  people  in  Rhode  Island,  Maryland,  Virginia, 
and  North  Carolina ;  by  legislature  in  other  States. 

Electoral  Vote. 

For  Jefferson,  in  New  York,  Pennsylvania,  Maryland,  Virginia, 
North  Carolina,  South  Carolina,  Georgia,  Kentucky,  Tennessee, 
total,  73. 

For  Burr,  same  States,  total,  73. 

For  Adams,  in  New  Hampshire,  Vermont,  Massachusetts, 
Rhode  Island,  Connecticut,  New  Jersey,  Pennsylvania,  Delaware, 
Maryland,  North  Carolina,  total,  65. 

For  Pinckney,  in  same  States,  total,  64. 

For  John  Jay,  Rhode  Island,  total,  i. 

Jefferson  and  Burr  having  received  an  equal  vote,  and  that 
vote  a  majority  of  the  whole,  the  election  went  to  the  House  of 
Representatives,  and  was  decided  after  35  unsuccessful  ballots 
in  favor  of  Jefferson  for  President,  making  Burr  Vice-President. 
Jefferson  received  55  votes,  Burr  49. 

22 


PRESIDENTIAL   ELECTIONS. 

Fifth  Election,  18O4  :  Jefferson  and  Clinton. 

Parties  and  Candidates. 

Republican  (nominations  by  a  caucus  of  Congressmen):  Thomas 
Jefferson,  of  Virginia,  and  George  Clinton,  of  New  York. 

Federalist  (nominations  informal) :  Charles  C.  Pinckney,  of 
South  Carolina,  and  Rufus  King,  of  New  York. 

States  participating  :   17. 

Mode  of  choosing  Electors. 

By  legislature  in  Vermont,  Connecticut,  New  York,  Delaware, 
South  Carolina,  Georgia,  Tennessee  ;  by  vote  of  the  people  in 
districts  in  Maryland,  North  Carolina,  Kentucky  ;  by  vote  of  the 
people  on  general  tickets  in  other  States. 

Electoral  Vote. 

For  Jefferson  and  Clinton  in  all  States  excepting  Connecticut, 
Delaware,  and  Maryland,  total,  162. 

For  Pinckney  and  King,  in  the  three  States  named,  total,  14. 

Sixth  Election,   1808  :  Madison  and  Clinton. 

Parties  and  Candidates. 

Republican l  (nominations  by  a  caucus  of  Congressmen) :  James 
Madison,  of  Virginia,  and  George  Clinton,  of  New  York. 

Federalist  (nominations  informal):  Charles  C.  Pinckney,  of 
South  Carolina,  and  Rufus  King,  of  New  York. 

States  participating  :   17. 

Mode  of  choosing  Electors. 

By  legislature  in  Vermont,  Massachusetts,  Connecticut,  New 
York,  Delaware,  South  Carolina,  Georgia;  by  popular  vote  in 
districts  in  Maryland,  North  Carolina,  Kentucky,  Tennessee ;  by 
popular  vote  on  general  tickets  in  other  States. 

Electoral  Vote  for  President. 

For  Madison,  in  Vermont,  New  York  (13  out  of  19),  New  Jer- 

1  The  party  was  divided  by  the  nomination  of  Madison,  James  Monroe  in  Vir 
ginia  taking  the  field  as  an  independent  candidate,  and  George  Clinton  in  New 
York  being  supported  by  some  Republicans  for  President  instead  of  Vice-Presi- 
dent 


APPENDIX    C. 

sey,  Pennsylvania,  Maryland,  Virginia,  North  Carolina,  South 
Carolina,  Georgia,  Kentucky,  Tennessee,  Ohio,  total,  122. 

For  Pinckney,  New  Hampshire,  Massachusetts,  Rhode  Island, 
Connecticut,  Delaware,  Maryland,  North  Carolina,  total,  47. 

For  Clinton,  New  York,  6. 

Electoral  Vote  for  Vice-President. 

Clinton,  113  ;  King,  47;  John  Langdon,  9;  Madison,  3  ;  Mon 
roe,  3. 

Seventh  Election,  1812  :  Madison  and  Gerry. 

Parties  and   Candidates. 

Republican  (nominations  by  Congressional  caucus):  James 
Madison,  of  Virginia,  and  Elbridge  Gerry,  of  Massachusetts. 

Coalition,  Federalist  and  Clintonian  :  De  Witt  Clinton,  of  New 
York,  and  Jared  Ingersoll,  of  Pennsylvania. 

States  participating :  18. 

Mode  of  choosing  Electors. 

By  legislature  in  Vermont,  Connecticut,  New  York,  New 
Jersey,  Delaware,  North  Carolina,  South  Carolina,  Georgia, 
Louisiana ;  by  vote  of  the  people  in  districts  in  Massachusetts, 
Maryland,  Kentucky,  Tennessee  ;  by  popular  vote  on  general 
tickets  in  other  States. 

Electoral  Vote  for  President. 

For  Madison,  in  Vermont,  Pennsylvania,  Maryland  (6  out  of 
n),  Virginia,  North  Carolina,  South  Carolina,  Georgia,  Ken 
tucky,  Tennessee,  Louisiana,  Ohio,  total,  128. 

For  De  Witt  Clinton,  in  New  Hampshire,  Massachusetts, 
Rhode  Island,  Connecticut,  New  York,  New  Jersey,  Delaware, 
Maryland  (5  out  of  11),  total,  89. 

Electoral  Vote  for  Vice-President. 
Gerry,  131  ;  Ingersoll,  86. 

Eighth  Election,  1816 :  Monroe  and  Tompkins. 

Parties  and  Candidates. 

Republican  (nominations   by   Congressional    caucus) :   James 
Monroe,  of  Virginia,  and  Daniel  D.  Tompkins,  of  New  York. 
Federalist  (no  formal  nomination) :  Rufus  King,  of  New  York. 

24 


PRESIDENTIAL   ELECTIONS. 

States  participating :  19. 
Mode  of  choosing  Electors. 

Same  as  in  the  preceding  election. 
Electoral  Vote  for  President. 

For  Monroe,  in  all  States  except  Massachusetts,  Connecticut, 
Delaware,  total,  183. 

For  King,  in  the  three  States  named,  total,  34. 

Electoral  Vote  for  Vice-President. 

Tompkins,  183;  John  E.  Howard,  of  Maryland,  22;  scatter 
ing,  12. 

Ninth  Election,  1820  :  Monroe  and  Tompkins. 

Parties  and  Candidates. 

Republican  (nominations  informal):  James  Monroe,  of  Virginia, 
and  Daniel  D.  Tompkins,  of  New  York. 
Federalist :  no  nomination. 

States  participating :  24. 

Mode  of  choosing  Electors. 

By  legislature  in  Vermont,  New  York,  Delaware,  South  Caro 
lina,  Georgia,  Louisiana;  by  vote  of  the  people  in  districts  in 
Maine,  Maryland,  Illinois,  Kentucky,  Missouri ;  by  vote  of  the 
people  on  general  tickets  in  other  States. 

\    Electoral  Vote  for  President. 

For  James  Monroe,  all  votes  except  one,  in  New  Hampshire, 
total,  231. 

For  John  Quincy  Adams,  I. 

Electoral  Vote  for  Vice-President. 

Tompkins,  218;    Richard  Stockton,  8;  scattering,  6. 

Tenth  Election,  1824  :   Adams  and  Calhoun. 

Parties  and  Candidates. 

Democratic-Republican  (now  called  Democratic):  William 
H.  Crawford,  of  Georgia,  and  Albert  Gallatin,  of  Pennsylvania 
(nominated  for  President  and  Vice-President  by  Congressional 
caucus);  John  Quincy  Adams,  of  Massachusetts,  Andrew  Jackson, 
of  Tennessee,  and  Henry  Clay,  of  Kentucky  (independently  nomi- 

25 


APPENDIX   C. 

nated  for  President);  John  C.  Calhoun,  of  South  Carolina  (inde 
pendently  nominated  for  Vice-President). 
States  participating :   24. 
Mode  of  choosing  Electors. 

Same  as  in  preceding  election. 
Electoral  Vote  for  President. 

For  Jackson,  in  New  York  (i  out  of  36),  New  Jersey,  Pennsyl 
vania,  Maryland  (7  out  of  11),  North  Carolina,  South  Carolina, 
Alabama,  Mississippi,  Louisiana  (3  out  of  5),  Tennessee,  Indiana, 
Illinois  (2  out  of  3),  total,  99. 

For  Adams,  in  the  six  New  England  States,  New  York  (26 
out  of  36),  Delaware  (i  out  of  3),  Maryland  (3  out  of  n),  Louisi 
ana  (2  out  of  5),  Illinois  (i  out  of  3),  total,  84. 

For  Crawford,  New  York  (5  out  of  36),  Delaware  (2  out  of  3), 
Maryland  (i  out  of  n),  Virginia,  Georgia,  total,  41. 

For  Clay,  New  York  (4  out  of  36),  Kentucky,  Missouri,  Ohio, 
total  37. 

Electoral  Vote  for  Vice-President. 

Calhoun,  182;  Nathan  Sanford,  30;  Nathaniel  Macon,  24; 
scattering,  24. 

None  of  the  candidates  for  President  having  received  a  ma 
jority  of  the  electoral  votes,  the  House  of  Representatives  com 
pleted  the  election,  choosing  John  Quincy  Adams,  by  87  votes, 
against  71  for  Jackson,  and  54  for  Crawford. 

The  electoral  vote  made  Mr.  Calhoun  Vice-President. 

Eleventh  Election,  1828  :  Jackson  and  Calhoun. 
Parties  and  Candidates. 

Democratic  (nominations  by  state  legislatures,  conventions, 
and  public  meetings) :  Andrew  Jackson,  of  Tennessee,  and  John 
C.  Calhoun,  of  South  Carolina. 

National  Republican  (nominations  informal):  John  Quincy 
Adams,  of  Massachusetts,  and  Richard  Rush,  of  Pennsylvania. 

States  participating  :  24. 
Mode  of  choosing  Electors. 

By  legislature  in  Delaware  and  South  Carolina ;  by  vote  of 
the  people  in  districts  in  Maine,  New  York,  Maryland,  Tennes 
see  ;  by  vote  of  the  people  on  general  tickets  in  other  States. 

26 


PRESIDENTIAL   ELECTIONS. 

Popular  Majorities. 

For  Jackson,  in  New  York,  Pennsylvania,  Virginia,  North 
Carolina,  Georgia,  Alabama,  Mississippi,  Louisiana,  Kentucky, 
Tennessee,  Missouri,  Ohio,  Indiana,  Illinois. 

For  Adams,  in  Maine,  New  Hampshire,  Vermont,  Massachu 
setts,  Rhode  Island,  Connecticut,  New  Jersey,  Maryland. 

Total  Popular  Vote. 

For  Jackson,  647,276 ;  for  Adams,  508,064. 
Electoral  Vote. 

For  President,  Jackson,  178;  Adams,  83. 

For  Vice-President,  Calhoun,  171  ;  Rush,  83  ;  William  Smith,  7. 

Twelfth  Election,  1832  :  Jackson  and  Van  Buren. 

Parties  and  Candidates. 

Democratic  (nominations  by  national  convention):  Andrew 
Jackson,  of  Tennessee,  and  Martin  Van  Buren,  of  New  York. 

National-Republican  (nominations  by  national  convention) : 
Henry  Clay,  of  Kentucky,  and  John  Sergeant,  of  Pennsylvania. 

Anti-Masonic  (nominations  by  national  convention) :  William 
Wirt,  of  Maryland,  and  Amos  Elmaker,  of  Pennsylvania. 

States  participating:  24. 

Mode  of  choosing  Electors. 

By  legislature  in  South  Carolina  ;  by  vote  of  the  people  in  dis 
tricts  in  Maryland ;  by  vote  of  the  people  on  general  tickets  in 
other  States. 

Popular  Majorities. 

For  Jackson,  in  Maine,  New  Hampshire,  New  York,  New  Jer 
sey,  Pennsylvania,  Virginia,  North  Carolina,  Georgia,  Missis 
sippi,  Louisiana,  Tennessee,  Missouri,  Ohio,  Indiana,  Illinois. 

For  Clay,  in  Massachusetts,  Rhode  Island,  Connecticut,  Dela 
ware,  Maryland,  Kentucky. 

Total  Popular  Vote. 

For  Jackson,  687,502;  for  Clay,  530,189. 
Electoral  Vote. 

For  President,  Jackson,  219;  Clay,  49;  Wirt,  7;  John  Floyd, 
II. 

27 


APPENDIX   C. 

For  Vice-President,  Van  Buren,  189;  Sergeant,  49;  Elmaker, 
7;  William  Wilkins,  30;  Henry  Lee,  n. 

Thirteenth  Election,  1836  :  Van  Buren  and  Johnson. 

Parties  and  Candidates. 

Democratic  (nominations  by  convention) :  Martin  Van  Buren, 
of  New  York,  and  Richard  M.  Johnson,  of  Kentucky. 

Whig  and  Independent  (nominations  in  various  modes):  for 
President,  William  Henry  Harrison,  of  Ohio,  John  McLean,  of 
Ohio,  Hugh  L.  White,  of  Tennessee,  Daniel  Webster,  of  Massa 
chusetts  ;  for  Vice-President,  Francis  Granger,  of  New  York, 
and  John  Tyler,  of  Virginia. 

States  participating  :  26. 
Mode  of  choosing  Electors. 

By  legislature  in  South  Carolina  ;  by  popular  vote  on  general 
tickets  in  other  States.1 

Popular  Majorities. 

For  Van  Buren,  in  Maine,  New  Hampshire,  Rhode  Island, 
Connecticut,  New  York,  Pennsylvania,  Virginia,  North  Carolina, 
Alabama,  Mississippi,  Louisiana,  Arkansas,  Missouri,  Illinois, 
Michigan. 

For  the  various  opposing  candidates,  in  Vermont,  Massachu 
setts,  New  Jersey,  Delaware,  Maryland,  Georgia,  Kentucky, 
Tennessee,  Ohio,  Indiana. 

Total  Popular  Vote. 

For  Van  Buren,  762,978  ;  for  opposition  candidates,  736,250. 
Electoral  Vote. 

For  President,  Van  Buren,  170;  Harrison,  73;  White,  26; 
Webster,  14;  Willie  P.  Mangum,  11. 

For  Vice-President,  Johnson,  147;  Granger,  77;  Tyler,  47; 
William  Smith,  23. 

1  From  this  time  until  1868  the  mode  of  choosing  electors  remained  unchanged, 
the  sole  exception  to  their  election  by  popular  vote  on  general  tickets  being  in 
South  Carolina. 


28 


PRESIDENTIAL   ELECTIONS. 
Fourteenth  Election,  1840  :  Harrison  and  Tyler. 

Parties  and  Candidates. 

Whig  (nominations  by  convention1):  William  H.  Harrison,  of 
Ohio,  and  John  Tyler,  of  Virginia. 

Democratic  (nomination  by  convention) :  Martin  Van  Buren, 
of  New  York.  (No  nomination  for  Vice-President  made.) 

Liberty  Party  (nominations  by  convention):  James  G.  Birney, 
of  New  York,  and  Thomas  Earl,  of  Pennsylvania. 

States  participating :  26. 
Popular  Majorities. 

For  Harrison,  in  Maine,  Vermont,  Massachusetts,  Rhode 
Island,  Connecticut,  New  York,  New  Jersey,  Pennsylvania,  Dela 
ware,  Maryland,  North  Carolina,  Georgia,  Mississippi,  Louisiana, 
Kentucky,  Tennessee,  Ohio,  Indiana,  Michigan. 

For  Van  Buren,  in  New  Hampshire,  Virginia,  Alabama,  Mis 
souri,  Arkansas,  Illinois. 

Total  Popular  Vote. 

For  Harrison,  1,275,016;  for  Van  Buren,  1,129,102;  for  Bir 
ney,  7069. 

Electoral  Vote. 

For  President,  Harrison,  234 ;  Van  Buren,  60. 
For  Vice-President,  Tyler,  234 ;  R.  M.  Johnson,  48  ;  L.  W. 
Tazewell,  11  ;  James  K.  Polk,  i. 

Fifteenth  Election,  1844  :  Polk  and  Dallas. 

Parties  and  Candidates. 

Democratic:  James  K.  Polk,  of  Tennessee,  and  George  M. 
Dallas,  of  Pennsylvania. 

Whig :  Henry  Clay,  of  Kentucky,  and  Theodore  Frelinghuy- 
sen,  of  New  Jersey. 

Liberty  Party  :  James  G.  Birney,  of  New  York,  and  Thomas 
Morris,  of  Ohio. 

States  participating  :  26. 

1  From  this  time  all  party  nominations  for  the  presidency  and  vice-presidency 
were  made  by  national  conventions. 

29 


APPENDIX   C. 

Popular  majorities. 

For  Polk,  in  Maine,  New  Hampshire,  New  York,  Penn 
sylvania,  Virginia,  Georgia,  Alabama,  Mississippi,  Louisiana, 
Missouri,  Arkansas,  Michigan,  Indiana,  Illinois. 

For  Clay,  in  Vermont,  Massachusetts,  Rhode  Island,  Con 
necticut,  New  Jersey,  Delaware,  Maryland,  North  Carolina, 
Kentucky,  Tennessee,  Ohio. 

Total  popular  vote. 

For  Polk,  1,337,243;  for  Clay,   1,299,062;  for  Birney,  62,300. 

Electoral  vote. 

For  Polk  and  Dallas,  170;  for  Clay  and  Frelinghuysen,  105. 

Sixteenth  Election,  1848:  Taylor  and  Pillmore. 

Parties  and  Candidates. 

Whig :  Zachary  Taylor,  of  Lousiana,  and  Millard  Fillmore,  of 
New  York. 

Democratic :  Lewis  Cass,  of  Michigan,  and  William  O.  Butler, 
of  Kentucky. 

Free  Soil  Party :  Martin  Van  Buren,  of  New  York,  and 
Charles  Francis  Adams,  of  Massachusetts. 

States  participating  :  30. 
Popular  majorities. 

For  Taylor,  in  Connecticut,  Delaware,  Florida,  Georgia,  Ken 
tucky,  Louisiana,  Maryland,  Massachusetts,  New  Jersey,  New 
York,  North  Carolina,  Pennsylvania,  Rhode  Island,  Tennessee, 
Vermont. 

For  Cass,  in  Alabama,  Arkansas,  Illinois,  Indiana,  Iowa, 
Maine,  Michigan,  Mississippi,  Missouri,  New  Hampshire,  Ohio, 
Texas,  Virginia,  Wisconsin. 

Total  popular  vote. 

For  Taylor,  1,360,099;  for  Cass,  1,220,544;  for  Van  Buren, 
291,263. 

Electoral  vote. 

For  Taylor  and  Fillmore,  163 ;  for  Cass  and  Butler,  127. 


PRESIDENTIAL   ELECTIONS. 
Seventeenth  Election,  1852  :    Pierce  and  King. 

Parties  and  Candidates. 

Democratic :  Franklin  Pierce,  of  New  Hampshire,  and 
William  R.  King,  of  Alabama. 

Whig:  Winfield  Scott,  of  New  Jersey,  and  William  A. 
Graham,  of  North  Carolina. 

Free  Soil  Party :  John  P.  Hale,  of  New  Hampshire,  and 
George  W.  Julian,  of  Indiana. 

States  participating  :  31. 
Popular  majorities. 

For  Pierce,  in  all  States  except  Kentucky,  Massachusetts,  Ten 
nessee,  and  Vermont,  which  gave  small  majorities  for  Scott. 

Total  popular  vote. 

For  Pierce,  1,601,474;  for  Scott,  1,386,580;  for  Hale,  156,667. 
Electoral  vote. 

For  Pierce  and  King,  254 ;  for  Scott  and  Graham,  42. 

Eighteenth  Election,  1856  :  Buchanan  and 

Breckenridge. 
Parties  and  Candidates. 

Democratic  :  James  Buchanan,  of  Pennsylvania,  and  John  C. 
Breckenridge,  of  Kentucky. 

Republican :  John  C.  Frdmont,  of  California,  and  William  L. 
Dayton,  of  New  Jersey. 

American  and  Whig :  Millard  Fillmore,  of  New  York,  and 
Andrew  J.  Donelson,  of  Tennessee. 

States  participating :  31. 

Popular  Majorities  and  Pluralities. 

For  Buchanan,  in  Alabama,  Arkansas,  California,  Delaware, 
Florida,  Georgia,  Illinois,  Indiana,  Kentucky,  Louisiana,  Mis 
sissippi,  Missouri,  New  Jersey,  North  Carolina,  Pennsylvania, 
Tennessee,  Texas,  Virginia. 

For  Frdmont,  in  Connecticut,  Iowa,  Maine,  Massachusetts, 
Michigan,  New  Hampshire,  New  York,  Ohio,  Rhode  Island, 
Vermont,  Wisconsin. 

For  Fillmore,  in  Maryland. 

31 


APPENDIX   C. 

Total  Popular  Vote. 

For  Buchanan,  1,838,169;  for  Fremont,  1,341,264;  for  Fill- 
more,  874,534. 

Electoral  Vote. 

For  Buchanan  and  Breckenridge,  174;  for  Frdmont  and  Day 
ton,  114;  for  Fillmore  and  Donelson,  8. 

Nineteenth  Election,  I860:  Lincoln  and  Hamlin. 

Parties  and  Candidates. 

Republican :  Abraham  Lincoln,  of  Illinois,  and  Hannibal 
Hamlin,  of  Maine. 

Democratic  (northern  wing):  Stephen  A.  Douglas,  of  Illinois, 
and  Herschel  V.  Johnson,  of  Georgia. 

Democratic  (southern  wing):  John  C.  Breckenridge,  of  Ken 
tucky,  and  Joseph  Lane,  of  Oregon. 

Constitutional  Union  Party :  John  Bell,  of  Tennessee,  and 
Edward  Everett,  of  Massachusetts. 

States  participating :  33. 

Popular  Majorities  and  Pluralities. 

For  Lincoln,  in  California,  Connecticut,  Illinois,  Indiana,  Iowa, 
Maine,  Massachusetts,  Michigan,  Minnesota,  New  Hampshire, 
New  York,  Ohio,  Oregon,  Pennsylvania,  Rhode  Island,  Vermont, 
Wisconsin. 

For  Breckinridge,  in  Alabama,  Arkansas,  Delaware,  Florida, 
Georgia,  Louisiana,  Maryland,  Mississippi,  North  Carolina, 
Texas. 

For  Bell,  in  Kentucky,  Tennessee,  Virginia. 

For  Douglas,  in  Missouri  and  New  Jersey. 

Total  Popular  Vote. 

For  Lincoln,  1,866,452;  for  Douglas,  1,376,957;  for  Brecken 
ridge,  849,781  ;  for  Bell,  588,879. 

Electoral  Vote. 

For  Lincoln  and  Hamlin,  180;  for  Breckenridge  and  Lane, 
72;  for  Bell  and  Everett,  39 ;  for  Douglas  and  Johnson,  12. 


PRESIDENTIAL   ELECTIONS. 
Twentieth  Election,  1 864 :  Lincoln  and  Johnson. 

Parties  and  Candidates. 

Republican :  Abraham  Lincoln,  of  Illinois,  and  Andrew  John 
son,  of  Tennessee. 

Democratic  :  George  B.  McClellan,  of  New  Jersey,  and  George 
H.  Pendleton,  of  Ohio. 

States  participating :  25. 
Popular  Majorities. 

For  Lincoln,  in  all  States  except  Delaware,  Kentucky,  and 
New  Jersey,  which  gave  majorities  for  McClellan. 

Total  Popular  Vote. 

For  Lincoln,  2,330,552;  for  McClellan,  1,835,985;  soldiers' 
vote  for  Lincoln,  116,887;  for  McClellan,  33,748. 

Electoral  Vote. 

For  Lincoln  and  Johnson,  212;  for  McClellan  and  Pendle 
ton,  21. 

Twenty-first  Election,  1868:   Grant  and  Colfax. 

Parties  and  Candidates. 

Republican  :  Ulysses  S.  Grant,  of  Illinois,  and  Schuyler  Col- 
fax,  of  Indiana. 

Democratic:  Horatio  Seymour,  of  New  York,  and  Francis  P. 
Blair,  Jr.,  of  Missouri. 

States  participating :  33.1 
Mode  of  choosing  Electors. 

By  legislature  in  Florida ;  by  popular  vote  on  general  tickets 
in  other  States,  including  South  Carolina. 

Popular  Majorities : 

For  Grant,  in  all  States  except  Delaware,  Georgia,  Kentucky, 
Louisiana,  Maryland,  New  Jersey,  New  York,  and  Oregon, 
which  gave  majorities  for  Seymour. 

Total  Popular  Vote. 

For  Grant,  3,012,833;  for  Seymour,  2,703,249. 

1  Virginia,  Mississippi,  and  Texas  had  not  yet  been  readmitted  to  representa 
tion  in  Congress,  and  did  not  take  part  in  the  election. 

33 


APPENDIX   C. 

Electoral  Vote. 

For  Grant  and  Coif  ax,  214 ;  for  Seymour  and  Blair,  80. 

Twenty-second  Election,  1872  :   Grant  and  Wilson. 

Parties  and  Candidates. 

Republican:  Ulysses  S.  Grant,  of  Illinois,  and  Henry  Wilson, 
of  Massachusetts. 

Coalition  (Liberal-Republican  and  Democratic):  Horace  Gree- 
ley,  of  New  York,  and  B.  Gratz  Brown,  of  Missouri. 

Democratic:  Charles  O'Conor,  of  New  York,  and  John  Quincy 
Adams,  of  Massachusetts. 

Prohibition :  James  Black,  of  Pennsylvania,  and  John  Russell, 
of  Michigan. 

States  participating :  37. 

Popular  Majorities. 

For  Grant,  in  all  States  except  Georgia,  Kentucky,  Louisiana, 
Maryland,  Missouri,  Tennessee,  and  Texas,  which  gave  majori 
ties  for  Greeley. 

Total  Popular  Vote. 

For  Grant,  3,597,132;  for  Greeley,  2,834,125;  for  O'Conor, 
29,489  ;  for  Black,  5,608. 

Electoral  Vote. 

For  President,1  Grant,  286,  Thomas  A.  Hendricks,  42,  B.  Gratz 
Brown,  18,  Greeley,  3,  Charles  J.  Jenkins,  2,  David  Davis,  i. 

For  Vice-President,  Wilson,  286,  Brown,  47,  Julian,  5,  scatter 
ing,  14. 

Twenty-Third  Election,  1876:  Hayes  and  Wheeler. 

Parties  and  Candidates. 

Republican  :  Rutherford  B.  Hayes,  of  Ohio,  and  William  A. 
Wheeler,  of  New  York. 

Democratic :  Samuel  J.  Tilden,  of  New  York,  and  Thomas  A. 
Hendricks,  of  Indiana. 

Independent  National,  or  Greenback  Party :  Peter  Cooper,  of 
New  York,  and  Samuel  F.  Gary,  of  Ohio. 

1  Mr.  Greeley  died  before  the  electoral  vote  was  cast. 

34 


PRESIDENTIAL   ELECTIONS. 

Prohibition :  Green  Clay  Smith,  of  Kentucky,  and  G.  T. 
Stewart,  of  Ohio. 

States  participating  :  38. 
Popular  Majorities. 

For  Hayes,  in  California,  Illinois,  Iowa,  Kansas,  Maine,  Massa 
chusetts,  Michigan,  Minnesota,  Nebraska,  Nevada,  New  Hamp 
shire,  Ohio,  Oregon,  Pennsylvania,  Rhode  Island,  Vermont, 
Wisconsin. 

For  Tilden,  in  Alabama,  Arkansas,  Connecticut,  Delaware, 
Georgia,  Indiana,  Kentucky,  Maryland,  Mississippi,  Missouri, 
New  Jersey,  New  York,  North  Carolina,  Tennessee,  Texas,  Vir 
ginia,  and  West  Virginia. 

In  South  Carolina,  Florida,  and  Louisiana  there  were  disputed 
returns,  and  in  Oregon  one  Republican  elector  chosen  was  de 
clared  ineligible  by  the  governor,  who  gave  a  certificate  to  the 
highest  candidate  on  the  Democratic  list. 

Total  Popular  Vote. 

For  Hayes,  according  to  Republican  returns  from  the  States 
in  dispute,  4,036,298,  according  to  Democratic  returns,  4,033,768 ; 
for  Tilden,  according  to  Democratic  returns,  4,300,590 ;  accord 
ing  to  Republican  returns,  4,285,992;  for  Cooper,  81,737;  for 
Smith,  9522. 

Electoral  Vote. 

As  determined  by  the  Electoral  Commission,  see  p.  575 ;  for 
Hayes  and  Wheeler,  185  ;  for  Tilden  and  Hendricks,  184. 

Twenty-fourth  Election,  188O  :  Garfield  and  Arthur. 

Parties  and  Candidates. 

Republican:  James  A.  Garfield,  of  Ohio,  and  Chester  A. 
Arthur,  of  New  York. 

Democratic :  Winfield  S.  Hancock,  of  Pennsylvania,  and 
William  H.  English,  of  Indiana. 

Independent  National  or  Greenback  Party  :  James  B.  Weaver, 
of  Iowa,  and  B.  J.  Chambers,  of  Texas. 

Prohibition :  Neal  Dow,  of  Maine,  and  A.  M.  Thompson,  of 
Ohio. 


35 


APPENDIX   C. 

States  participating :  38. 

Popular  Majorities. 

For  Garfield,  in  Colorado,  Connecticut,  Illinois,  Indiana,  Iowa, 
Kansas,  Maine,  Massachusetts,  Michigan,  Minnesota,  Nebraska, 
New  Hampshire,  New  York,  Ohio,  Oregon,  Pennsylvania,  Rhode 
Island,  Vermont,  Wisconsin. 

For  Hancock,  in  Alabama,  Arkansas,  California,  Delaware, 
Florida,  Georgia,  Kentucky,  Louisiana,  Maryland,  Mississippi, 
Missouri,  Nevada,  New  Jersey,  North  Carolina,  South  Carolina, 
Tennessee,  Texas,  Virginia,  West  Virginia. 

Total  Popular  Vote. 

For  Garfield,  4,454,416;  for  Hancock,  4,444,952;  for  Weaver, 
308,578  ;  for  Dow,  10,305. 

Electoral  Vote. 

For  Garfield  and  Arthur,  214;  for  Hancock  and  English,  155. 

Twenty-fifth  Election,  1884 :  Cleveland  and 
Hendricks. 

Parties  and  Candidates. 

Democratic  :  Grover  Cleveland,  of  New  York,  and  Thomas  A. 
Hendricks,  of  Indiana. 

Republican :  James  G.  Elaine,  of  Maine,  and  John  A.  Logan, 
of  Illinois. 

Anti-Monopoly  :  Benjamin  F.  Butler,  of  Massachusetts,  and 
Alanson  M.  West,  of  Mississippi. 

Greenback :  Benjamin  F.  Butler,  of  Massachusetts,  and  Alan- 
son  M.  West,  of  Mississippi. 

Prohibition  :  John  P.  St.  John,  of  Kansas,  and  William  Daniel, 
of  Maryland. 

States  participating:  38. 
Popular  Majorities. 

For  Cleveland,  in  Alabama,  Arkansas,  Connecticut,  Delaware, 
Florida,  Georgia,  Indiana,  Kentucky,  Louisiana,  Maryland,  Mis 
sissippi,  Missouri,  New  Jersey,  New  York,  North  Carolina,  South 
Carolina,  Tennessee,  Texas,  Virginia,  West  Virginia. 

For  Blaine,  in  California,  Colorado,  Illinois,  Iowa,  Kansas, 
Maine,  Massachusetts,  Michigan,  Minnesota,  Nebraska,  Nevada, 

36 


PRESIDENTIAL  ELECTIONS. 

New  Hampshire,  Ohio,    Oregon,  Pennsylvania,  Rhode  Island, 
Vermont,  Wisconsin. 

Total  Popular  Vote. 

For  Cleveland,  4,874,986;  for  Elaine,  4,851,981  ;  for  Butler, 
175,370;  St.  John,  150,369. 

Electoral  Vote. 

For  Cleveland  and  Hendricks,  219  ;  for  Elaine  and  Logan,  182. 

Twenty-sixth  Election,  1888 :  Harrison  and  Morton. 

Parties  and  Candidates. 

Republican  :  Benjamin  Harrison,  of  Indiana,  and  Levi  P. 
Morton,  of  New  York. 

Democratic  :  Grover  Cleveland,  of  New  York,  and  Allen  G. 
Thurman,  of  Ohio. 

National  Prohibition  Party :  Clinton  B.  Fiske,  of  New  Jersey, 
and  John  A.  Brooks,  of  Missouri. 

Union  Labor  Party  :  Alson  J.  Streeter,  of  Illinois,  and  Samuel 
Evans,  of  Texas. 

United  Labor  Party:  Robert  H.  Cowdrey,  of  Illinois,  and  W. 
H.  T.  Wakefield,  of  Kansas. 

States  participating :  38. 

Popular  Majorities. 

For  Harrison,  in  California,  Colorado,  Illinois,  Indiana,  Iowa, 
Kansas,  Maine,  Massachusetts,  Michigan,  Minnesota,  Nebraska, 
Nevada,  New  Hampshire,  New  York,  Ohio,  Oregon,  Pennsyl 
vania,  Rhode  Island,  Vermont,  Wisconsin. 

For  Cleveland,  in  Alabama,  Arkansas,  Connecticut,  Delaware, 
Florida,  Georgia,  Kentucky,  Louisiana,  Maryland,  Mississippi, 
Missouri,  New  Jersey,  North  Carolina,  South  Carolina,  Tennes 
see,  Texas,  Virginia,  West  Virginia. 

Total  Popular  Vote. 

For  Harrison,  5,439,853;  for  Cleveland,  5,540,329;  for  Fiske, 
249,506;  for  Streeter,  146,935;  for  Cowdrey,  1591. 

Electoral  Vote. 

For  Harrison  and  Morton,  233;  for  Cleveland  and  Thurman, 
1 68. 

37 


APPENDIX   C. 

Twenty-seventh  Election,   1892  :  Cleveland  and 

Stevenson. 
Parties  and  Candidates. 

Democratic  :  Grover  Cleveland,  of  New  York,  and  Adlai  E. 
Stevenson,  of  Illinois. 

Republican:  Benjamin  Harrison,  of  Indiana,  and  Whitelaw 
Reid,  of  New  York. 

National  Prohibition  Party  :  John  Bidwell,  of  California,  and 
J.  B.  Cranfill,  of  Texas. 

People's  or  Populist  Party :  James  B.  Weaver,  of  Iowa,  and 
James  G.  Field,  of  Virginia. 

Socialist  Labor  Party  :  Simon  Wing,  of  Massachusetts,  and 
Charles  H.  Matchett,  of  New  York. 

States  participating  :  44. 

Popular  Majorities  and  Pluralities. 

For  Cleveland,  in  Alabama,  Arkansas,  California,  Connecticut, 
Delaware,  Florida,  Georgia,  Illinois,  Indiana,  Kentucky,  Louisi 
ana,  Maryland,  Mississippi,  Missouri,  New  Jersey,  New  York, 
North  Carolina,  South  Carolina,  Tennessee,  Texas,  Virginia, 
West  Virginia,  Wisconsin. 

For  Harrison,  in  Iowa,  Maine,  Massachusetts,  Michigan, 
Minnesota,  Montana,  Nebraska,  New  Hampshire,  Ohio,  Oregon. 
Pennsylvania,  Rhode  Island,  South  Dakota,  Vermont,  Wash 
ington,  Wyoming. 

For  Weaver,1  in  Colorado,   Idaho,    Kansas,   Nevada,  North 
Dakota. 
Total  Popular  Vote. 

For  Cleveland,  5,556,543  ;  for  Harrison,  5,175,582  ;  for  Weaver, 
1,040,886;  for  Bidwell,  255,841 ;  for  Wing,  21,532. 

Electoral  Vote. 

For  Cleveland  and  Stevenson,  277 ;  for  Harrison  and  Reid, 
145  ;  for  Weaver  and  Field,  22. 

1  The  Democrats  nominated  no  electors  in  Colorado,  Idaho,  Kansas,  North 
Dakota,  and  Wyoming,  giving  their  votes  in  those  States  to  the  Populist  candi 
dates.  Alliances  with  the  Populists  were  made  in  a  few  northern  States  by 
the  Democrats,  and  in  several  southern  States  by  the  Republicans.  This  makes 
it  impossible  to  determine  precisely  the  popular  vote  cast  by  the  several  parties. 


PRESIDENTIAL   ELECTIONS. 

Twenty-eighth  Election,  1896  :  McKinley  and 

Hobart. 
Parties  and  Candidates. 

Republican  :  William  McKinley,  of  Ohio,  and  Garret  A.  Ho 
bart,  of  New  Jersey. 

Democratic :  William  J.  Bryan,  of  Nebraska,  and  Arthur 
Sewall,  of  Maine. 

People's  or  Populist  Party :  William  J.  Bryan,  of  Nebraska, 
and  Thomas  E.  Watson,  of  Georgia. 

National  Silver  Party :  William  J.  Bryan,  of  Nebraska,  and 
Arthur  Sewall,  of  Maine. 

National  Democratic :  John  M.  Palmer,  of  Illinois,  and 
Simon  B.  Buckner,  of  Kentucky. 

Socialist  Labor  Party:  Charles  H.  Matchett,  of  New  York, 
and  Matthew  Maguire,  of  New  Jersey. 

Prohibition  Party  :  Joshua  Levering,  of  Maryland,  and  Hale 
Johnson,  of  Illinois. 

National  Party  (a  secession  from  the  Prohibition):  Charles  E. 
Bentley,  of  Nebraska,  and  James  H.  Southgate,  of  North  Caro 
lina. 

States  participating  :  45. 

Popular  Majorities  and  Pluralities. 

For  McKinley,  in  California,  Connecticut,  Delaware,  Illinois, 
Indiana,  Iowa,  Kentucky,  Maine,  Maryland,  Massachusetts, 
Michigan,  Minnesota,  New  Hampshire,  New  Jersey,  New  York, 
North  Dakota,  Ohio,  Oregon,  Pennsylvania,  Rhode  Island,  Ver 
mont,  West  Virginia,  Wisconsin. 

For  Bryan,  in  Alabama,  Arkansas,  Colorado,  Florida,  Georgia, 
Idaho,  Kansas,  Louisiana,  Mississippi,  Missouri,  Montana,   Ne 
braska,  Nevada,  North  Carolina,  South  Carolina,  South  Dakota, 
Tennessee,  Texas,  Utah,  Virginia,  Washington,  Wyoming. 
Total  Popular  Vote. 

For  McKinley,  7,111,607;  for  Bryan,  6,509,052;  for  Palmer, 
134,645;  for  Levering,  131,312;  for  Matchett,  36,373;  for  Bent- 
ley,  13,968. 
Electoral  Vote. 

For  President,  McKinley,  271,  Bryan,  176. 

For  Vice-President,  Hobart,  271,  Sewall,  149,  Watson,  27. 

39 


APPENDIX    C. 

Twenty-ninth  Election,   19OO:  McKinley    and 

Roosevelt. 
Parties  and  Candidates. 

Republican  :  William  McKinley,  of  Ohio,  and  Theodore  Roose 
velt,  of  New  York. 

Democratic  :  William  J.  Bryan,  of  Nebraska,  and  Adlai  E. 
Stevenson,  of  Illinois. 

People's  or  Populist  Party  (divided) :  Middle-of-the-Road 
Populists :  Wharton  Barker,  of  Pennsylvania,  and  Ignatius 
Donnelly,  of  Minnesota ;  Fusion  wing :  William  J.  Bryan,  of 
Nebraska,  and  Charles  A.  Towne,  of  Minnesota. 

Silver  Republican :  William  J.  Bryan,  of  Nebraska,  and 
Adlai  E.  Stevenson,  of  Illinois. 

Prohibition  Party  :  John  G.  Woolley,  of  Illinois,  and  Henry 
B.  Metcalf,  of  Rhode  Island. 

United  Christian  Party  :  Jonah  F.  R.  Leonard,  of  Iowa,  and 
David  H.  Martin,  of  Pennsylvania. 

Social  Democratic:  Eugene  V.  Debs,  of  Illinois,  and  Job 
Harriman,  of  California. 

Socialist  Labor  Party:  Joseph  F.  Malloney,  of  Massachusetts, 
and  Valentine  Remmel,  of  Pennsylvania. 

Union  Reform  Party  (favoring  direct  legislation)  :  Seth  H. 
Ellis,  of  Ohio,  and  Samuel  T.  Nicholson,  of  Pennsylvania. 

States  participating:  45. 

Popular  Majorities  and  Pluralities. 

For  McKinley,  in  California,  Connecticut,  Delaware,  Illinois, 
Indiana,  Iowa,  Kansas,  Maine,  Maryland,  Massachusetts,  Michi 
gan,  Minnesota,  Nebraska,  New  Hampshire,  New  Jersey,  New 
York,  North  Dakota,  Ohio,  Oregon,  Pennsylvania,  Rhode 
Island,  South  Dakota,  Utah,  Vermont,  Washington,  West  Vir 
ginia,  Wisconsin,  Wyoming. 

For  Bryan,  in  Alabama,  Arkansas,  Colorado,  Florida,  Georgia, 
Idaho,  Kentucky,  Louisiana,  Mississippi,  Missouri,  Montana, 
Nevada,  North  Carolina,  South  Carolina,  Tennessee,  Texas, 
Virginia. 

Total  Popular  Vote. 

For  McKinley,  7,206,677;   for  Bryan,  6,374,397;  for  Barker, 

40 


IMPORTANT  MEASURES  OF  THE  GOVERNMENT. 

50,373;   for  Woolley,  208,555;    f°r   Leonard,    1060;   for  Debs, 
84,003;  for  Malloney,  39-537;  fr>r  Ellis»  SfyZ- 
Electoral  Vote. 

For  McKinley  and  Roosevelt,  292 ;  for  Bryan  and  Stevenson, 
'55- 


APPENDIX    D. 

IMPORTANT  MEASURES  OF  THE  NATIONAL 
GOVERNMENT. 

A    CHRONOLOGICAL    SUMMARY. 

Administration  of  President  Washington. 

1789.  First  tariff  and  tonnage  acts.  —  Organization  of  the  Federal 
Treasury,  State,  and  War  Departments.  —  Organization  of  a  Fed 
eral  judiciary  system.  —  Confirmation  of  the   Ordinance  of  1787, 
relative  to  the  Northwest  Territory.  —  Proposal  and  adoption  of 
the  first  ten  Amendments  to  the  Federal  Constitution. 

1790.  Funding  the  foreign  and  domestic  debt  of  the  late  Con 
federation. —  Assumption  and  funding  of  the  war  debts  of  the 
States.  —  Acquisition  and  nationalization  of  the  District  of  Colum 
bia,  for  the  location  of  a  national  capital.  —  Resolutions  declaring 
the  powerlessness   of   Congress  to  interfere  with  slavery  in  the 
States.  —  First  Census   Act.  —  First   Patent   Law.  —  First  Copy 
right  Law. 

1791.  Revision  of  the  tariff. — Excise  Law.  —  Act  creating  the 
first  Bank  of  the  United   States.  —  Admission   of  Vermont  and 
Kentucky  to  the  Union. 

1793.  Proclamation  of  neutrality  in  the  war  between  England 
and  France.  —  Demand  for  the  recall  of  "  Citizen  Genet,"  minister 
from  France. 

1794.  Suppression  of  the  "  Whiskey  Rebellion  "  in  western  Penn 
sylvania.  —  Negotiation  and  ratification  of  the   Jay  Treaty  with 
England. 

1795-   Conclusion  of  treaty  with  Spain,  freeing  the  navigation  of 
the  Mississippi. 

1796.    Admission  of  Tennessee  to  the  Union. 

41 


APPENDIX   D. 
Administration  of  President  John  Adams. 

1797.  Pacificatory   mission   of    three    envoys   extraordinary  to 
France. 

1798.  War  measures  consequent  on  the  "  X.  Y.  Z.  Correspond 
ence." —  Alien  and  Sedition  Acts.  — Organization  of  the  Territory 
of  Mississippi. 

1800.  New  treaty  with  France,  originating  "  French  Spoliation 
claims."  —  Organization  of  the  Territories  of  Ohio  and  Indiana. 

1801.  Appointment  of  John  Marshall  to  be  Chief  Justice  of  the 
United  States. 

Administration  of  President  Jefferson. 

1801.  Chastisement   of  the   pirates   of   Tripoli.  —  Purchase   of 
Louisiana  from  Napoleon  I. 

1802.  Organization  of  the  Territory  of  Orleans  and  the  District 
of  Louisiana. 

1803.  Expedition  under  Lewis  and   Clark  sent  to  explore  the 
Missouri,  and  beyond. 

1805.  Treaty  with    Tripoli.  —  Organization  of  the  Territory  of 
Michigan. 

1806.  Act  prohibiting  the  importation  of  British  goods. 

1807.  Enforcement  of  Non- Importation  Act.  —  Passage  of  Em 
bargo  Act.  —  Act  prohibiting  the  African  slave  trade. 

1809.  Enlargement  of  powers  for  enforcement  of  Embargo  Act. 
—  Repeal  of  Embargo  Act.  —  Substitution  of  non-intercourse  with 
Great  Britain  and  France.  —  Organization  of  the  Territory  of 
Illinois. 

Administration  of  President  Madison. 

1809.  Suspension   and   renewal   of   Non-Intercourse  Act,  as   it 
related  to  Great  Britain. 

1810.  Provisional  repeal   of   Non-Intercourse  Act.  —  Commer 
cial  intercourse  with  Great  Britain  interdicted.  —  Occupation  of 
West  Florida.  —  Act  authorizing  the  adoption  of  a  state  constitu 
tion  in  the  Territory  of  Orleans. 

1811.  Dissolution  of  the  United  States  Bank. 

1812.  Admission  of  the  Territory  of  Orleans  as  a  State,  named 
Louisiana.  —  Annexation  of  West  Florida  in  part  to  the  new  State 

42 


IMPORTANT  MEASURES  OF  THE  GOVERNMENT. 

and  in  part  to  the  Territory  of  Mississippi.  —  Act  ordering  an  em 
bargo  for  ninety  days.  —  Declaration  of  war  with  Great  Britain. 

1815.  Treaty  of  Ghent,  restoring  peace  with  Great  Britain. — 
War,  resulting  in  a  treaty,  with  the  Dey  of  Algiers. 

1816.  Charter  of  the  second  Bank  of  the  United  States.  —  Ad 
mission  of  Indiana  to  the  Union.  —  Tariff  Act,  increasing  protec 
tive  duties.  —  Appropriation  for  "internal  improvements." 

Administration  of  President  Monroe. 

1817.  War  with  the  Seminole  Indians  of  Florida.  —  Admission 
of  Mississippi  to  the  Union. 

1818.  Convention  with  Great  Britain  establishing  part  of  north 
western  boundary,  with  joint  occupancy  of  Oregon.  —  Admission 
of  Illinois  to  the  Union. 

1819.  Purchase  of  West  Florida  from  Spain,  with  a  definition  of 
Spanish  boundary  lines  in  the  west.  —  Admission  of  Alabama  to 
the  Union. 

1820.  The  Missouri  Compromise  Act.  —  Admission  of  Maine  to 
the  Union.  —  Act  fixing  a  four  years'  term  for  many  Federal  offices. 

1820.    Admission  of  Missouri  to  the  Union. 

1823.  Declaration  by  President  Monroe  of  the  principle  of  Ameri 
can  policy  known  since  as  the  "  Monroe  Doctrine." 

1824.  Tariff  Act,  increasing  protective  duties. 

Administration  of  President  John  Quincy  Adams. 
1828.   The  "  Tariff  of  Abominations." 

Administration  of  President  Jackson. 

1830.    Diplomatic  arrangement  with  Great  Britain,  to  reopen  her 
West  Indian  trade  to  American  shipping. 

1832.  Act  to  renew  the  charter  of  the  United  States  Bank,  vetoed 
by  the  President.  —  Tariff  Act,  more  strictly  protective  than  that 
of  1828.  —  President  Jackson's  proclamation  against  the  nullifying 
ordinance  of  South  Carolina. 

1833.  "  Force  Bill."  —  "  Compromise  Tariff  ''  Act.  —  Removal  of 
government  deposits  from  the  United  States  Bank.  —  Censure  of 
the  President  by  Senate  resolution. 

1834.  Creation  of  Indian  Territory. 

1835.  Settlement  of  claims  against  France. 

1836.  Resolution  of  the  House  of  Representatives  directing  all 

43 


APPENDIX    D. 

petitions  concerning  slavery  to  be  laid  on  the  table,  without  action. 
—  Act  directing  a  distribution  of  surplus  revenue  among  the 
States.  —  The  President's  "Specie  Circular." 

1837.  Resolution  to  expunge  the  censure  of  President  Jackson, 
passed  in  1833,  from  the  journal  of  the  Senate.  —  Recognition  of 
the  Republic  of  Texas. 

Administration  of  President  Van  Buren. 

1840.  Act   to   establish   the    Independent   Treasury  System.  — 
Resolution  of  the  House  of  Representatives  refusing  to  receive 
petitions  against  slavery. 

Administration  of  President  Tyler. 

1841.  Repeal  of  the  Independent  Treasury  Act.  —  Act  to  dis 
tribute  proceeds  of  the  sale  of  public  lands  among  the  States. 

1842.  Revision  of  the  Compromise  Tariff,  annulling  the  Act  to 
distribute  land  revenues.  —  Negotiation  of  the  Ashburton  Treaty. 

1844.  Texas  annexation  treaty  rejected  by  the  Senate. 

1845.  Annexation  of  Texas.  —  Admission  of  Florida  and   Iowa 
to  the  Union.  —  Rescinding  of  the  rule  of  the  House  of  Repre 
sentatives  against  receiving  anti-slavery  petitions. 

Administration  of  President  Polk. 

1846.  Oregon  Boundary  Treaty  with  Great  Britain.  —  Declara 
tion  of  war  with  Mexico.  —  Walker  Tariff  Act.  —  Act  to  reestab 
lish  the  Independent  Treasury. 

1848.  Treaty  of  Guadalupe  Hidalgo  with  Mexico.  —  Territorial 
organization  of  Oregon  with  slavery  excluded. 

Administration  of  President  Fillmore. 

1850.  The  five  measures  of  Compromise,  admitting  California  to 
the  Union,  establishing  territorial  governments  in  New  Mexico 
and  Utah,  purchasing  the  Texas  claim  on  New  Mexico,  prohibit 
ing  the  slave  trade  in  the  District  of  Columbia,  and  enacting  a  new 
Fugitive  Slave  Law.  —  Negotiation  of  the  Clayton-Bulwer  Treaty 
with  Great  Britain. 

Administration  of  President  Pierce. 

1854.    Kansas-Nebraska  Act,  organizing  the  Territories  of  Kan- 

44 


IMPORTANT  MEASURES  OF  THE  GOVERNMENT. 

sas  and  Nebraska,  and  repealing  the   Missouri   Compromise.— 
Treaty  of  Reciprocity  with  Canada. 

Administration  of  President  Buchanan. 

1857.  The  Dred  Scott  decision  by  the  Supreme  Court. 

1858.  Act  submitting  the  Lecompton  Constitution  to  a  vote  of 
the  people  of  Kansas.  — Admission  of  Minnesota  to  the  Union. 

1859.  Admission  of  Oregon  to  the  Union. 

1861.    Admission  of  Kansas  to  the  Union.  —  Morrill  Tariff  Act. 

—  Territorial  organization  of  Colorado,  Nevada,  and  Dakota. 

Administration  of  President  Lincoln. 

1861.  Call  (April  15)  for  75,000  militia  to  suppress  combinations 
against  the  laws.  —  Call  (May  3)  for  42,000  volunteers  and  18,000 
seamen.  —  Proclamation  (April  19)  of  a  blockade  of  southern  ports. 

—  Executive  approval  of  the  dictum  that  slaves  are  "  contraband 
of  war."  —  Congressional  ratification  of  war  measures  of  the  Presi 
dent. —  Authority  given  to  raise   500,000  volunteers  and  make  a 
loan  of  $250,000,000.  —  Act  to  increase  tariff  rates  and  impose  an 
income  tax.  —  Act  to  confiscate  property  used  for  insurrectionary 
purposes,  including  slaves. 

1862.  First  Legal  Tender  Act,  authorizing  an  issue  of  $100,000,- 
ooo  of  legal  tender  treasury  notes.  —  Revision   of  the  tariff,  in 
creasing  rates  of  duty. —  Internal  Revenue  Act. — Resolution  of 
Congress  proffering  aid  to  undertakings  of  compensated  emanci 
pation  in  slave  States.  —  Act  forbidding  military  officers  to  surren 
der  fugitive   slaves.  —  Compensated  abolition   of  slavery   in   the 
District  of  Columbia.  —  Act  to  confiscate  the  property  (including 
slaves)  of  all  persons  in  arms  against  the  government.  —  Execu 
tive  consent  to  the  organizing  and  arming  of  refugee  negroes  for 
military  service.  —  President  Lincoln's  first  (warning)  Proclamation 
of  Emancipation.  —  Admission  of  West  Virginia  to  the  Union. 

1863.  The  President's  final    Proclamation  of  Emancipation.— 
Conscription  Act.  —  National  Banking  Act.  —  President  Lincoln's 
Proclamation  of  Amnesty  and  Reconstruction. 

1864.  Reconstruction  of   state  governments   in   Louisiana   and 
Arkansas.  —  Abolition  of  slavery  by  state  action  in  Maryland. 

1865.  Adoption  by  Congress  of  the  Thirteenth  Amendment  to 
the  Constitution.  —  Act  to  establish  the  Freedmen's   Bureau.  — 
Abolition  of  slavery  by  state  action  in  Missouri,  Tennessee,  Ar- 

45 


APPENDIX    D. 

kansas,  and  Louisiana.  —  Executive  order  to  stop  drafting,  recruit 
ing,  and  the  purchase  of  military  supplies. 

Administration  of  President  Johnson. 

1865.  President  Johnson's  Proclamation  of  Amnesty.  —  Recon 
struction  of  state  governments  in  Virginia,  North  Carolina,  South 
Carolina,  Georgia,  Florida,  Alabama,  and  Mississippi.  —  Proclama 
tion  of  the  ratification  of  the  Thirteenth  Amendment  to  the  Con 
stitution  by  three  fourths  of  the  States. 

1866.  Civil  Rights  Act.  —  Joint  resolution  proposing  the  Four 
teenth  Amendment  to  the  Constitution.  —  Tennessee  readmitted 
to  representation  in  Congress. 

1867.  Tenure  of  Office  Act.  —  Act  to  establish  universal  man 
hood  suffrage  in  the  District  of  Columbia  and  the  Territories.  — 
Admission  of  Nebraska  to  the  Union.  —  Military  Reconstruction 
Act.  —  Supplementary  Reconstruction  Act.  —  Diplomatic  expostu 
lations  causing  the  withdrawal  of  the  French  from  Mexico.  — Pur 
chase  of  Alaska  from  Russia. 

1868.  Impeachment  and  trial  of  the  President.  —  North  Carolina, 
South  Carolina,  Georgia,  Florida,   Alabama,  Louisiana,  and  Ar 
kansas,   reconstructed   under  the    Military   Reconstruction  Act, 
admitted  to  representation  in  Congress.  —  Ratification  of  the  Four 
teenth  Amendment  proclaimed. 

1869.  Joint  resolution  proposing  the  Fifteenth  Amendment  to 
the  Constitution. 

Administration  of  President  Grant. 

1869.  Treaty  for  the  annexation  of  San  Domingo  rejected  by  the 
Senate. 

1870.  Ratification  of  the  Fifteenth  Amendment  proclaimed. — 
Force  Bill  passed. 

1870.    Second  Force   Bill   passed.  —  Treaty  of  Washington.  — 
First  Civil  Service  Reform  enactment. 

1872.  Amnesty  Act,  restoring  franchises  to  large  classes  in  lately 
rebellious  States.  —  Settlement  of  Alabama  Claims  by  arbitration 
at  Geneva. 

1873.  Coinage  Act. 

1875.    Act  to  provide  for  a  resumption  of  specie  payments,  Janu 
ary  i,  1879. 

1877.   Act  to  create  an  Electoral  Commission. 


IMPORTANT  MEASURES  OF  THE  GOVERNMENT. 

Administration  of  President  Hayes. 

1877.  Executive  withdrawal  of  Federal  forces  from  the  south. 

1878.  Bland  Silver  Act. 

1879.  Resumption  of  specie  payments. 

Administration  of  President  Arthur. 

1883.    Pendleton  Civil  Service  Act.  —  Notice  to  annul  the  fishery 
articles  of  the  Treaty  of  Washington. 

First  Administration  of  President  Cleveland. 

1886.  Act  to  prevent  a  vacancy  in  the  presidential  office. 

1887.  Act  to  regulate  the  counting  of  electoral  votes.  —  Act  to 
create   an    Inter-State    Commerce    Commission. —  Repeal  of  the 
Tenure  of  Office  Act. 

1888.  Fisheries  Treaty  with  Great  Britain  rejected  by  the  Senate. 

Administration  of  President  Benjamin  Harrison. 

1889.  Admission  to  the  Union  of  Washington,  Montana,  North 
Dakota,  and   South   Dakota.  —  Opening   of   Oklahoma  to   white 
settlers. 

1890.  The  McKinley  Tariff  Act.  —  The  Sherman  Silver  Act  — 
Admission  to  the  Union  of  Idaho  and  Wyoming. 

1892.  Agreement  with  Great  Britain  for  the  arbitration  of  the 
Bering  Sea  dispute. 

1893.  Treaty  of  annexation  with  the  revolutionary  government  of 
the  Hawaiian  Islands. 

Second  Administration  of  President  Cleveland. 

1893.  Hawaiian  annexation  treaty  withdrawn  from  the  Senate  by 
the  President.  —  Act  stopping  the  purchase  of  silver  by  the  govern 
ment  under  the  Sherman  Act. 

1894.  The  Wilson  Tariff  Act  and  Income  Tax  Act. 

1895.  Supreme  Court  decision  against  the  constitutionality  of 
the  income  tax. 

1897.   Arbitration   Treaty  with   Great   Britain   rejected   by  the 
Senate. 


47 


APPENDIX    D. 

Administration  of  President  McKinley. 

1897.  The  Dingley  Tariff  Act. 

1898.  Declaration  of  War  with  Spain.  —  Treaty  of  peace  with 
Spain,  acquiring  Porto  Rico,  Guam,  and  the  Philippine   Islands, 
and  releasing  Cuba  from  Spanish  rule. 

1900.  Act  establishing  the  standard  "  dollar,"  defined  in  gold.  — 
Establishment  of  a  Civil  Commission  in  the  Philippine  Islands, 
with  legislative  powers,  to  cooperate  with  the  military  authority. — 
Erection  of  civil  government  in  Porto  Rico.  —  Diplomatic  negoti 
ation  of  the  pledge  of  the  "  open  door  "  to  trade  in  China. 

1900.  Erection  of  civil  government  in  the  Philippine  Islands.  — 
Cooperation  with  other  Powers  in  the  suppression  of  the  "  Boxer  " 
outbreak  in  China. 

Administration  of  President  Roosevelt. 

1900.  Negotiation  and  ratification  of  the  Hay-Pauncefote  Treaty 
with  Great  Britain,  relative  to  an  interoceanic  canal. 

1902.  Withdrawal  of  military  forces  from  Cuba  and  recognition 
of  Cuban  independence.  —  Isthmian  Canal  Act. 

1903.  Isthmian  Canal  convention  with  Colombia,  rejected  by  the 
Colombian  Senate. 


INDEX. 


INDEX. 


Anti-rent  disturbances,  430-431. 

Anti-slavery  movements.     See  Slavery. 

Apaches,  war  with  the,  570  ;  Map  XI.  Eb. 

Appalachian  Mountain  system,  22-24,  134, 
135-136;  Map  I. 

Appomattox  Court  House,  547  ;  Map  XII. 
Ah. 

Aquidneck,  the  first  name  of  Rhode  Island, 
45- 

Arbitration,  of  Alabama  claims,  569-570; 
of  Bering  Sea  controversy,  584-585;  of 
Venezuela  question,  593-594 ;  rejection 
of  arbitration  treaty  with  Great  Britain, 
594;  arbitration  of  labor  disputes,  618- 
619. 

Arbuthnot,  Jackson's  execution  of,  369. 

Aristocratic  tendencies,  in  colonial  Vir 
ginia  and  Maryland,  73-74 ;  in  New 
Netherland,  75 ;  in  later  colonial  times, 
188-189;  in  the  Federalist  party,  282. 

"Aristocrats,"  the  New  York  faction  of, 

121. 

Arizona,  acquisition  by  the  United  States, 
442. 

Arkansas,  admitted  to  the  Union,  Appendix 
B ;  secession  declared,  494  ;  emancipation 
proclaimed,  528;  slavery  abolished  by 
state  action,  545  (foot-note) ;  restored  to 
the  Union,  564-565. 

Arkansas  River,  369  ;  Map  XI.  Db. 

Arlington,  Earl  of,  90. 

Armies,  Union  and  Confederate,  statistics, 
550-552. 

Armstrong,  Gen.  John,  236-237,  349. 

Armstrong,  Gen.  Samuel  C.,  621. 

Army  of  the  Cumberland,  536. 

Army  of  the  Potomac,  formed  under  Mc 
Dowell,  —  first  battle  of  Bull  Run,  —  Me 
Clellan  called  to  command,  500-501  ; 
strength  and  condition  in  October,  1861, 
—  inaction  through  fall  and  winter,  503- 
504,  507 ;  advance  to  Manassas,  508 ; 
peninsular  campaign,  511-512,  513-514; 
recall  to  the  Potomac,  514  ;  cooperation 
with  Pope,  and  campaign  against  Lee  in 
Maryland,  527-528;  reverse  under  Burn- 
side,  530,  and  again  under  Hooker,  531 ; 
Gettysburg  campaign,  532-533 ;  in  Virginia 
again,  535 ;  movement  on  Richmond 
under  Grant,  539,  540  ;  before  Petersburg, 
541 ;  in  pursuit  of  Lee,  —  and  of  war,  546- 
547;  grand  review  at  Washington,  551. 

Army  of  the  Tennessee,  536,  541. 

Arnold,  Benedict,  at  the  capture  of  Ticon- 
deroga,  198  ;  defence  of  Lake  Champlain, 
209;  in  campaign  against  Burgoyne,  215  ; 
attempted  treason,  229-230. 

Arthur,  Chester  A.,  582. 

Articles  of  Confederation,  248-249, 250-252. 

Ashburton  treaty,  431. 

Asia,  early  trade  of  Europe  with,  2-3,  7. 

Assassinations:  of  President  Lincoln,  548- 
550;  of  President  Garfield,  581-582;  of 
President  McKinley,  601-602. 

Assemblies,  colonial,  established  in  Mary 
land,  34  ;  in  Virginia,  62  ;  in  Plymouth 
Colony,  65  ;  in  Massachusetts  Bay  Col 
ony,  66  ;  in  Connecticut,  66-67 ;  English 


origin  in  all  the  colonies,  69-70 ;  in  New 
Jersey,  87  ;  in  New  York,  96 ;  in  Penn 
sylvania,  97-99 ;  in  Georgia,  134. 

Assiento,  the,  192. 

Assumption  Bill,  274-275. 

Assunpink  Creek,  Map,  p.  211,  Eg. 

Astoria,  370 ;  Map  XI .  Aa. 

"  Atherton  gag,"  the,  409. 

Atlanta,  Map  XIII.  Ff ;  siege,  541 ;  capture 
and  destruction,  542-543. 

Bacon,  Nathaniel,  rebellion  of,  90-92. 

Bahamas,  4,  504 ;  Map  II.  Hd. 

Balboa,  Vasco  Nunez  de,  discovery  of  the 
Pacific  Ocean  by,  9. 

Baltimore,  Barons  of.     See  Calvert. 

Baltimore,  city,  Map  VII.  Db  ;  British  at 
tack,  1814  "(with  map),  349-350;  seces 
sionist  attack  on  the  6th  Massachusetts 
Regiment,  1861  (with  map),  492-493. 

Bancroft,  George,  435. 

Bank  of  the  United  States.  See  United 
States  Bank. 

Bank  questions,  etc.  See  Monetary  ques 
tions. 

Banks,  Nathaniel  P.,  elected  Speaker  of 
the  House  of  Representatives,  464 ;  in 
military  command,  533,  539. 

Barbary  States,  mediaeval  piracy  of,  3 ; 
wars  with  (with  map),  310-311,  318,  353. 

Bargain  and  corruption  cry,  1824-25,  380- 
38  r. 

"  Barnburner"  Democrats,  450-451. 

Barre",  Colonel  Isaac,  164,  165,  178. 

Bates,  Edward,  490. 

Baton  Rouge,  American  seizure  of  Spanish 
fort,  335  ;  Map  XI.  Db. 

Bay  of  Fundy,  Map  V.  Eb. 

Beauregard,  Gen.  Pierre  G.  T.,  bombard 
ment  and  capture  of  Fort  Sumter,  491 ;  in 
command  at  first  Bull  Run,  501  ;  in 
battle  of  Shiloh,  506  ;  in  the  defence  of 
Richmond,  540. 

Beecher,  Henry  Ward,  548. 

Bell,  John,  475. 

Bellingham,  Richard,  89. 

Bellomont,  Lord,  120. 

Bemis  Heights,  battles,  215  ;  Map,  p.  213. 

Bennington,  battle  of,  214  :  Map,  p.  213. 

Benton,  Thomas  H.,  opinion  of  the  Texas 
annexation  treaty,  438. 

Bering  Sea  controversy  and  arbitration, 
584-585- 

Berkeley,  Lord,  87,  95-96. 

Berkeley,  Sir  William,  governor  of  Vir 
ginia,  53-54,  80-81,  89-92. 

Berlin  decree,  the,  321-322,  334. 

Bermuda  Hundred,  540;  Map,  XI I.  Dh. 

Bessemer  process,  614. 

Beverley,  Robert,  191. 

Bienville,  Ce"loron  di,  140. 

Big  Bethel,  battle  of,  498 ;  Map,  XII.  Ei. 

Billeting  Act,  the,  167. 

Birney,  James  G. ,  434. 

Black,  Jeremiah  S.,  487. 

Black  Hawk  War,  397. 

Bladensburg,  battle,  348;  Map,  p.  349. 

Blaine,  James  G.,  581,  583. 


INDEX. 


Blair,  Francis  P.,  400. 

Blair,  Francis  P.,  Jr.,  495-496. 

Blair,  Montgomery,  490,  527. 

Bland  Silver  Act,  576-577,  589. 

Blennerhasset,  Harman,  318. 

Blockade  of  Confederate  ports,  493,  504- 
506,  Map,  p.  505. 

Blue  Light  Federalists,  350. 

Blue  Ridge,  532  ;  Map  XII.  Be. 

Board  of  Trade,  British,  128,  131,  132,  143- 
144,  162,  163. 

Bonaparte.     See  Napoleon  Bonaparte. 

Bon  Homme  Richard,  the,  226-227. 

Boone,  Daniel,  223. 

Booth,  John  Wilkes,  549-550. 

"  Border  Ruffians,"  463-464. 

Boston,  Map  V.  Bd ;  founded,  39-40;  the 
mobbing  of  Governor  Hutchinson,  165- 
166 ;  British  regiments  ordered  to  the 
city,  169;  the  "massacre"  of  citizens, 
171  ;  the  "  tea-party,"  173-174  ;  punish 
ment  by  the  Port  Bill,  174-175  ;  the  Brit 
ish  besieged  in  the  city,  196;  battle  of 
Bunker  Hill,  200-202  ;  evacuation  by  the 
British,  204-205  ;  great  fire,  572 ;  found 
ing  of  the  first  municipal  free  library,  621. 

Boston  Public  Latin  School,  41. 

Botetourt,  Lord,  169-170. 

"  Boxer"  rising  in  China,  600-601. 

Braddock's  defeat,  144-146. 

Bradford,  William,  governor  of  Plymouth 
colony,  64,  1 15. 

Bradford,  William  (early  printer),  116,  137. 

Bradstreet,  Anne,  115. 

Bragg,  General  Braxton,  528-529,  531,535, 
536.  539- 

Brandywme  Creek,  battle  of,  216;  Map, 
p.  211  Ai. 

Brant,  Joseph,  222. 

Breed's  Hill,  200. 

Brooke,  Lord,  42. 

Brooklyn,  battle  of  Long  Island,  208 ;  Map, 
p.  209. 

Brooks,  Preston,  465. 

Brown,  Gen.  Jacob,  346,  347. 

Brown,  John,  in  Kansas,  464;  attempt  at 
Harper's  Ferry,  473-474- 

Brunswick,  the  House  of,  130. 

Bryan,  William  J.,  594,  601. 

Bryant,  William  Cullen,  365,  450,  622. 

Buchanan,  James,  Secretary  of  State,  435  ; 
candidate  for  presidential  nomination, 
459  i  signer  of  the  "  Ostend  Manifesto,'" 
460;  elected  President,  465-466;  action 
sustaining  the  Lecompton  fraud  in  Kan 
sas,  468-470;  message  to  Congress  on  the 
Secession  movement,  484-485. 

"  Bucktails,"  386. 

Buell,  Gen.  Don  Carlos,  commanding  De 
partment  of  the  Ohio,  503  ;  advance  to 
Nashville,  —  battle  of  Sh'iloh,  506;  de 
feat  of  Bragg,  528-529 ;  succeeded  by 
Rosecrans,  530. 

Buena  Vista,  battle  of  (with  map),  440-441. 

Buffalo,  Map  XL  Fa  ;  burned  by  British 
and  Indians,  346,347;  first  steamboat, 
364;  "Free  Soil"  convention,  1848, 
451  ;  Fenian  invasion  of  Canada,  566- 


567  ;  Grover  Cleveland,  mayor,  583  ;  Pan- 
American  Exposition,  —  murder  of  Pres 
ident  McKinley,  601-602. 

Bull  Run,  Map  XII.  Ce ;  first  battle, 
501  ;  second  battle,  527. 

Bulwer,  Sir  Henry  Lytton,  457. 

Bunker  Hill,  battle  of  (with  plan),  200- 
202. 

Burgesses,  Virginia  House  of,  63,  72. 

Burgoyne,  Gen.  John,  his  invasion  and 
surrender  (with  map),  212-215. 

Burke,  Edmund,  opposition  to  British 
measures  against  the  colonies,  169,  174, 
178,  190. 

Burnet,  Gov.  William,  135. 

Burnside,  Gen.  Ambrose  E.,  in  com 
mand  of  the  Army  of  the  Potomac,  530  : 
succeeded  by  General  Hooker,  531  ; 
campaign  in  East  Tennessee,  535,  536  ; 
rejoins  the  Army  of  the  Potomac  under 
Grant,  539. 

Burr,  Aaron,  Vice-President,  296 ;  in 
trigues,  —  duel  with  Hamilton,  315- 
316;  conspiracy  in  the  southwest,  316-318. 

Butler,  Benjamin  F.,  in  command  at  For 
tress  Monroe,  —  declares  slaves  contra 
band  of  war,  498-499  ;  at  New  Orleans, 
512;  again  at  Fortress  Monroe,  — 
movement  up  the  James,  539,  540. 

Butler,  John  and  Walter,  222. 

Byrd,  William,  191. 

Cabinet,  the  President's,  297. 

Cabot,  John,  voyages  to  America,  7-8. 

Caddoan  tribes,  21  ;    Map  II.  Fc. 

Calhoun,  John  C.,  entrance  into  Congress, 
339 ;  advocates  protective  tariff,  and  in 
ternal  improvements  (1816),  355  ;  changed 
opinions,  384;  elected  Vice-President, 
385  ;  chief  agitator  of  the  slavery  ques 
tion,  408-409;  Secretary  of  State  under 
President  Tyler, —negotiation  of  Texas 
annexation  treaty,  432  ;  new  theory  of 
slaveholding  rights  in  the  Territories, 
445-446;  contempt  for  doctrine  of  "squat 
ter  sovereignty,"  461. 

California,  acquisition  by  the  United  States, 
439-440,  442;  gold  discovery,  443;  mapped 
in  1849,  **&  X. ;  the  question  of  exclud 
ing  slavery,  —  the  "  Wilmot  proviso," 
444-445  ;  free-state  constitution  adopted, 
451 ;  admitted  to  the  Union,  454  ;  devel 
opment,  611-612. 

Calvert,  Benedict,  Lord  Baltimore,  proprie 
tary  government  in  Maryland  restored  to, 
123- 

Calvert,  Cecilius,  Baron  of  Baltimore, 
founder  of  Maryland,  33  ;  troubles  with 
Puritans,  54. 

Calvert,  Charles,  Lord  Baltimore,  deprived 
^  of  the  government  of  Maryland,  123. 

Calvert,  Leonard,  33-34. 

Cambridge,  Mass,  (first  named  Newtown), 
Map,  p.  195;  migration  from,  to  Con 
necticut,  41-42,  66;  Washington's  head 
quarters,  202. 

Camden,  battle,  228  ;  Map,  p.  225,  Bf. 

Camden,  Earl,  166,  178. 


53 


INDEX. 


Cameron,  Simon,  490,  526. 

Canada,  aboriginal  inhabitants,  20  ;  French 
settlements,  25-28  ;  state  and  character  of 
early  colonies,  116-117;  French  western 
exploration,  117-118;  strife  of  England 
and  France,  123-126,  138-139,140-150; 
cession  to  England,  150;  English  organ 
ization  of  government,  163  ;  the  Quebec 
Act,  175;  address  to  the  people  by  the 
Continental  Congress,  177 ;  in  the  war 
of  American  independence,  202-203,  209, 
212-215;  in  the  War  of  1812,  339-348; 
rebellion  (1837-1838),  418-419,  431 ;  reci 
procity  treaty  with  the  United  States, 
460;  Fenian  invasion,  566-567;  contro 
versies  with  the  United  States, — joint 
high  commission,  596. 

Canby,  Gen.  Edward  R.  S.,  503. 

Canning,  George,  377. 

Cape  Breton  Island,  Map  V.  Gb,  and 
P-  138. 

Cape  Fear  River,  Map  VII.  Cd. 

Capitalists,  combinations  among,  617-619. 

Caribbean  Sea,  9 ;  Map  II.  He. 

Carillon,  Fort,  146. 

Carleton,  Sir  Guy,  209. 

Carnegie,  Andrew,  622. 

Carolina  colonies,  founded  as  a  palatinate 
(with  map),  84-85  ;  Locke's  constitution, 
85.  See  North  Carolina  and  South  Car 
olina. 

Caroline,  burning  of  the,  418-419. 


"  Carpet-baggers,"  565. 
Cartick's  Ford,  battle  of, 


Ea. 


500  ;  Map,  p.  499, 


Carteret,  Sir  George,  87,  95-96. 

Cartier,  Jacques,  discovery  of  the  St.  Law 
rence,  10 ;  Map  II.  Hb. 

Carver,  John,  64. 

Casa  Mata,  battle  of  (with  map),  441. 

Casco,  125 ;  Map  V.  Bd. 

Cass,  Lewis,  399,  451-452,  453,  459,  487. 

Catholic  Church.     See  Roman  Catholic. 

Cavaliers,  in  the  English  civil  war,  49  ;  im 
migration  to  Virginia,  73 ;  restored  to 
power  in  England,  80. 

Cayugas,  Map  VI.  Be.     See  Iroquois. 

Cedar  Creek,  battle  of,  542  ;  Map  XII.  Bd. 

Census,  the  first,  276.     See  Population. 

Centennial  Exposition,  573. 

Central  America,  discovery  by  Colum 
bus,  6. 

Centreville,  508  ;  Map  XII.  De. 

Cerro  Gordo,  battle  of  (with  map),  441. 

Cervera's  fleet,  destruction  of,  598. 

Cessions  of  western  territory  by  the  States, 
249-250 ;  Map  VIII. 

Chaffse,  Gen.  Adna  R.,  601. 

Champlain,  Samuel  de,  in  New  France,  26- 
27;  attack  on  the  Iroquois,  26-27. 

Chancellorsville,  battle  of,  53 1  ;  Map  XII. 

Channing,  William  Ellery,  366. 

Chapultepec,  battle  of  (with  map),  441. 

Charles  I.,  grant  to  Lord  Baltimore,  33  ; 
oppressive  rule  in  England,  38, 63 ;  defeat 
in  civil  war  and  execution,  49-50. 

Charles    II.,  the   colonies   under,  80-102; 


bad  government  in  England,  80-81, 94, 
100 ;  death,  101. 

Charles  V.,  Emperor,  12-13. 

Charleston,  S.  C.,  Map  VII.  Ce.andp.  225, 
Bh  ;  founded,  84 ;  treatment  of  tea-ships, 
174;  character  and  importance  in  late 
colonial  times,  188  ;  British  repulse,  207- 
208;  surrender  to  the  British,  225-226; 
nullifying  movement  (1832),  402-403 ; 
Democratic  national  convention  (1860), 
475 ;  Fort  Sumter  held  by  Major  Ander 
son,  487,  488  ;  Confederate  siege  and  cap 
ture  of  Fort  Sumter,  490-491  ;  Union  op 
erations  against  the  city  (1863),  534-535; 
evacuated  by  the  Confederates,  544  ;  re 
storation  of  the  flag  to  Fort  Sumter,  548. 

Charlestown,  Mass.,  Map  V,  Bd,  and  p. 
195;  first  settlement,  39-40;  battle  of 
Bunker  Hill  (with  map),  201. 

"  Charter  Oak,"  102. 

Chase,  Salmon  P.,  Secretary  of  the  Trea 
sury  under  President  Lincoln,  490  ;  resig 
nation, —  appointed  chief  justice,  544. 

Chatham,  Earl  of.  See  Pitt,  William,  the 
elder. 

Chattanooga,  529,  531,  535,  536,  610 ;  Map 

Chauncey,  Commodore  Isaac,  343. 

Cherokee  Indians,  treatment  by  Georgia, 
383-384,  396;  Map  XI.  Eb. 

Cherry  Valley,  massacre,  222  ;  Map  VI.  DC. 

Cherubusco,  battle  of  (with  map),  441. 

Chesapeake,  the  frigate,  attacked  by  the 
Leopard,  322-323;  capture  by  the  Shan 
non,  343-344. 

Chester,  Pa.,  Penn's  first  seat  of  govern 
ment,  98,  99 ;  Map  VI.  Ce. 

Chicago,  Map  XI.  Ea;  great  fire,  572; 
execution  of  anarchists,  587  ;  Columbian 
Exposition,  591 ;  first  connection  by  rail 
with  the  seaboard,  610. 

Chicheley,  Col.,  92. 

Chickahominy  River,  military  operations  on 
the,  511-512,  513-514,  540;  Map  XII.  Dh. 

Chickamauga,  battle  of,  535 ;  Map  XIII.  Ef. 

Chignecto  Bay,  Map  V.  Eb. 

Chihuahua,  n,  438;  Map  II.  Ed. 

Chile,  difficulty  with,  605. 

China,  pledge  of  the  "  open  door  "  in  trade, 

—  the  "  Boxer  "  rising,  600-601. 
Chowan  River,  Map  VII.  DC. 
Chrystler's  Farm,  battle  of,  346;   Map  IX. 

EC.  . 

Church,  Benjamin,  191. 

Cincinnati,  founded,  265  ;  Map  IX.  Cd. 

Cincinnati,  Order  of  the,  237. 

Circular  Letter  of  Massachusetts,  168-169. 

Civic  Federation,  618-619. 

Civil  Rights  Act,  562-563. 

Civil  service  reform,  beginnings,  571-572; 
quickened  by  the  murder  of  President 
Garfield, — formation  of  national  league, 

—  passage  of  Pendleton  act,  582. 
Clark,  Gen.  George  Rogers,  conquest  of  the 

northwest,  223-224,  249. 
Class  differences  in   colonial   times,    188- 

189. 
Clay,  Henry,  beginning  of  political  career, 


54 


INDEX. 


— early  leadership  in  Congress,  —  urgency 
for  war  with  England,  338-339;  peace 
commissioner  at  Ghent,  351  ;  advocates 
protective  tariff  (1816),  355  ;  brings  about 
the  Missouri  Compromise,  374  ;  champion 
of  American  system,  375-376  ;  candidate 
for  presidency  (1824),  379-380  ;  Secretary 
of  State,  380-381 ;  defeated  in  presidential 
election  (1832)  on  the  U.  S.  Bank  ques 
tion,  400-402  ;  leads  Whig  rupture  with 
President  Tyler,  428-430 ;  opposes  the 
annexation  of  Texas,  432-433  ;  nominated 
for  the  presidency  (1844), —  defeated,  433- 
434 ;  brings  about  the  compromise  of 
'850,  453  ;  death,  459. 

Clayton- Bulwer  treaty,  457,  602. 

Cleveland,  city  of,  610;  Map  XI.  Ea. 

Cleveland,  Grover,  elected  President,  583  ; 
his  administration,  584-587 ;  tariff  mes 
sage,  1887,  586  ;  renominated,  but  not  re- 
elected,  587-588;  second  election  to  the 
presidency,  590;  action  on  Hawaiian 
treaty,  590-591  ;  action  on  Wilson  Tariff 
Act,  593  ;  action  on  Venezuela  question 
with  Great  Britain,  593-594. 

Clinton,  De  Witt,  candidate  for  presidency, 
343  ;  builder  of  the  Erie  Canal,  364  ;  the 
"  Clintonians,"  386. 

Clinton,  George,  316. 

Clinton,  Sir  Henry,  205,  207-208,  220-221, 
224-226,  229,  232. 

Cobb,  Howell,  487. 

Coinage,  the  decimal  system  of,  254-255. 

Coinage,  silver.     See  Silver  question. 

Cold  Harbor,  battle  of,  540  ;  Map  XII.  Dh. 

Colden,  Cadwalader,  166,  191. 

Colombia,  rejection  of  canal  treaty,  603. 

Colonies,  state  of  the:  early,  62-76;  at 
the  end  of  the  i7th  century,  108-118;  at 
the  beginning  of  the  War  of  Independ 
ence,  186-193. 

Colorado,  acquisition  of  western  part  from 
Mexico,  442;  eastern  part  included  in 
Nebraska  Territory,  461;  territorial  or 
ganization,  488. 

Columbia,  District  of.  See  District  of  Co 
lumbia. 

Columbia  River,  436;  Map  XI.  Aa. 

Columbian  exposition,  591. 

Columbus,  Christopher,  merit  and  deserved 
fame,  1-2  ;  four  voyages  to  America,  3- 
6;  death,  7. 

Comanches,  21 ;  Map  II.  DC. 

Combinations  of  workmen  and  capitalists, 
617-619. 

Committee  of  Safety,  Massachusetts,  179. 

Committees  of  correspondence,  173. 

"  Common  Sense,"  Paine's  pamphlet,  204. 

Compromises,  in  the  framing  of  the  Con 
stitution,  260-262;  the  Missouri  Com 
promise  (1820),  372-374  ;  the  Compromise 
Tariff  (1833),  402-404  ;  the  compromise 
of  1850,  452-454 ;  proposed  Crittenden 
compromise  (1860),  485. 

Concord,  fight  at  (with  map),  194-195. 

Confederate  States  of  America,  organiza 
tion  of  government,  489  ;  war  measures, 
—  privateers  and  cruisers,  493-494; 


population  and  resources,  —  disadvan 
tages  and  advantages  in  the  Civil  War, 
496-497  ;  effects  of  blockade,  504 ;  map 
of  blockaded  coast,  505;  constitution, 
489,  516. 

Confederation,  Articles  of,  248-249,  250- 
252. 

Confederation  of  New  England  colonies, 
46. 

Confiscation  acts,  500,  525. 

Congress,  Continental.  See  Continental 
Congress. 

Congress,  the  frigate,  508-509. 

Conkling,  Roscoe,  581. 

Connecticut,  founding  of  the  colony  (with 
map),  41-42 ;  Pequot  War,  42 ;  New 
Haven  settlement,  43 ;  population  in 
1640,  46 ;  Dutch  attempt  to  occupy,  48 ; 
"  Fundamental  Orders"  of  government, 
the  first  of  written  constitutions,  66-67 
(foot-note),  69;  "Fundamental  Agree 
ment"  of  New  Haven,  67;  local  govern 
ment, —  town-meetings,  70-72;  royal 
charter  obtained,  —  New  Haven  ab 
sorbed,  82-83  >  disputed  western  bound 
ary,  95;  under  Andros, —  the  hidden 
charter,  102  ;  population,  industries,  and 
trade  at  end  of  i7th  century,  108-113; 
slavery  and  indentured  servitude,  113- 
114;  education  and  literature,  114-116; 
state  government  formed,  207 ;  cession 
of  land  claims  to  the  Confederation, 
249-250. 

Conscription,  in  the  south,  511;  in  the 
^  north,  531-534- 

Constitution,  the  English,  its  difference 
from  written  constitutions,  76. 

Constitution  for  the  Carolinas,  John 
Locke's,  85. 

Constitution  of  the  Confederate  States, 
489,  516. 

Constitution  of  the  United  States,  Articles 
of  Confederation,  248-249,  250-252  ;  the 
framing  and  adoption  of  the  Constitution 
of  1787,  256-264;  first  ten  amendments, 
273;  doctrine  of  "implied  powers,"  — 
the  "elastic  clause,"  277-278,  280; 
"strict  construction"  and  "free  con 
struction,"  278,  280,  314,  354,  381-382; 
Jefferson's  views,  309-310,  319-320;  the 
Louisiana  question,  313-314;  early  de 
cisions  by  the  Supreme  Court,  296,  368; 
Dred  Scott  decision  against  the  constitu 
tionality  of  the  Missouri  Compromise, 
466-467 ;  Thirteenth  Amendment,  545  ; 
Fourteenth  Amendment,  563,  564  (foot 
note)  ;  Fifteenth  Amendment,  565.  See 
also  Supreme  Court.  (Text  in  Appen 
dix  A.) 

Constitution,  the  frigate,  built,  293  ;  bat 
tles  with  the  Guerriere  and  the  Java, 
342- 

Constitutional  Union  party,  475. 

Constitutions,  the  first  written,  62-63 
(foot-note),  64,  66-67  (foot-note). 

Continental  army,  formation,  198;  dissolu 
tion,  236-237. 

Continental  Congress,  the  First,  175-179; 


55 


INDEX. 


the  Second,  called,  178;  meeting  and 
early  action,  198-200;  adjournment  to 
Baltimore,  210;  lowered  character,  217 ; 
driven  to  Princeton,  237;  in  sessional 
Annapolis,  238 ;  weakness  under  the 
Articles  of  Confederation,  248-249,  250- 
252 ;  adoption  of  the  Ordinance  of 
1787,  264-265;  provision  for  elections 
under  the  new  Federal  Constitution,  265- 
266. 

Continental  currency,  218,  228,  253-254. 

Continental  system,  Napoleon's,  322,  333. 

Contraband  of  war,  slaves  declared,  498- 
499. 

Contreras,  battle  of  (with  map),  441. 

Convention,  Federal  Constitutional,  of 
1787,  256-262. 

Conway  Cabal,  217. 

Cooper,  James  Fenimore,  365,  622. 

Cooper,  Peter,  574. 

"  Copperheads,"  529-530. 

Cordilleran  mountain  system,  22  ;  Map  /. 

Corinth,  Miss.,  506,  529;  Map  XIII.  Cf. 

Cornstalk,  chief,  172. 

Cornwallis,  Charles,  marquis,  campaign 
against  Washington  in  New  Jersey,  210- 
212;  in  the  Carolinas,  226,  227-228,  231  ; 
in  Virginia,  —  surrender  at  Yorktown, 
231-233. 

Coronado,  Francisco  de,  expedition  of,  ir. 

Corporations,  growth  of,  617-618. 

Cortes,  Hernando,  conquest  of  Mexico 
by,  9. 

Cotton,  John,  115. 

Cotton  culture,  Whitney's  gin  and  its  ef 
fect,  308-309 ;  blockade  in  the  Civil  War, 
—  cotton  famine  in  Great  Britain,  504- 
5°5- 

Cotton  States,  309. 

Council  for  New  England,  37,  40. 

County,  the,  English  origin,  71  ;  in  colo 
nial  Virginia,  72. 

Coureurs  de  bois,  27,  117. 

Cowpens,  battle  of  the,  231 ;  Map,  p.  225,  Ae. 

Cox,  General  Jacob  D.,  545. 

Crawford,  William  H.,  379,  380,  394-395. 

Credit  Mobilier,  571. 

Creek  tribes,  war,  346;  subsequent  treat 
ment,  383-384,  396;  Map  XI.  Eb. 

Crises,  financial  and  commercial,  of  1819, 
367-368;  of  1837,  411-414,  415-418;  of 
1857,  467-468;  of  1873,  571;  of  1893, 
591-592. 

Critical  period,  the,  248. 

Crittenden  Compromise,  proposed,  485- 
486. 

Cromwell,  Oliver,  Lord  Protector  of  Eng 
land,  50;  death,  54. 

Crown  colonies.     See  Royal  provinces. 

Crown  Point,  Map  VI.  Db  ;  in  the  wars 
with  the  French,  135,  145,  146,  150;  in 
the  War  of  Independence,  197-198. 

Cuba,  Map  II.  He;  discovery  by  Colum- 
bus,  4;  American  attempts  to  buy  from 
Spain,  —  filibustering  schemes,  —  Lopez 
expedition,  458;  the  "  Ostend  Mani 
festo,"  460;  revolt,  1895-98,  — subject  of 
war  between  the  United  States  and 


Spain,  596;  Spanish  sovereignty  relin 
quished,  509;  independent  republic  es 
tablished,  600. 

Culpeper,  Lord  Thomas,  90,  92. 

Cumberland,  364 ;  Map  XL  Fb. 

Cumberland  Gap,  507 ;  Map  XIII.  Fd. 

Cumberland  River,  Map  XI I L  Cd. 

Cumberland  Road,  364. 

Cumberland,  the  frigate,  509. 

Curtis,  Gen.,  507. 

Curtis,  George  William,  582. 

Gushing,  Lieut.  William  B.,  557. 

Custer,  Gen.  George  A.,  570. 

Cutler,  Rev.  Manasseh,  264. 

Dakota  Territory,  488.  See  North  Dakota 
and  South  Dakota. 

Dakota  tribes,  2 1 ;  Map  II.  Fb. 

Dale,  Commodore  Richard,  311. 

Davenport,  John,  43,  83. 

Davis,  Admiral  Charles  Henry,  513. 

Davis,  Jefferson,  new  theory  of  slavehold- 
ing  rights  in  the  Territories,  445-446; 
leader  of  southern  extremists,  451  ;  op 
poses  the  compromise  of  1850,  453  ;  ap 
proves  President  Buchanan's  message  on 
the  secession  movement,  1860,  484-485  ; 
elected  President  of  the  Confederate 
States,  489 ;  commissioning  privateers, 
493-494;  peace  conference  with,  544; 
abandonment  of  Richmond,  546-547 ;  cap 
ture,  547 ;  amnesty,  550. 

Deane,  Silas,  212. 

Dearborn,  Gen.  Henry,  345. 

Debt,  national,  of  the  War  of  Independ 
ence,  273-274  ;  of  the  Civil  War,  551. 

Debtors,  former  treatment  of,  133,  254. 

Decatur,  Stephen,  342,  353. 

Declaration  of  Independence,  206-207. 

Declaration  of  Rights  by  the  First  Conti 
nental  Congress,  177  ;  by  Virginia,  206. 

Deerfield,  125  ;  Map  V.  Ad. 

Delaware,  granted  by  the  Duke  of  York 
to  William  Penn,  98;  separation  from 
Pennsylvania,  100;  population,  etc.,  at 
end  of  i7th  century,  109-113;  slavery, 
113-114  ;  state  government  formed,  207. 

Delaware  River,  possession  by  the  Dutch, 
47-48  ;  Swedish  settlements,  48 ;  acquisi 
tion  by  the  English,  85-87;  Washington's 
crossing  (with  map),  211. 

Delawares,  or  Lenapes,  99. 

Democracy,  American,  its  full  beginnings 
in  Connecticut,  67  (foot-note);  English 
origin  of  democratic  institutions  in  the 
colonies,  69-70 ;  democratic  conditions  in 
colonial  New  England,  74 ;  class  differ 
ences  in  late  colonial  times,  188-189 ; 
democratic  influences  from  the  west,  363- 
364. 

Democratic  party,  formed  from  a  wing  of 
the  Democratic-Republican  party,  in  op 
position  ^to  the  administration  of  John 
Quincy  Adams,  382-383  ;  election  of  Gen 
eral  Jackson,  385-386 ;  election  of  Van 
Buren,  414;  defeat  in  1840,419-420;  elec 
tion  of  Polk,  433-434 ;  division  in  New 
York,  —  "  Barnburners  "  and  "  Hunk- 


INDEX. 


crs,"  —  defeat  in  1848,  450-451 ;  election 
of  Pierce,  458-459 ;.  weakened  in  the 
north  by  the  Kansas-Nebraska  act,  461 ; 
revolt  led  by  Douglas  against  the  Le- 
compton  fraud  in  Kansas,  469-470 ;  split 
in  national  convention  at  Charleston 
(1860),  —  opposing  nominations  of  Doug 
las  and  Breckenridge,  475  ;  defeat,  476  ; 
support  of  the  government  at  the  begin 
ning  of  the  Civil  War,  492,  500 ;  later 
divisions,  529-530;  in  1864,  544;  in  1868, 
568;  in  1872,  569;  in  1876,574-575;  in 
1880,  581  ;  election  of  President  Cleve 
land,  583;  defeat  in  1888,  587-588;  sec 
ond  election  of  President  Cleveland,  590; 
defeat  in  1896,  594-595;  defeat  in  1900, 
601. 

Democratic-Republican  party  (called  Re 
publican).  See  Republican  party,  Demo 
cratic. 

Deseret,  the  State  of,  451. 

Detroit,  Map  p.  141  EC;  Pontiac's  siege, 
151  ;  British  use  in  War  of  Independence, 
223-224;  Hull's  surrender,  340-341 ;  re 
covery  by  Harrison,  345. 

Dewey,  Admiral  George,  597,  598. 

Diaz,  Bartholomew,  7. 

Dickinson,  John,  his  "  Farmer's  Letters," 
168  ;  in  the  First  Continental  Congress, 
176;  his  writings,  190;  in  Second  Con 
tinental  Congress,  198:  in  the  Federal 
Constitutional  Convention,  1787,  258. 

Dieskau,  Baron  Ludwig  A.,  145,  146. 

Dingley  tariff,  595. 

Dinwiddie,  Gpv.  Robert,  140. 

Discovery,  scientific,  615. 

Disloyal  secret  societies,  553. 

District  of  Columbia,  acquisition  by  the 
national  government,  275  ;  petitioning  for 
emancipation  in  the  District  suppressed, 
408-410;  demand  for  abolition,  452;  slave 
trade  suppressed,  454;  slavery  abolished, 
511 ;  universal  manhood  suffrage,  564. 

Dix,  John  A.,  450,  487-488. 

Dollar,  the  standard,  established  and  de 
fined  in  gold,  596. 

Dominican  Republic,  rejected  treaty  for  an 
nexation  of  the,  569. 

Donaldson,  Fort,  capture  of,  506 ;  Map 
XIII.  Dd. 

Dongan,  Sir  Thomas,  06. 

Domphan,  Col.  Alexander  W.,  440. 

Dorchester,  Mass.,  Map,  p.  39  and  p.  195  ; 
migration  to  Connecticut,  66 ;  Washing 
ton's  seizure  of  the  heights,  204. 

Dorr  rebellion,  430. 

Douglas,  Stephen  A.,  advocates  the  com 
promise  of  1850,  453  ;  candidate  for  presi 
dential  nomination,  459;  author  of  the 
Kansas-Nebraska  bill,  repealing  the  Mis 
souri  Compromise,  460-461 ;  doctrine  of 
popular  sovereignty,  461  ;  revolt  against 
the  Lecompton  fraud  in  Kansas,  469-470 : 
debate  with  Abraham  Lincoln, — reelec 
tion  to  the  Senate,  470-472 ;  nomination 
for  President  by  the  northern  wing  of  the 
Democratic  party,  475  ;  defeat,  476 ;  loyal 
stand  in  1861,  — death,  492. 


Dover,  N.  H.,  45 ;  Map  V.  Be. 
Draft.     See  Conscription. 
Draft  riot,  New  York,  533-534. 
Dred  Scott  decision,  466-467. 
Duane,  William  J.,  404-405. 
Dudley,  Thomas,  45  (foot-note). 
Dulaney,  Daniel,  190. 
Dunmore,  Lord,  172,  197;    203-204. 
Dupont,  Admiral  Samuel  F.,  534. 
Duquesne,  Fort,  145,  148;  Map  VI.  Ad. 
Dutch  settlements.  See  Holland,  and  New 
York. 

Early,  Gen.  Jubal  A.,  541-542. 

Eaton,  John  H.,  394,  399. 

Economic  conditions,  at  end  of  i7th  cen 
tury,  109-114  ;  at  beginning  of  War  of  In 
dependence,  186-188  ;  under  the  Articles 
of  Confederation,  252-255  ;  early  in  the 
i  gth  century,  306-308,  319  ;  after  the  War 
of  1812,  364-365,  ^67-368,  600-610;  pre 
ceding  and  following  the"  crisis"  of 
1837,  41I~4I4»  4'5-4i8;  at  the  middle  of 
the  century,  456,  610;  in  1846-57,  467- 
468 ;  at  the  beginning  of  the  Civil  War, 
496-497  ;  during  the  war,  532  ;  since  the 
Civil  War,  611-619. 

Education,  founding  of  public  schools  and 
Harvard  College  in  Massachusetts,  41  ; 
schools  in  the  colonies  at  end  of  i7th  cen 
tury,  114-116;  provisions  of  the  Ordi 
nance  of  1787  for  northwest  territory, 
264;  educational  work  among  freedmen, 
576,  621 ;  educational  progress  in  the  last 
half  century,  619-622. 

Edward,  Fort,  146,213  ;  Map,  p.  145. 

Edwards,  Jonathan,  190. 

El  Caney,  battle  of  (with  map),  597-598. 

Elastic  clause  of  the  Constitution,  277-278. 

Elections,  presidential,  Appendix  C. 

Elective  franchise,  restricted  to  church 
members  in  colonial  Massachusetts,  41, 
65;  qualifications  in  colonial  Virginia, 
63;  restriction  in  New  Haven  colony, 
67 ;  unrestricted  in  Connecticut  colony,  67 
(foot-note);  religious  limitation  in  colonial 
Pennsylvania,  99  ;  broadened  democrati 
cally  in  new  western  States,  363  ;  broad 
ened  in  Rhode  Island,  430;  universal 
manhood  suffrage  in  District  of  Colum 
bia  and  the  Territories,  and  in  recon 
structed  States,  564 ;  practical  suppression 
of  the  exercise  of  the  franchise  by  blacks, 
^  565-566,  568,  575-576- 

Electoral  Commission,  575. 

Electoral  votes,  act  to  regulate  the  count 
ing  of,  585-586. 

Electrical  discovery  and  invention,  616. 
See  also  Telegraph. 

Elliott,  Lieut.  Jesse  D.,  343. 

Ellsworth,  Col.  Ephraim  E.,  498. 

Emancipation,  compensated,  offered  to 
States,  510;  enacted  for  District  of  Co 
lumbia,  511. 

Emancipation  Proclamation,  525-527,  528. 

Embargo  Act  (1807),  323-326  ;  (1812),  339- 
34°- 

Emerson,  Ralph  Waldo,  365. 


57 


INDEX. 


Endicott,  John,  settlement  at  Salem,  39; 
governor  of  Massachusetts,  52. 

England,  ground  of  claim  for  sovereignty 
over  most  of  North  America,  8  ;  Protest 
ant  Reformation  and  rise  of  Puritans  and 
Independents,  14  ;  conflict  with  Spain  and 
development  of  maritime  power,  14-15; 
first  colonizing  attempts  in  America,  15; 
founding  of  Virginia  and  Maryland  colo 
nies,  28-34;  founding  of  New  England 
colonies,  35-46;  struggle  of  the  people 
with  King  Charles  I.,  38,  49-50;  bestowal 
of  representative  government  on  the  colo 
nies,  69-72  ;  restored  monarchy  under 
Charles  II.  ,80-81  ;  bad  government,  80- 
81,  94,  100  ;  conquest  of  New  Netherland 
(New  York),  85-87  ;  loss  and  recovery  of 
New  York,  94  ;  death  of  Charles  II.  and 
accession  of  James  II.,  101  ;  "glorious 
revolution  "  of  1688,  102,  108;  navigation 
acts  and  other  "acts  of  trade,"  111-113; 
opening  of  struggle  with  France,  123-1215  ; 
acquisition  of  Nova  Scotia,  Newfound 


land,  and   Hudson    Bay,    126;    colonial 
icy  under  William   III.,  Anne,   and 
the  first  Georges,  126-135;    final  struggle 


with  France  in  America,  —  the  Seven 
Years'  War,  139-150;  acquisition  of 
French  possessions  in  North  America 
east  of  the  Mississippi,  150;  colonial 
policy  of  George  III.,  160-179;  slavery 
in  the  colonies  and  the  slave  trade  fos 
tered  by  the  government,  192-193;  Amer 
ican  War  of  Independence,  194-234  ; 
overtures  for  peace,  —  war  with  France 
and  Spain,  219;  war  with  revolutionary 
France,  —  treatment  of  neutrals,  —  im 
pressment  of  American  seamen,  285,  287- 
288,  318,  322-323;  Jay  treaty,  288-290; 
orders  in  council,  320-322  ;  American  em 
bargo  and  non-intercourse  with,  323-326, 
332-335  ;  relations  with  the  United  States 
in  1811,  337-339;  second  war  with  the 
United  States,  339-353  ;  convention  of 
1818  with  the  United  States  relative  to 
boundaries,  Oregon  claims,  and  fisheries, 
370  ;  West  India  trade  opened  to  Amer 
ican  shipping,  415;  Ashburton  treaty, 
431  ;  settlement  of  the  boundary  dispute, 
435-437;  proclamation  of  neutrality  in 
the  American  Civil  War,  493-494;  atti 
tude  of  different  classes,  —  cotton  famine, 
—  the  Trent  affair,  504-505;  cruisers  fur 
nished  to  Confederate  States,  529;  treaty 
of  Washington,  —  settlement  of  Alabama 
claims,  569-570;  fishery  and  Bering  Sea 
controversies  (1877-92),  584-585;  Vene 
zuela  controversy,  593-594  ;  joint  high 
commission  on  Canadian  questions,  596. 

Epochs  of  Progress  and  Change,  609-623. 

"  Era  of  Good  Feelings,"  366. 

Ericsson,  John,  508. 

Erie  (Presque  Isle),  140,  150;  Map  VI.  Ac. 

Erie,  Fort,  347-348;  Map,  341. 

Erie  Canal,  historical  importance,  24,  364- 
365,  412,  609. 

Erie  Railway,  571,  610. 

Erskine,  Mr.,  British  minister,  332-333. 


Espanola  (Hispaniola),  4  ;   Map  II.  He. 
Estaing,   Charles   Hector,   Count  d',  221, 

224-225. 

Europe,  early  trade  with  the  East,  2-3,  7. 
Eutaw  Springs,  battle,  231  ;   Map,  p.  225 

Bg. 
Evangeline,  source  of  Longfellow's  tale  of, 

146-147. 

Evans,  Oliver,  308. 
Everett,  Edward,  475. 
Excise  taxes,  277,  288. 
Exeter,  N.  H.,4S;  Map  V.  Be. 
Expunging  the  Senate  censure  of  President 

Jackson,  405. 

Fair  Oaks,  battle  of,  513;  Map  XII.  Dh. 

"  Farmer's  Letters,"  168. 

Farragut,  Admiral  David  G.,  capture  of 
New  Orleans,  512-513  ;  operations  on  the 
Mississippi,  513,  533;  against  Mobile, 
542. 

Federal  Constitution.  See  Constitution  of 
the  United  States. 

"  Federalist,  The,"  262-263. 

Federalist  party,  its  formation  and  aims, 
—  Hamilton's  leadership,  281-284  ;  elec 
tion  of  John  Adams,  President,  291  ; 
extreme  party  measures,  —  alien  and  se 
dition  acts,  293-294;  overthrow  in  1800, 
295-296  ;  inconsistency  on  the  Louisiana 
question,  313-314;  threatenings  of  seces 
sion  in  New  England,  —  plotting  with 
Burr,  314-315  ;  the  party  weakened,  316; 
John  Henry  intrigues,  324-325,  339; 
threatening  opposition  to  admission  of 
Louisiana,  336;  English  leanings,  338; 
opposition  to  the  War  of  1812,  —  the 
Hartford  Convention,  350-351;  decay 
and  dissolution,  353-354,  374. 

Federalists  of  1787-1788,  262-263. 

Fenian  invasion  of  Canada,  566. 

Ferguson,  Major,  227,  231-232. 

Fifteenth  Amendment,  565. 

Fifteenth  century,  geographical  ideas 
in,  2. 

"  Fifty-four  forty  or  fight,"  the  cry,  436. 

Fillmore,  Millard,  elected  Vice-President, 
451  ;  becomes  President  and  approves 
the  compromise  measures  of  1850,  453  ; 
American  and  Whig  candidate  for  Presi 
dent,  465-466. 

Fisher,  Fort,  544;  Map,  p.  545. 

Fisheries,  New  England,  early,  109  ; 
rights  on  British-American  coast  secured 
in  1783,234;  unsettled  by  War  of  1812, 
and  partially  restored  by  convention  of 
1818,  352,  370;  privileges  increased  by 
Canadian  reciprocity  treaty  (1854-66), 
460  ;  renewed  by  treaty  of  Washington, 
1871,  —  Halifax  award  of  compensation, 
584;  annulled,  1885,  —  rejection  of  new 
treaty,  —  change  in  modes  of  fishing,  584. 

Fisher's  Hill,  battle  of,  542;  Map  XII. 
Bd. 


Fiske,  John,  on  Captain   John  Smith,  30; 

er,  67  (f 
Fitch,  John,  308. 


on  Thomas  Hooker,  67  (foot-note). 
Five  Forks,  battle  of,  547  ;  Map  XII.  Ci. 


INDEX. 


Five  Nations,  21.     See  Iroquois. 

Flag,  American,  214  (foot-note). 

Florida,  explored  by  Ponce  de  Leon,  9: 
by  Fernando  de  Soto,  n;  Huguenot 
colony,  16 ;  cession  by  Spain  to  England, 
150;  English  government  organized,  163; 
West  Florida  claimed  by  the  United 
States,  315;  and  occupied,  335-336;  first 
Seminole  War,  368-369 ;  purchased  from 
Spain,  369;  admitted  to  the  Union,  435; 
secession  declared,  486;  emancipation 
proclaimed,  528;  restored  to  the  Union, 
564-565 ;  disputed  electoral  returns, 
1876,  574. 

Florida,  the  Confederate  cruiser,  529. 

Floyd,  John,  402. 

Floyd,  John  B.,  486. 

Foote,  Admiral  Andrew  H.,  506,  507,  513. 

"Force  Bills  "of  1833,403;  of  1870-71, 
568. 

Fort  Orange.     See  Albany.    Map,  p.  47. 

Fourteenth  Amendment  to  the  Constitu 
tion,  563,  564  (foot-note). 

Fox,  Charles  James,  opposition  to  British 
colonial  policy,  178,  190. 

Fox,  George,  52. 

Frame  of  Government,  Penn's,  98-99,  100. 

France,  early  explorations  and  attempted 
settlements  in  America,  10;  settlements 
in  Canada  and  Acadia,  25-28  ;  fur  trade, 
and  treatment  of  Indians,  27-28;  state 
and  character  of  early  colonies,  116-117  ! 
exploration  of  the  interior,  117-118;  be 
ginning  of  strife  with  England  for  su 
premacy  in  America,  123-126;  ce?sion  of 
Acadia,  Newfoundland,  and  Hudson  Bay 
to  England,  126;  "  War  of  the  Austrian 
Succession,"  138-139  ;  posts  in  the  upper 
Mississippi  valley  and  nround  the  Great 
Lakes,  Map,  p.  141 ;  final  struggle  with 
England  in  America  and  defeat,  —  the 
Seven  Years'  War,  140-150;  cession  of 
all  American  possessions  to  England  and 
Spain,  150;  assistance  to  the  revolting 

'British  colonies,  212;  alliance  with  the 
American  States,  and  recognition  of  their 
independence,  219;  military  and  naval 
aid  to  Americans,  221,  224-225,  228-229, 
232-233;  French  Revolution  in  Ameri 
can  politics,  284-285  ;  claim  of  aid  against 
England,  —  conduct  of  Citizen  Genet, 
285-286;  hostility  to  the  United  States, 
—  the  X.  Y.  Z.  affair,  291-293;  peace 
treaty  with  the  United  States,  1800,  295- 
296 ;  recovery  of  Louisiana  and  sale 
of  it  to  the  United  States,  312-313  ;  set 
tlement  of  United  States  claims  (1835), 
415;  undertakings  of  Napoleon  III. 
in  Mexico,  —  attempts  to  intervene  in 
American  Civil  War,  529;  warned  out  of 
Mexico,  567. 

Franklin,  Benjamin,  arrival  in  Philadel 
phia,  137;  plan  of  colonial  union,  144; 
agent  for  colonies  in  England,  178;  his 
political  writings,  190;  his  fame,  190;  in 
Second  Continental  Congress,  198 ;  com 
missioner  to  France,  212  ;  in  peace  nego 
tiation,  234;  in  the  Federal  Constitu 


tional  Convention,  1787,  257;  president 
of  a  society  for  promoting  abolition  of 
slavery, — death,  275-276. 

Franklin,  battle  of,  543  ;  Map  XIII.  De. 

Frederick  the  Great,  147. 

Fredericksburg,  battle  of,  530;  Map  XII. 

Free  Soil  party,  450-451.  458,  459. 

Freedmen,  President  Lincoln  on  the  ques 
tion  of  suffrage,  548;  labor  laws  of  1865- 
66  in  reconstructed  States,  562 ;  Civil 
Rights  Act  of  Congress,  and  Fourteenth 
Amendment,  563,  564  (foot-note) ;  suf 
frage  to  blacks  and  whites,  564 ;  politi 
cal  rights  annulled  by  intimidation  or 
law, — educational  work,  575-576,  621; 
race  conflicts,  619. 

Freedmen's  Bureau,  546. 

Freedom  of  speech  and  the  press,  inter 
ferences  with,  in  the  colonies,  137;  by 
the  Sedition  Act  of  1798,  294;  by  the 
"  slave  power,"  407-409;  hy  military  au 
thority  in  the  Civil  War,  530. 

Freedom,  religious.     See  Liberty. 

Freeman's  Farm,  battles  of,  215. 

Freeport,  "  Freeport  doctrine. :'  471-472; 
Map  XIV.  Ib. 

Fremont,  John  C.,  explorations,  439;  ac 
tion  in  the  seizure  of  California,  440; 
Republican  candidate  for  President,  465- 
466;  commanding  Department  of  the 
West  in  the  Civil  War,  —  his  Emancipa 
tion  Proclamation,  502-503,  526;  candi 
date  for  presidential  nomination,  544. 

French  and  Indian  War,  140-150. 

French  Creek,  140,  142  ;  Map  VI.  Ad. 

French  in  America.     See  France. 

French  spoliation  claims,  296,  304. 

Friends.    See  Quakers. 

Frontenac,  Count  Louis  De  Buade  de, 
123-124. 

Frontenac,  Fort,  148 ;  Map  VI,  Cb. 

Fugitive  Slave  Law,  452,  454-456. 

Fulton,  Robert,  308,  364. 

Fundamental  Agreement  of  New  Haven 
Colony,  43.  67. 

"Fundamental  Orders"  of  Connecticut, 
66-67  (foot-note). 

Fur  trade,  27-28,  48,  no-iii. 

Gadsden,  Christopher,  176,  190,  198. 

Gadsden  Purchase,  442  ;  Map  XV.  Dd. 

Gage,  General,  175-176,  194-196,  200. 

Gaines's  Mill,  battle  of,  514;  Map  XII. 
Dh. 

Gainesville,  battle  of,  527;  Map  XII.  Ce. 

Gallatin,  Albert,  311,  319,  336-337,  351. 

Gama,  Vasco  da,  voyage  round  Africa  to 
India,  7. 

Garfield,  Gen.  James  A.,  elected  President, 
581 ;  murdered,  582. 

Garrison,  William  Lloyd,  406,  407. 

Gaspee,  burning  of  the,  172-173. 

Gates,  Horatio,  credited  with  the  capture 
of  Rurgoyne, — intrigues  against  Wash 
ington,  215,  217  ;  campaign  in  the  Caro- 
linas,  227-228;  promoter  of  discontent  in 
the  army,  236-237. 


59 


INDEX. 


Geary,  John  W.,  464,  468. 

General  Court  of  Massachusetts,  66. 

Genesee  River,  Map  VI.  Be. 

Genet,  "  Citizen,"  285-286. 

Geneva  tribunal,  570. 

George  I.,  131. 

George  III.,  beginning  of  his  reign  in  Eng 
land, —  his  character,  160-161 ;  his  treat 
ment  of  the  colonies,  161-178. 

George,  Fort,  345,  346,  347  ;  Map,  p.  341. 

Georgia,  the  founding,  133-134;  war  with 
the  Spaniards,  138 ;  ready  for  independ 
ence,  205 ;  state  government  formed, 
207  ;  subjugation  by  the  British,  224-225  ; 
cession  of  land  claims  to  the  Confedera 
tion,  249-250;  treatment  of  Creek  and 
Cherokee  Indians,  383-384,  396;  seces 
sion  declared,  486;  emancipation  pro 
claimed,  528;  restored  to  the  Union,  564- 
565- 

German  immigration,  129,  136. 

Germantown,  battle  of,  216;  Map,  p.  211. 

Gerry,  Elbridge,  292. 

Gettysburg,  battle  of,  532-533  ;  Map  XII. 
Db. 

Gettysburg  address,  President  Lincoln's, 
536. 

Ghent,  peace  treaty  of,  351-352. 

Gillmore,  Gen.  Quincy  A.,  534. 

Gist,  Christopher,  139. 

Glendale,  battle  of,  514;  Map  XII.  Dh. 

Gold,  discovery  in  California,  443;  sus 
pends  use  as  money  (see  Specie  pay 
ments)  ;  price  in  greenbacks  during  and 
after  the  Civil  War,  573  (foot-note). 

Goldsboro  (with  map),  545. 

Goliad,  411  ;  Ma/>  XI.  DC. 

Gookin,  Daniel,  115. 

Gosnold,  Bartholomew,  28. 

Grant,  Gen.  Ulysses  S.,  appointment  to  a 
district  command,  502 ;  capture  of  forts 
Henry  and  Donelson,  — battle  of  Shiloh, 
506;  luka  and  Corinth,  529;  operations 
against  Vicksburg,  531,  533;  at  Chatta 
nooga,  536 ;  appointed  lieutenant-general, 
in  chief  command,  —  joins  the  army  of 
the  Potomac,  —  plan  of  campaign,  539- 
540;  movement  on  Richmond,  540;  op 
erations  at  Petersburg,  541 ;  surrender 
of  Lee's  army,  546-547;  made  practi 
cally  independent  of  the  President,  564 ; 
elected  President,  568;  reelected,  568- 
569;  incidents  of  aH ministration,  569-572  ; 
question  of  a  third  term,  574,  581 ;  death, 
587.  ' 

Grasse,  Count  Francois  de,  232-233. 

Great  Bridge,  battle,  204  ;  Map,  p'.  225,  Fb. 

Great  Britain.     See  England.    • 

Great  Lakes.     See  Lakes. 

Great  Meadows,  142 ;  Map  VI.  Ae. 

Great  Salt  Lake,  443 :  Map  XI.  Bb. 

Greeley,  Horace,  544. 

Greeley,  Col.,  612. 

Green,  Duff,  400. 

Green  Mountain  Boys,  198,  279. 

"  Greenbacks,"  532. 

Greenback  party,  572-573,  574,  581. 

Greene,  Gen.  Nathanael,  at  siege  of  Bos 


ton,    196  ;     appointed  brigadier- gen  era], 

199;  campaign  in  the  south  (with  Map, 

p.  225),  227,  228,  231-232. 
Grenville,  George,  162-167. 
Groveton,  battle  of,  527;  Map  XII.  Ce. 
Guadalupe  Hidalgo,  treaty  of,  442. 
Guam,  599  ;  Maf>  XVI.  Cb. 
Guerriere,  the  British  frigate,  342. 
Guilford    Court    House,    battle    of,    231; 

Map,  p.  225,  Cc. 
Gunboat     policy,     President    Jefferson's, 

323- 
Guthrie,  O.  K.,  588. 

Habeas  corpus,  suspensions  of  the  writ  of, 
53o- 

Hale,  John  P.,  459. 

Halfway  Covenant,  65. 

Halifax,  205,  Map  V.  Fc. 

Halifax  award,  584. 

Halleck,  Gen.  Henry  W.,  command  in 
Missouri,  503  ;  general-in-chief  at  Wash 
ington,  514. 

Hamilton,  Alexander,  early  political  writ 
ings,  190;  on  Washington's  staff ,  219;  in 
the  Federal  Constitutional  Convention, 
1787,  258 ;  chief  author  of  "  The  Federal 
ist,"  262-263  ;  Secretary  of  the  Treasury, 
272-286 ;  report  on  public  debt  and  pub 
lic  credit,  273-275;  advocacy  of  United 
States  Bank,  —  doctrine  of  "  implied 
powers  "  in  the  Constitution,  276-278,  ' 
280;  advocacy  of  protective  industrial 
system  and  internal  improvements,  280  ; 
influence,  —  leader  of  Federal  party,  281- 
283  ;  at  enmity  with  Jefferson, — retire 
ment  from  Washington's  cabinet,  286 ; 
continued  political  influence,  291 ;  ap 
pointed  second  in  military  command, 
293  ;  duel  with  Aaron  Burr,  and  death, 
315-316. 

Hamiltonian  party.     See  Federalist  party. 

Hampton  Roads,  508;  Map  XII.  Fi,  and 
p.  509. 

Hancock,  Gen.  Winfield  Scott,  581.          v 

Hancock,  John,  leadership  in  Boston,  173  ; 
attempt  to  arrest,  194;  president  of  Sec 
ond  Continental  Congress,  198. 

Hanoverian  kings,  130-131. 

Harmar's  defeat,  280-281. 

Harper's  Ferry,  John  Brown's  seizure, 
473-474  ;  Map  XI.  Cc. 

Harrison,  Benjamin,  elected  President, 
587-588;  administration,  588-590. 

Harrison,  Gen.  William  Henry,  governor 
of  Indiana  Territory,  —  war  with  Tecum- 
seh,  337;  operations  in  the  War  of  1812, 
343,  345,  346 ;  candidate  for  presidency 
(1836),  414;  elected  President  (1840), 
419-420;  death,  428. 

Hartford,  42,  67 ;  Map  V,  Ad. 

Hartford  Convention,  350-351. 

Harvard  College,  the  founding  of,  41. 

Hatteras  Inlet,  505-506 ;  Map,  p.  505. 

Hawaiian  Islands,  Map  XVI.  la;  annex 
ation  treaty  withdrawn  by  President 
Cleveland,  590-591;  annexation  accom 
plished,  596. 


60 


INDEX. 


Hawthorne,  Nathaniel,  365. 

Hay,  John,  600,  602. 

Hay-Pauncefote  treaty,  602. 

Hayes,  Rutherford  B.,  elected  President, 
574-575;  administration,  575-577. 

Hayne  and  Webster  debate,  398. 

Hayti,  4 ;  Map  II.  Hd. 

Helper's  "  Impending  Crisis,"  482. 

Henry,  prince  of  Portugal,  early  explora 
tion  promoted  by,  3. 

Henry,  John,  intrigues  of,  324,  339. 

Henry,  Patrick,  speech  on  Stamp  Act,  164- 
165;  action  against  the  Townshend  acts, 
170;  in  the  First  Continental  Congress, 
177;  his  speeches,  190;  in  Second  Con 
tinental  Congress,  198 ;  governor  of  Vir 
ginia,  217;  opposition  to  the  Federal 
Constitutional  Convention,  257. 

Henry,  William,  308. 

Henry,  Fort,  capture  of,  506 ;  Map  XIII. 
De. 

Herkimer,  Col.  Nicholas,  214. 

Hessians,  employment  of,  203. 

Hiawatha, 


Higginson,  Francis,  115. 
Hilll 


Isborough,  Map,  p.  225,  Cc. 

Hilton  Head,  S.  C.,  527 ;  Map,  p.  505. 

Hispaniola.     See  Espanola. 

Hobkirk's  Hill,  battle  of,  231;  Map,  p. 
225,  Be. 

Holland,  brought  under  Spanish  rule,  12  ; 
revolt,  independence,  and  rise  to  mari 
time  greatness,  13  ;  claims  and  posses 
sions  in  America  (with  map),  46-49; 
their  surrender  to  the  English,  85-87 ; 
recovery  and  second  surrender,  94.  See 
also  New  York. 

Holmes,  Oliver  Wendell,  365-366. 

Hoist,  Professor  Hermann  E.  Von,  on  the 
Continental  Congress,  200. 

Holt,  Joseph,  487. 

Holy  Alliance,  the,  376-377. 

Homestead  Act,  523. 

Honduras,  8;  Map  II.  Ge. 

Honolulu,  590;  Map  XVI.  la. 

Hood,  Gen.  John  B.,  541,  542-543. 

Hooker,  Gen.  Joseph,  in  command  of  the 
Army  of  the  Potomac,  531 ;  succeeded 
by  Meade,  532;  in  Tennessee,  —  battle 
on  Lookout  Mountain,  535,  536. 

Hooker,  Thomas,  founder  of  Connecticut, 
41 ;  father  of  American  democracy,  67 
(foot-note);  writer,  115. 

Houston,  Gen.  Sam,  411. 

Howe,  Admiral  Richard,  earl,  208. 

Howe,  George  Augustus,  Viscount,  killed 
at  Ticonderoga,  148. 

Howe,  Gen.  William,  Viscount,  at  Bunker 
Hill,  201 ;  in  command  of  British  forces, 
205;  capture  of  New  York,  208-209; 
failure  to  cooperate  with  Burgoyne,  215- 
216;  occupation  of  Philadelphia,  216; 
superseded  by  Clinton,  220. 

Hubbardstown,  battle  of  (with  map),  213. 

Hudson  Bay,  ceded  by  France  to  England, 
126 ;  Map  II. 

Hudson  River,  Map  II.  Hb,  and  p.  209 ; 
physical  importance,  23-24  ;  discovery  by 


Henry  Hudson,  47;  Dutch  possession, 
47  ;  surrender  to  the  English,  85-87  ;  mili 
tary  importance  in  the  War  of  Independ 
ence,  206. 


Huguenots,  16,  129. 
Hull, 


Capt.  Isaac,  342. 
Hull,  Gen.  William,  surrender  of  Detroit, 


Hulsemann  letter,  Webster's,  457. 
Hundred,    the,   in    early    England,  71;  in 

Maryland  and  Virginia,  72. 
"  Hunker"  Democrats,  450. 
Hunter,  Gen.  David,  command  in  Kansas, 

503  ;    emancipation    order,    526,   527  ;   in 

the  Shenandoah,  541. 
Huron-Iroquois,  Map    VI.  Ac.     See  Iro- 

quois. 

Hutchinson,  Mrs.  Anne,  44-45. 
Hutchinson,  Thomas,  his  house  sacked  by 

a  mob,   165-166;    action   relative  to  the 

tea-ships,    174;    superseded   by   General 

Gage,  175  :  sincerity  of  his  Toryism,  189  ; 

his  history,  IQI. 

Iceland,  early  voyages  to  America  from,  i. 

Idaho,  admitted  to  the  Union,  588. 

Illinois,  under  the  Ordinance  of  1787,  264- 
265  ;  territorial  organization,  326  ;  admis 
sion  to  the  Union,  371. 

Illiteracy,  decreasing,  620. 

Immigration,  increase  after  1845,  443. 

Impeachment  of  President  Johnson,  566. 

Imperialists,  601. 

Implied  powers  in  the  Constitution,  the 
doctrine  of,  277-278,  280. 

Impressment  of  seamen,  British,  287-288, 
289,  318,  322-323;  cause  of  war,  340; 
unmentioned  in  the  treaty  of  peace,  352. 

Income  tax  (1861),  500;  (1894),  593. 

Indentured  servitude,  75-76;  113-114. 

Independence,  ripening  of  public  desire 
for,  203-204;  demanded,  205-206;  de 
clared,  206-207  ;  completer  acquisition 
after  the  War  of  1812,  362-363. 

Independent  Republicans,  583. 

Independent  spirit,  in  colonial  Massachu 
setts,  50-51,  81-82;  increasing  in  the 
colonies  generally,  126-128,  131-132. 

Independent  Treasury,  or  Sub-treasury 
system,  417;  abolished  by  the  Whigs, 
428  ;  restored,  444. 

Independents,  or  Separatists,  14,  36-37. 

India,  early  trade  of  Europe  with,  2-3,  7. 

Indian  Territory,  set  apart,  396;  purchase 
and  separation  of  Oklahoma,  588. 

Indiana,  under  the  Ordinance  of  1787, 
264-265  ;  territorial  organization,  307, 
314,  326;  Tecumseh's  conspiracy,  337; 
admission  to  the  Union,  371. 

Indians,  American,  origin  of  the  name,  5; 
earliest  knowledge  of,  16-19  '•  linguistic 
grouping  of  tribes,  20-22  ;  outbreak  in 
Virginia,  1622,  32-33;  Pequot  War,  42- 
43  ;  purchase  of  land  from,  in  Massachu 
setts  and  at  Providence,  44  ;  war  with 
the  Dutch  in  New  Netherland,  49  :  war 
in  Virginia,  90-91  ;  King  Philip's  War, 
92-94  ;  Penn's  dealing  with,  99  ;  enslave- 


61 


INDEX. 


ment  in  the  colonies,  113;  employed  by 
French  in  colonial  wars,  123-125,  148; 
Pontiac's  War,  151;  western  region  as 
signed  to  them  by  George  III.,  163;  Iro- 
quois  alliance  with  British  in  War  of 
Independence,  206,  213-214,  221-223; 
northwestern  war,  1790-91,  280-281  ;  Te- 
cumseh's  war,  337;  Creek  war,  346; 
first  Seminole  war,  368-369  ;  treatment 
of  Creeks  and  Cherokees  in  Georgia, 
383-384,  396 ;  creation  of  the  Indian  Ter 


ritory,  396  ;  second   Seminole   war   and 
"Black  Hawk  War,"  3c 
Apaches,  Modocs,  and  Sioux,  570. 


iwk  War,"  396-397  ;  wars  with 


Industrial  conditions.  See  Economic  con 
ditions,  and  Protective  policy. 

Industrial  conflicts,  587,  617-619. 

Inflation,  monetary,  253-255,  367,  412-414, 
415-4.6,  510,  532,  570-571. 

Ingraham,  Captain,  459. 

Intercolonial  war,  first,  123-124  ;  second, 
124;  third,  137-139. 

Internal  improvements,  Hamilton's  policy, 
280 ;  constitutional  amendments  to  au 
thorize,  favored  by  Jefferson,  319-320; 
appropriation  advocated  by  Calhoun  and 
vetoed  by  Madison,  355 ;  constitution 
ality  denied  by  Monroe-,  375 ;  reaction 
against  the  policy  in  the  south,  —  up 
held  by  the  National  Republican  party, 
382-383;  opposed  by  President  Jackson, 
396. 

Inter-oceanic  canal,  Clayton-Bulwer  treaty, 
456-457 ;  Hay-Pauncefote  treaty,  602- 
603  ;  Isthmian  Canal  Act,  —  rejected  Co 
lumbian  treaty,  603. 

Inter-State  Commerce  Commission,  586. 

Intolerance,  religious,  in  Puritan  Massa 
chusetts,  41,  65;  in  New  Haven  colony, 
67;  of  Puritans  in  Maryland,  54;  ori 
ginating  cause  of  early  colonial  settle 
ments,  63  ;  revival  in  Maryland,  122-123. 

Invention,  615-616. 

Iowa,  admitted  to  the  Union,  435. 

Iron-clads,  508-509. 

Iron  manufacture,  development  and  cheap 
ening,  613-614. 

Iroquois,  the,  Map  II.  Hb:  their  tribes 
(Five  Nations),  their  territory,  and  their 
political  league,  20-21,  Map,  p.  26;  hos 
tility  to  Hurons.Algonquins,  and  French, 
26-27,  Ji8;  friendship  with  the  Dutch, 
48;  alliance  with  the  English,  95;  peace 
witli  the  French,  125  ;  declared  to  be  sub 
ject  to  the  dominion  of  England,  126;  the 
Five  Nations  become  Six  Nations,  130; 
treaty  with  English  colonies  at  Lancas 
ter,  1744,  140;  influence  of  Sir  William 
Johnson,  145  ;  alliance  with  the  English 
in  the  War  of  Independence,  206,  213- 
214,  221-223;  New  York  land  claims  de 
rived  from  their  conquests,  249. 

Irrepressible  conflict,  Senator  Seward's 
statement  of  the,  472-473. 

Irrigation,  612. 

Irving,  Washington,  365,  622. 

Isabella,  queen  of  Castile,  3-4,  6. 

Island  No.  10,  507  ;  Map  XIII.  Ce. 


Isthmian  Canal.     See  Inter-oceanic  canal, 
luka,  battle  of,  529 ;  Map  XIII.  Cf. 

Jackson,  Andrew,  in  Congress  from  Ten 
nessee,  290;  in  Creek  War,  346;  in  the 
battle  of  New  Orleans,  353  ;  in  the  first 
Seminole  War,  368-369  ;  candidate  for 
presidency,  379-380 ;  his  belief  that 
he  was  defrauded,  —  his  character,  381, 
393>  4l5'i  elected  President  by  the  Demo 
cratic  party,  385-386;  his  "kitchen  cabi 
net,"  393-394;  his  introduction  of  the 
"  spoils  system  "  at  Washington,  394-395; 
forecast  of  his  policy,  395-396;  dealing 
with  Georgia  and  its  Indian  tribes,  396, 
398  ;  attitude  toward  the  protective  tariff 
policy  and  the  nullification  doctrine, 
397-398 ;  rupture  with  Calhoun,  399  ;  re 
election,  402  ;  proclamation  and  action 
against  the  nullifying  ordinance  of  South 
Carolina,  402-404  ;  removal  of  deposits 
from  the  United  States  Bank,  404-405  ; 
the  Senate  censure  expunged,  405 ;  ef 
fects  of  the  removal  of  deposits,  412-413, 
414,  416;  influence  of  President  Jackson, 
414-415  ;  favors  annexation  of  Texas, 
432. 

Jackson,  Gen.  Thomas  J.  ("  Stonewall  :'), 
at  Bull  Run,  512  (foot-note);  raid  into 
the  Shenandoah,  512 ;  in  Seven  Days' 
Battles,  513  ;  in  campaign  against  Pope, 
527 ;  death,  531. 

Jackson,  Mr.,  British  minister,  333. 

Jamaica,  6 ;  Map  II.  He. 

James  I.,  grants  and  charters  to  Virginia 
Company  and  London  Company,  28-30  ; 
hostility  to  London  Company,  62. 

James  II.,  treatment  of  Massachusetts  and 
New  England,  101-102  ;  expulsion  from 
the  English  fhrone,  102. 

Jamestown  colony  (with  map),  30-32. 
apan,  Perry's  expedition  to,  457. 
ay,  John,  in  the  First  Continental  Con 
gress,  176;  his  writings,  190;  in  the 
Second  Continental  Congress,  198  ;  in 
New  York  constitutional  convention, 
217;  in  peace  negotiation,  234;  author 
of  papers  in  "  The  Federalist,"  263  ;  first 
chief  justice  of  the  United  States  and 
acting  Secretary  of  State,  273  ;  special 
envoy  to  England,  288. 
Jay  treaty,  288-289,  29°- 
Jefferson,  Thomas,  action  in  Virginia  As 
sembly  against  the  Townshend  acts,  170  ; 
reply  to  Lord  North's  "olive  branch" 
proposals,  179;  early  political  writings, 
1 90  ;  in  the  Second  Continental  Congress, 
198  ;  author  of  the  Declaration  of  Inde 
pendence,  207;  in  the  Virginia  legisla 
ture,  217  ;  mission  to  France,  257  ;  Secre 
tary  of  State,  272,  273  ;  leadership  of  the 
Anti-Federalist  party,  281-284;  at  en 
mity  with  Hamilton,  —  resignation  from 
Washington's  cabinet,  286  ;  elected  Vice- 
President,  291  ;  author  of  the  Kentucky 
resolutions  of  1798,  295;  elected  Presi 
dent,  296 ;  aims  as  President  and  theory 
of  national  government,  309-310;  his 


62 


INDEX. 


unbelief  in  the  need  of  war,  310;  pur 
chase  of  Louisiana,  312-314  ;  reelected 
President,  316;  broadened  conceptions 
of  the  general  government,  319-320  ;  ex 
periment  in  "  peaceable  coercion,"  323- 
326;  death,  383;  removals  from  office 
during  his  presidency,  394. 

Jeffersonian  party.  See  Republican  party, 
Democratic. 

Jenckes,  Thomas,  571-572. 

Jesuit  missions,  28. 

Johnson,  Andrew,  elected  Vice-President, 
becomes  President,  —  previous  career, 
561 ;  rupture  with  the  ruling  party,  562- 
565;  impeachment,  566. 

Johnson,  Edward,  115. 

Johnson,  Fort,  Map  VII.  Ce. 

Johnson,  Sir  William,  145,  146,  151. 

Johnston,  Gen.  Albert  S.,  506. 

Johnston,  Gen.  Joseph  E. .  in  the  first 
battle  of  Bull  Run,  501 ;  commanding  in 
Virginia,  504;  evacuation  of  Manassas, 
508;  wounded  at  Fair  Oaks,  513;  suc 
ceeds  Bragg  in  the  west,  against  Sher 
man,  539,  540-541  ;  superseded  by  Hood, 
541  ;  surrender,  547. 

Joint  High  Commissions,  569,  584,  596. 

Joliet,  Louis,  117-118. 

Jones,  Paul,  226-227. 

Josselyn,  John,  115. 

Judges,  colonial,  appointment  at  the  king's 
pleasure,  162  ;  salaried  by  the  crown  in 
Massachusetts,  173. 

Kahokia,  223;  Map,  p.  141,  Be. 

Kalb,  Baron  Johann  de,  227-228. 

Kanawha  River,  the  Great,  Map,  p.  141. 

Kansas,  territorial  organization,  by  Kansas- 
Nebraska  Act,  repealing  the  Missouri 
Compromise,  460-462  ;  pro-slavery  and 
anti-slavery  strife  in  the  Territory,  463- 
464 ;  the  fraud  of  the  Lecompton  Con 
stitution,  and  its  defeat,  468-470;  admis 
sion  to  the  Union,  488. 

Kaskaskia,  223;  Map,  p.  141,  Be. 

Kearney,  Gen.  Philip,  439-440. 

Kearsarge,  the,  542. 

Kenesaw,  battle  of,  541  :  Map  XIII.  Ff. 

Kentucky,  beginning  of  settlement,  136, 
223 ;  demand  for  the  right  of  navigation 
on  the  Mississippi,  256;  admission  to 
the  Union,  279  ;  effects  of  the  cotton- 
gin  on  slavery,  308-309 ;  detachment 
in  interest  from  the  east,  307  ;  Burr's 
conspiracy,  316-318;  adherence  to  the 
Union  (1861),  495. 

Kentucky  resolutions,  1798,  294-295.  See 
Nullification. 

Key,  Francis  Scott,  350. 

Kieft,  William,  49- 

King,  Rufus,  354. 

"  King  George's  War,"  138-139- 

"  King  Philip's  War,"  92-94. 

"  King  William's  War,"  123;  Map,  p.  125. 

King's  Mountain,  battle  of,  231-232;  Map, 
p.  225,  Ae. 

"  Kitchen  cabinet,"  President  Jackson's, 
393-394.  4oo,  405. 


"  Know  Nothings."    See  American  party. 

Knox,  Gen.  Henry,  272. 

Knoxville,  siege  of,  535,  536 ;  Map  XIII. 

Fe. 

Kossuth,  Louis,  457. 
Koszta,  Martin,  459. 
Ku-Klux  Klan,  566. 

Labor  combinations  and  conflicts.  See 
Industrial  conflicts. 

Labor  parties,  595,  601. 

Labrador,  7 ;  Map  II.  la. 

Ladrones,  599. 

Lafayette,  Marquis  de,  services  offered  to 
the  American  colonies,  212;  friendship 
with  Washington,  218  ;  in  battle  of  Mon- 
mouth,  220;  visit  to  France,  228  ;  com 
manding  in  Virginia,  —  at  Yorktown, 
232-233  ;  in  the  French  Revolution,  284- 
285  ;  visit  to  the  United  States  in  1824, 
378-379. 

Lake  Erie,  battle  of,  344  ;  Map,  p.  345 


Lake  of  the  Woods,  370;  Map  XI.  Da. 

Lakes,  basin  of  the  Great,  historical  im 
portance  of,  23;  French  exploration, 
117-118;  French  possession  (with  map), 
—  English  conquest,  140-150;  settlement 
prohibited  by  George  III.,  163;  added 
to  the  province  of  Quebec,  175  ;  yielded 
to  the  United  States  by  Great  Britain, 
234-235  ;  cession  of  state  claims,  249- 
250;  Ordinance  of  1787,  264-265;  opened 
to  settlement  and  trade  by  the  Erie  Canal, 
364-365,  412,  609 ;  development,  1820- 
40,  411-412;  development  by  the  rail 
way,  610. 

Lancaster,  Mass.,  125  ;  Map  V.  Be. 

Lancaster,  Pa.,  140;  Map  VI.  Cd. 

Lands,  public,  cessions  by  the  States  to 
the  United  States,  240-250  (Map  VIII.)  ; 
speculative  buying  (1825-1837),  411-414; 
distribution  of  land  revenue,  428-429 ; 
distribution  annulled,  430;  Homestead 
Act  giving  free  homes  to  settlers,  523. 

La  Salle,  Robert  Cavelier  de,  118. 

Laud,  Archbishop,  40. 

Laurel  Hill,  battle  of,  500;  Map,  p.  499,  Eb. 

Lawrence,  Capt.  James,  344. 

Lawrence,  Kansas,  464;   Map  XIV.  He. 

Le  Boeuf,  Fort,  140,  141,  150;  Map  VI. 
Ad,  and  p.  141. 

Lecompton,  Map  XIV.  He  ;  Lecompton 
constitution,  468-470. 

Lee,  Arthur,  212. 

Lee,  Charles,  appointed  major-general, 
199;  command  in  the  south,  208;  diso 
bedience  to  Washington, —  capture  by 
British,  209-210;  treachery  while  a 
prisoner, —  conduct  at  Monmouth,  220- 

221. 

Lee,  Gen,  Henry,  231,  288. 

Lee,  Richard  Henry,  176,  100,  198. 

Lee,  Robert  E.,  in  command  against  John 
Brown's  party  at  Harper's  Ferry,  473- 
474  ;  accepts  the  secession  of  Virginia, 
495 ;  commanding  Confederate  forces  in 
Virginia  in  peninsular  campaign,  513- 
514 ;  defeat  of  Pope,  —  invasion  of  Mary- 


INDEX. 


land,  and  retreat,  527-528 :  repulse  of 
Burnside,  530;  defeat  of  Hooker,  531; 
renewed  invasion  of  the  north  and  retreat 
after  Gettysburg,  532-533,  535  ;  force  op 
posing  Grant's  movement  on  Richmond, 
540;  confronting  Grant  at  Petersburg, 
541 ;  retreat  from  Richmond  and  surren 
der,  546-547- 

Leesburg,  527;  Map  XII.  Cd. 

Legal  Tender  Act,  1862,  its  passage,  510  ; 
its  effects,  532,  570-571. 

Legislatures,  colonial.  See  Assemblies, 
colonial. 

Leif  Ericson,  i. 

Leisler,  Jacob,  120-121. 

Leislerians,  121. 

Lenapes.     See  Delawares. 

Leopard  and  Chesapeake,  the,  322-323. 

Lewis  and  Clark,  expedition  of,  319,  370. 

Lewis,  Gen.  Andrew,  172. 

Lexington,  encounter  at  (with  map),  194- 
195. 

Liberal  Christianity,  366. 

Liberal  Republicans,  569. 

"  Liberator,"  the,  406. 

Liberty  party,  434. 

Liberty,  religious,  in  Maryland,  33-34; 
contended  for  by  Roger  Williams,  43  ; 
Maryland  Toleration  Act  of  1649,  and 
its  treatment  by  the  Puritans,  53-54  ;  es 
tablished  at  Providence,  68  ;  confirmed 
in  Rhode  Island  charter,  83-84;  estab 
lished  by  charter  in  the  Carolinas,  84 ; 
in  Pennsylvania,  99;  advances  made 
after  War  of  Independence,  268.  See 
also  Intolerance,  religious. 

Libraries,  free  public,  621-622. 

Lincoln,  Abraham,  public  debate  with  Sen 
ator  Douglas,  in  Illinois,  470^472 ;  state 
ment  of  the  issue  concerning  slavery, 
472 ;  elected  President,  475-476 ;  objec 
tions  to  proposed  Crittenden  Compro 
mise,  485-486;  first  inaugural  address, 
489-490 ;  cabinet,  490 ;  action  relative  to 
Fort  Sumter,  490-491 ;  first  and  second 
calls  for  troops,  492-493 ;  proclamation 
of  blockade  of  southern  ports,  493;  wise 
dealing  with  border  slave  States,  495 ; 
first  message  to  Congress,  500;  modifi 
cation  of  Fremont's  proclamation,  502- 
503  ;  order  for  a  general  advance  of  ar 
mies,  507-508 ;  explanation  of  his  action 
touching  slavery,  525-526 ;  proclamation 
of  emancipation  prepared,  526-527 ; 
emancipation  proclaimed,  528;  address 
at  Gettysburg,  536 ;  proclamation  of  am 
nesty, —  plan  of  reconstruction,  536-539  ; 
reelected  President,  543-544  ;  peace  con 
ference  with  Vice-President  Stephens, 
546;  second  inaugural  address,  546; 
visits  to  Richmond,  547;  last  speech, — 
views  on  reconstruction,  547-548;  assas 
sination,  548-550. 

Lincoln,  Gen.  Benjamin,  215,  224-226. 

Literature,  American,  early  colonial,  114- 
116;  political  and  other  writings  of  later 
colonial  period,  189-191 ;  beginnings  of 
pure  literature,  365-366;  in  the  middle 


decades  of  the  igth  century,  and  since, 
622-623. 

Little  Belt,  affair  of  the,  338. 

Livingston,  Edward,  399,  403  (foot-note), 
404. 

Livingston,  Philip,  176,  198. 

Livingston,  Robert  R.,  312-313. 

Livingston,  William,  176. 

Local  government  in  the  English  colonies, 
70-72. 

Locke's  constitution  for  the  Carolinas,  85. 

Locomotive  chase,  the,  522. 

Logan,  the  wrongs  of,  172. 

London  Company,  charters  from  James  I., 
29;  reorganization,  31 ;  change  in  char 
acter,  32  ;  overthrow,  33. 

Long  Island,  Map  VI.  Dd  ;  added  to  New 
York,  95  ;  battle  of,  208-209. 

Longfellow,  Henry  W.,  365. 

Longstreet,  Gen.  James,  535,  536. 

Lookout  Mountain,  battle  of,  536 ;  Map 
XIII.  Ee. 

Lopez  expedition  to  Cuba,  458. 

Lords  of  Trade,  128. 

Loudon,  General,  147,  148. 

Louis  XIV.,  123. 

Louisbourg,  Map  V.  Gb,  and  p.  138; 
capture  by  New  Englanders,  1745  (with 
map),  138-139;  restored  to  France,  139; 
retaken,  148. 

Louisiana,  District  and  Territory,  314. 

Louisiana,  French  province,  cession  to 
Spain,  150;  ceded  back  to  France,  312; 
sold  to  the  United  States,  313;  the  con 
stitutional  question  involved,  313-314; 
government  organized,  314-315;  the 
question  of  excluding  slavery  from, — 
the  Missouri  Compromise,  371-374. 

Louisiana,  State,  organized  and  admitted 
to  the  Union,  336;  secession  declared, 
486 ;  emancipation  proclaimed,  528 ; 
slavery  abolished  by  state  action,  545 
(foot-note) ;  restored  to  the  Union,  564- 
565  ;  disputed  electoral  returns  (1876), 
574 ;  withdrawal  of  Federal  military  au 
thority,  575. 

Louisiana  Slaughter  House  Cases,  563 
(foot-note). 

Lundy's  Lane,  battle  of,  347;  Map,  p.  341. 

Lyon,  Gen.  Nathaniel,  495-496,  502. 

McClellan,  Gen.  George  B.,  campaign  in 
West  Virginia  (with  map),  499-500"; 
called  to  the  Army  of  the  Potomac,  501  ; 
in  general  command  of  the  Union  armies, 
503  ;  overestimate  of  opposing  army  at 
Manassas,  504;  tardy  advance  to  Ma- 
nassas,  507-508 ;  relieved  from  general 
command,  511;  peninsular  campaign, 
511-512,  513-514;  campaign  against  Lee 
in  Maryland,  527-528  ;  removal  from 
command,  530 ;  candidate  for  presidency, 

McCook,  Gen.  Alexander  M.,  53;. 
McCrea,  Jenny,  214. 
Macdonough,  Commodore  Thomas,  348. 
McDowell,  Gen.  Irvin,  commanding  Army 
of  the  Potomac,  —  battle  of  Bull  Run, 


64 


I^DEX. 


500-501  ;  during  McClellan's  peninsular 
campaign,  512. 

McHenry,  Fort,  349-350. 

McKinley,  William,  name  connected  with 
the  tariff  act  of  1890,  588-589;  elected 
President,  595  ;  reelection,  —  murder, 
601. 

McLane,  Louis,  399,  404. 

McPherson,  Gen.  James  B.,  541. 

McRae,  Fort,  487  ;  Map  XIII.  Di. 

Madison,  James,  in  the  Federal  Constitu 
tional  Convention,  1787,  257-258;  con 
tributor  to  "  The  Federalist,"  262-263; 
leader  in  First  Congress,  271  ;  becomes 
an  Anti-Federalist,  282;  author  of  the 
Virginia  resolutions  of  1798,  295  ;  Sec 
retary  of  State,  311;  elected  President, 
325 ;  misled  by  the  British  minister, 
332 ;  deceived  by  Napoleon,  333-335 ; 
recommendation  of  war  with  England, 
339-34o;  reelected  President,  343. 

Magellan,  voyage  of,  9. 

Maine,  granted  to  Sir  Ferdinando  Gorges, 
46 ;  claimed  by  Massachusetts,  89-90 ; 
under  Andros,  102  ;  population  and  con 
dition  in  1688,  108-116,  annexed  to  Mas 
sachusetts,  120;  sufferings  in  Queen 
Anne's  War  (with  map),  125  ;  separation 
from  Massachusetts  and  admission  to  the 
Union,  372-373. 

Maine,  battleship,  596-597. 

Malvern  Hill,  battle  of,  514;  Map  XII. 
Dh. 

Manassas  Junction,  501,508;  Map  XII. 
Ce. 

Manhattan  Island,  settled  by  the  Dutch 
(with  map),  47-48 ;  taken  by  the  Eng 
lish,  86-87. 

Manila,  naval  battle,  —  siege  and  capture, 
597.  598  ;  Map,  p.  597. 

Manors,  New  York,  188-189,  430-431. 

Manufacturing  industries,  forbidden  or  dis 
couraged  in  English  colonies,  128,  132- 
133  ;  condition  at  the  beginning  of  the 
War  of  Independence,  187-188;  Hamil 
ton's  report  on,  280;  progress  since  the 
Civil  War,  613^615.  See  also  Protective 
policy,  industrial. 

Marcy,  William  L.,  459-460. 

Mariana  Islands,  599 ;  Map  XVI.  Cb. 

Marietta,  Ohio,  265;  Map  IX.  Dd. 

Marion,  Francis,  227. 

Marlborough,  Duke  of,  126. 

Marquette,  Father  Jacques,  117-118. 

Marshall,  John,  mission  to  France,  292 ; 
appointed  chief  justice,  —  his  constitu 
tional  decisions,  296,  368. 

Maryland,  founded  as  a  "palatinate"  by 
patent  to  Lord  Baltimore  (with  map), 
33-34.  68,  69 ;  religious  and  political  lib 
erty  established,  34;  toleration  act  of 
l(>49,  53-54;  Puritan  domination,  54; 
local  government,  —  the  "hundreds," 
70-72  ;  social  structure  and  character, 
73-74  ;  population  and  industries  at 
end  of  i7th  century,  108-110,  111-113; 
slavery  and  indentured  servitude,  113; 
revolution  of  1688,  —  proprietary  govern 


ment  taken  away  and  restored,  —  intoler 
ance  revived,  122-123  ;  action  upon  the 
news  of  Lexington  and  Concord,  196- 
197 ;  state  government  formed,  207  ;  ac 
tion  relative  to  western  land  claims  of 
the  States,  249-250 ;  effects  of  the  .cot 
ton-gin  on  slavery,  308-309 ;  suppression 
of  secessionists  in  1861,  493  ;  invasion  by 
Lee  (1862),  527-528;  slavery  abolished 
by  state  action,  545  (foot-note). 

Maskoki  tribes,  21 ;  Map  II.  Gc. 

Mason,  George,  190,  257. 

Mason,  John,  115. 

Mason,  John  Y.,  460. 

Mason  and  Dixon's  Line,  Map  XIV.  Kc; 
its  origin,  etc.,  98,  276,  306. 

Mason  and  Slidell,  capture  of,  505. 

Massachusetts,  the  Governor  and  Com 
pany  of  Massachusetts  Bay,  its  charter, 
39-40;  settlement  of  Boston  and  vicin 
ity,  40;  hostility  in  England,  40;  Puri 
tan  exclusiveness,  41 ;  secession  of  Con 
necticut  settlements,  41-42  ;  expulsion 
of  Roger  Williams,  43-44 ;  banishment  of 
Mrs.  Anne  Hutchinson,  45  ;  decrease  of 
Puritan  immigration,  46;  confederation 
of  New  England  colonies,  46;  theory 
of  chartered  rights,  and  substantial  in 
dependence,  50-51  ;  establishment  of  a 
mint,  50-51 ;  persecution  of  Quakers, 
52-53 ;  political  structure  of  the  early 
colony,  65-66,  69;  local  government, — 
town-meetings,  70-72  ;  assertion  of 
"  Liberties,''  —  attitude  towards  the  re 
stored  English  monarchy,  81-82  ;  resist 
ance  to  the  king's  commissioners,  1664, 
87-89;  annulment  of  the  charter,  100- 
101 ;  treatment  under  Andros,  101-102; 
population  and  industries  at  end  of 
i 7th  century,  108-110,  111-113;  slaves 
and  slavery,  113-114  ;  education  and 
literature,  114-116;  overthrow  of  An 
dros,  119;  newly  chartered  as  a  royal 
province,  119-120;  Plymouth  and  Maine 
annexed,  120;  participation  and  suffer 
ing  in  colonial  wars  with  France,  124- 
126 ;  capture  of  Louisbourg,  138-139  ;  pro 
posal  of  Stamp  Act  Congress,  165  ;  cir 
cular  letter  to  the  colonies.  168-169; 
punishment  by  the  "Regulating  Act'! 
and  the  Boston  Port  Bill,  174-175  ;  call 
for  a  Continental  Congress,  175;  provi 
sional  government  formed,  —  "  Con  mit- 
tee  of  Safety,"  179;  social  condition  at 
the  end  of  the  colonial  period,  189 ;  ex 
tinction  of  slavery,  192 ;  engagement  in 
the  slave  trade,  193  ;  opening  of  the  War 
of  Independence,  194-196 ;  declares  for 
independence,  206  ;  state  government 
formed,  207:  cession  of  land  claims  to 
the  Confederation,  249-250;  attitude  in 
the  War  of  1812,  350-351 ;  separation  of 
Maine,  372-373 ;  Sixth  Regiment  at 
tacked  in  Baltimore,  492. 

Massasoit,  37,  93. 

Matamoras,  438-439 ;  Map,  p.  440. 

Mather,  Cotton,  191. 

Mather,  Increase,  115. 


Y 


INDEX. 


Maumee  River,  Map,  p.  345. 
Maximilian,  Emperor,  567. 
Mayflower  compact,  64. 
Mayflower,  voyage  of  the,  36. 
Meade,  Gen.  George  G.,  in   command   of 
the  Army  of  the  Potomac,  532-533,  535, 

539- 

Measures  of  the  national  government,  Ap 
pendix  D. 

Mechanicsville,  battle  of,  514  ;  Map  XII. 

Mecklenburg  County,  resolutions  of  1775, 
197  ;  Map  VII.  Bd. 

Memphis,  Tenn.,  513;  Map  XI II.  Bf. 

Merit  system.     See  Civil  service  reform. 

Merrimac  River,  as  named  in  the  Massa 
chusetts  charter,  39,  89  ;  Map  V.  Be. 

Merrimac,  the  iron-clad,  508-509,  512. 

Mexico,  Map  II.  Ed;  conquest  by  Cortes, 
9  ;  expedition  of  Coronado,  1 1 ;  Spanish 
plundering,  13 ;  aboriginal  inhabitants 
and  their  state  of  culture,  19  ;  overthrow 
of  Spanish  rule,  —  independence,  335, 
376  ;  revolt  and  separation  of  Texas,  410- 
411;  war  with  the  United  States,  437- 
442  ;  treaty  of  Guadalupe  Hidalgo,  — 
cession  of  territory  to  the  United  States, 
442  ;  attempted  French  conquest,  — 
Maximilian's  short-lived  empire,  529, 
567. 

Mexico,  City  of,  capture,  442  ;  Map,  p.  441. 

Mexico,  Gulf  of,  9  ;  Map  II.  Gd. 

Michigan,  under  the  Ordinance  of  1787, 
264-265  ;  territorial  organization,  326. 

Milan  decree,  322,  334-335.  . 

Miles,  Gen.  Nelson  A.,  599. 

Military  arrests,  530. 

Mill  Spring,  battle  of,  507;  Map  XIII. 
Fd. 

Mills  Bill,  587. 

Mims,  Fort,  346 ;  Map  IX.  Be. 

Minnesota,  admitted  to  the  Union,  470 
(foot-note). 

Mint,  in  colonial  Massachusetts,  51-52; 
of  the  United  States,  254-255. 

Minute  men,  179. 

Missionary  Ridge,  battle  of,  536;  Map 
XIII.  Ee. 

Missions  to  the  Indians,  Catholic,  28,  117. 

Mississippi  River,  Map  II.  Fc;  entered 
by  Pineda,  9;  reached  by  Narvaez,  10  ; 
crossed  by  Fernando  de  Soto,  1 1  ;  French 
exploration,  117-118;  the  question  with 
Spain  of  its  navigation,  256;  treaty 
freeing  the  navigation,  290;  first  steam 
boat,  364  ;  operations  in  the  Civil  War  to 
open  navigation,  507,  512-513,  531,  533. 

Mississippi,  the  State,  territorial  organiza 
tion,  307,  336 ;  admission  to  the  Union, 
371 ;  secession  declared,  486  ;  emancipa 
tion  proclaimed,  528;  restored  to  the 
Union,  564-565. 

Mississippi  Valley,  great  feature  of  the 
continent,  22  ;  early  exclusion  of  the 
English  and  introduction  of  the  French, 
23 ;  historical  influence,  23-24 ;  early 
French  exploration,  117-118;  English 
neglect,  134-135;  French  and  English 


struggle  for  (with  map),  139-149;  colo 
nial  indifference  to  French  occupation, 
142-143  ;  cession  of  French  posses 
sions  to  England  and  Spain,  150;  English 
portion  yielded  to  the  United  States,  234- 
235 ;  detachment  in  interest  from  the 
east,  307;  Burr's  conspiracy,  316-318; 
democratic  conditions  of  society,  363- 
364  ;  settlement  promoted  by  steam  nav 
igation,  364.  412,  609-610;  western 
Spanish  boundaries  defined,  369  ;  devel 
opment  (1820-1840),  411-412  ;  later  west 
ern  development,  609-611,  613. 

Missouri,  territorial  organization,  314  ;  pro 
posed  exclusion  of  slavery,  —  Compro 
mise,  —  admission  to  the  Union,  372- 
374;  invasions  of  Kansas,  463-464;  ad 
herence  to  the  Union  (1861),  495-496; 
Fremont  in  command,  502-503  ;  slavery 
abolished  by  State  action,  545  (foot-note). 

Missouri  Compromise,  372-374 ;  its  repeal, 
460-462  ;  declared  unconstitutional  by 
the  Dred  Scott  decision,  466-467. 

Mitchel,  Gen.  Ormsby  M.,  506-507. 

Mobile,  Farragut  in  the  harbor,  542  ;  Map 
XIII.  Di. 

Modocs,  war  with  the,  570;  Map  XI.  Aa. 

Mohawks.     See  Iroquois. 

Mohegans,  neutral  in  King  Philip's  War, 
94 ;  Map  V.  Ad. 

Molasses  Act,  162. 

Molino  del  Rey,  battle  of  (with  map),  441. 

Monetary  questions  and  measures,  "  conti 
nental  currency,"  218,  228,  253-254  ; 
first  United  States  Bank  charter,  276-278 ; 
dissolution  of  the  bank,  336-337  ;  bank  in 
flation,  —  "  wild-cat"  banks  (1811-21), 
—  second  bank  of  the  United  States,  367, 
368 ;  overthrow  of  the  bank  by  President 
Jackson,  395-396>  4°o-4°i»  404-405 ; 
"wild-cat"  banks  (1833-37)1  412-414, 
415-416;  President  Van  Buren's  "  inde 
pendent  treasury"  system,  417;  New 
York  banking  law  of  1838,  417-418; 
suspension  of  specie  payments,  1861, 
509-510;  Legal  Tender  Act,  1862,  510; 
national  bank  system,  532  ;  opposition 
to  resumption,  —  Greenback  party,  572- 
573  ;  the  Bland  Silver  Bill,  576-577 ; 
resumption  accomplished,  577  ;  the  Sher 
man  Act,  589-590  ;  crisis  consequent  on 
the  Sherman  Act,  — partial  repeal  of  the 
act,  591-592;  monetary  commission  to 
Europe,  595  ;  act  defining  the  standard 
"  dollar  "  in  gold,  596. 

Monitor  and  Merrimac,  battle  of  the  (with 
map),  508-509. 

Monitor  ironclads,  508-509,  512,  534. 

Monmouth  Court  House,  battle  of,  220; 
Map,  2ii  Fg. 

Monroe,  James,  minister  to  France,  291- 
292  ;  special  mission  to  France,  313 ; 
Secretary  of  State  and  Acting  Secretary 
of  War,  349;  elected  President,  354; 
the  "  era  of  good  feelings,"  366 ;  reelected 
without  opposition,  374-375;  message 
embodying  the  "  Monroe  Doctrine,"  so- 
called,  376-378. 


66 


INDEX. 


Monroe  Doctrine,  376-378. 

Monroe,  Fortress,  498,  511,  539,  546; 
Map  XII.  Fi,  and  p.  509. 

Montana,  partly  included  in  Nebraska  Ter 
ritory,  461 ;  admitted  to  the  Union,  588. 

Montcalm,  Marquis  de,  147-149. 

Monterey  (with  map),  440. 

Montgomery,  Ala.,  489. 

Montgomery,  Richard,  199. 

Montreal,  Map  V.  Ab  ;  first  settlement, 
117 ;  colonial  English  expeditions  against, 
124 ;  capture  by  General  Montgomery, 
202-203  ;  expedition  against  in  1813,  346. 

Monts,  Sieur  de,  25-26. 

Moore's  Creek,  battle  ot,  205;  Map,  p.  225, 
De. 

Morgan,  Abduction  of,  385. 

Morgan,  Gen.  Daniel,  202,  203,  215,  231. 

Mormons,  442~443»  45i>  468,  612. 

Merrill  tariff,  488. 

Morris,  Gouverneur,  254-255,  257. 

Morris,  Robert,  255,  257,  268. 

Morris  Island  (with  map),  534. 

Morristown  (with  map),  211-212. 

Morton,  Nathaniel,  115. 

Moultrie,  Col.  William,  208. 

Mound-builders,  17-18. 

Mount  Vernon,  home  of  Washington,  238  ; 
Map  XII.  De. 

"  Mugwumps,"  583. 

Murfreesboro,  531 ;  Map  XIII.  Ee. 

Muskingum  River,  Map,  p.  141,  Ed. 

Muskogean  tribes,  21 ;  Map  II.  Gc. 

Napoleon  Bonaparte,  in  Egypt  and  Syria, 
293 ;  sale  of  Louisiana  to  the  United 
States,  312-313;  war  with  England, — 
Berlin  and  Milan  decrees,  320-322  ;  trick 
ery  with  the  United  States,  333-335 ; 
downfall,  346-347. 

Napoleon  III.,  529,  567. 

Narragansett  Bay,  first  settlements  on 
(with  map),  44  ;  Map  V.  Bd. 

Narragansetts,  Map  V.  Bd ;  in  King  Phil 
ip's  War,  93. 

Narvaez,  expedition  of,  10. 

Nashville,  Map  XIII.  De ;  occupied  by 
General  Buell,  506 ;  defeat  of  Hood  by 
Thomas,  543. 

Nassau,  Fort,  on  the  Delaware,  Map, 
P-  47- 

Nassau,  Fort,  on  the  Hudson,  48. 

Nat  Turner  insurrection,  407. 

National  bank  system,  532. 

National  Republican  party,  formed  in  sup 
port  of  the  administration  of  John 
Quincy  Adams,  382-383 ;  defeated  in 
1828,  385-386  ;  and  in  1832,  400-401,  402  ; 
merged  in  Whig  party,  414. 

National  Silver  party,  595. 

Naumkeag,  39. 

Nauvoo,  443  ;  Map  XI.  Da. 

Navigation  acts,  English,  80,  111-112. 

Navy,  in  the  War  of  Independence,  226- 
227;  against  the  Barbary  pirates,  310- 
311,  318,  353;  in  the  War  of  1812,342- 
344,  348  ;  in  the  Civil  War,  504-506,  507, 
508-509,  512-513,  534,  542,  S5i- 


67 


Nebraska,  territorial  organization  by  Kan 
sas-Nebraska  Act,  repealing  the  Missouri 
Compromise,  460-462;  admitted  to  the 
Union,  564. 

Necessity,  Fort,  142  ;  Map  VI .  Ae. 

Netherlands,  brought  under  Spanish  rule, 
12;  revolt  and  independence,  13.  See 
also  Holland. 

Neutral  rights,  violation  of,  in  the  wars 
between  England  and  France,  286-287, 
318,  320-322. 

Neutrality,  British,  in  the  American  Civil 
War,  493-494. 

Nevada,  acquisition  by  the  United  States, 
442  ;  territorial  organization,  488  ;  admis 
sion  to  the  Union,  Appendix  B. 

New  Amsterdam.  See  New  York  City ; 
Map,  p.  47. 

New  Brunswick,  N.  J.,  212;  Map,  p.  211, 
Ef. 

New  England,  mapped,  named,  and  de 
scribed  by  Captain  John  Smith,  35 ; 
founding  of  first  colonies,  36-45 ;  de 
crease  of  Puritan  immigration,  46 ;  con 
federation  of  four  colonies,  46;  substan 
tial  independence,  50-52  ;  early  political 
and  social  development,  62-76;  local 
government,  — town-meetings,  70-72  ;  at 
titude  toward  the  restored  king,  Charles 
II.,  81-82;  visit  of  king's  commissioners, 
87-89 ;  under  the  rule  of  Andros,  101- 
102  ;  population,  industries,  and  trade  at 
the  end  of  the  i7th  century,  108-112; 
slavery  and  indentured  servitude  in  the 
colonies,  113-114;  education  and  litera 
ture,  114-116;  participation  and  suffering 
in  colonial  wars  with  the  French,  123- 
126;  capture  of  Louisbourg,  138-139; 
the  revolutionary  rising,  195-196;  forma 
tion  of  state  governments,  207  ;  strength 
of  Federalist  party,  309 ;  threatening  op 
position  to  the  Louisiana  Purchase,  313- 
315  ;  and  to  the  embargo  policy,  324-325  ; 
disaffection  in  the  War  of  18:2,  — the 
Hartford  Convention,  350-351  ;  opposed 
to  protective  tariff  in  1816,  355-,  divided 
on  tariff  of  1824,  376;  supports  tariff  of 
1828,  384. 

New  France,  25-28;  cessions  to  England 
and  Spain,  150. 

New  Hampshire,  early  settlements,  45  ; 
claimed  by  Captain  John  Mason,  46; 
claimed  by  Massachusetts,  89-90;  under 
Andros,  102 ;  population  and  condition 
in  1688,  108-116:  suffering  in  "Queen 
Anne's  War"  (with  map),  125;  state 
government  formed,  207. 

New  Hampshire  grants,  197-198,  279. 

New  Haven,  Conn.,  first  settlement,  42, 
43 ;  "  Fundamental  Agreement,"  67  ; 
joined  to  Connecticut  colony,  83  ;  Map 
V.  Ad. 

New  Hope  Church,  battle  of,  541;  Map 
XIII.  Ff. 

New  Jersey,  origin  and  name,  87  ;  sale  of 
West  Jersey  to  Quakers,  95-96 ;  sale  of 
East  Jersey  to  Penn  and  others,  96;  under 
Andros,  102;  population,  industries,  and 


INDEX. 


trade  at  end  of  ijth  century,  108-113; 
slavery  and  indentured  servitude,  113-114; 
becomes  a  royal  province,  121 ;  action 
upon  the  news  of  Lexington  and  Con 
cord,  196 ;  state  government  formed,  207  ; 
attitude  towards  Continental  Congress, 
255. 

New  Madrid,  507;  Map  XIII.  Cd. 

New  Mexico,  Map  II.  EC;  Coronado's 
expedition  to,  u  ;  claim  by  Texas,  437- 
438  ;  acquisition  by  the  United  States, 
439-442  ;  as  occupied  and  known  in  1849, 
Map  X. ;  the  question  of  excluding 
slavery,  —  the  "  Wilmot  Proviso,"  444- 
445  ;  purchase  of  Texas  claim,  and  terri 
torial  organization  with  no  reference  to 
slavery,  454. 

New  Netherland.     See  New  York. 

New  Orleans,  Map  IX.  Bf ;  cession  by 
France  to  Spain,  150  ;  privileges  conceded 
to  American  merchants,  290 ;  ceded  back 
to  France,  312;  sold  to  the  United 
States,  313;  discontent  of  people, — 
plotting  with  Burr,  316-318;  battle  (1815), 
352-353  ;  first  steamboat,  364  ;  seizure  of 
Federal  property,  —  General  Dix's  mes 
sage,  487-488  ;  capture  by  Farragut,  512. 

New  York  Central  Railway,  610. 

New  York  City,  founded  by  the  Dutch  and 
named  New  Amsterdam,  48;  taken  by 
the  English  and  re-named,  86-87  !  colonial 
Congress,  1690,  124 ;  Stamp  Act  Con 
gress,  165  ;  mobbing  of  Governor  Golden, 
166;  treatment  of  tea-ships,  174  ;  action 
upon  the  news  of  Lexington  and  Con 
cord,  196;  Washington  defending  the 
city,  206,  208 ;  taken  by  the  British,  208- 
209;  evacuation  by  the  British,  236, 
238 ;  progress  in  1800,  306 ;  effects  of 
the  Erie  Canal,  365  ;  draft  riot,  533-534  ; 
"  Tweed  Ring,"  571,  574  ;  early  railway 
connections,  610. 

New  York  Colony  and  State,  aboriginal 
inhabitants,  20;  Dutch  occupation  and 
early  settlement  (with  map),  46-48 ; 
ill-government,  48-49 ;  Dutch  patroon 
system,  75 ;  conquest  by  the  English, 
and  grant  to  the  Duke  of  York,  85- 
87;  loss  and  recovery  by  the  English, 
94 ;  under  Andros,  94-96  ;  Governor  Don- 
gan,  96  ;  first  representative  assembly,  96  ; 
united  with  New  England,  under  Andros, 
102;  population,  industries,  and  trade  at 
end  of  i;th  century,  108-113  ;  slavery  and 
indentured  servitude,  113-114;  education 
and  literature,  114-116;  the  revolution  of 
1688  and  Jacob  Leisler,  I2o-_i2i.°  quar 
rels  with  the  governor,  139 ;  indifference 
to  French  occupation  of  western  country, 
142  ;  resistance  to  Billeting  Act,  —  sus 
pension  of  assembly,  167  ;  social  state  at 
the  end  of  the  colonial  period,  188-189; 
strength  of  Tory  party,  189,  206  ;  gradual 
emancipation  of  slaves,  191-192;  state 
government  formed,  207  ;  Tory  and  In 
dian  raids  in  the  War  of  Independence, 
—  Sullivan's  expedition,  221-223;  ces 
sion  of  land  claims  to  the  Confederation, 


249-250;  struggle  over  the  ratification 
of  the  Federal  Constitution,  263  ;  claim 
to  Vermont,  279;  building  of  the  Erie 
Canal,  364-365  ;  political  factions,  "  Clin- 
tonians,"  "  Bucktails,"  and  Anti-Ma 
sons,  385-386;  "spoils  system,"  395; 
banking  law  of  1838,  417-418;  anti-rent 
disturbances,  430-431;  "Barnburner" 
and  "Hunker"  Democrats,  450-451; 
Seventh  Regiment  at  Washington  (1861), 
493- 

Newark,  N.  J.,  83  ;  Map  VI.  Dd. 

Newbern,  N.  C,  506;  Map,  p.  225,  Ed. 

Newburgh,  Newburgh  Address,  236-237 ; 
Map  VI.  Dd. 

Newfoundland,  Map  V.  Ha ;  ceded  by 
France  to  England,  126;  French  fishing 
rights,  150. 

Newport,  R.  I.,  Map  V.  Bd ;  first  settle 
ment,  44-45  ;  held  by  the  British, — at 
tacked  by  Americans  and  French,  221; 
French  fleet  blockaded  in  harbor,  229. 

Newspapers,  the  first  American,  130; 
others,  early,  137. 

Newtown,  Mass,  (afterward  Cambridge), 
41-42,  66  ;  Map,  p.  39. 

Newtown.  N.  Y.  (Elmira),  battle,  222; 
Map  VI.  Cc. 

Niagara,  Fort,  Map  VI.  Be,  and  p.  141  Fb  ; 
in  the  wars  with  the  French,  135,  145, 
146,  150  ;  in  the  War  of  Independence, 
222,  22 \\  in  the  War  of  1812,  346. 

Niagara  frontier  in  1812-14  (with  map),  p. 
34'- 

Nicaragua  canal  route,  603. 

Nicolet,  Jean,  117. 

Nicolls,  Col.  Richard,  governor  of  New 
York  and  commissioner  to  New  Eng 
land,  86-87. 

Niles,  Samuel,  191. 

Nipmucks,  93  ;  Map  V.  Bd. 

Nominating  conventions,  their  beginning, 
400-401  (foot-note). 

Non-importation  measures,  colonial,  170, 
172,  178;  in  Jefferson's  administration, 
323-326. 

Non-intercourse  Act,  325-326,  332-335. 

Norfolk,  Va.,  508,  509  (with  map),  512. 

North,  Lord  (Frederick,  Earl  of  Guilford), 
head  of  the  British  ministry,  168  ;  repeal 
of  the  Townshend  Acts,  170;  olive 
branch  offered  to  the  colonies,  178;  over 
tures  for  peace,  219-220 ;  resignation, 
233- 

North  Anna  River,  battle  of,  540 ;  Map 
XII.  Cg. 

North  Carolina,  early  settlements,  84-85 ; 
proprietary  government,  85;  population, 
industries,  and  trade  at  end  of  i7th  cen 
tury,  108-113,  123;  slavery  and  inden 
tured  servitude,  113-114;  Indian  War 
(1711-13),  130;  became  a  royal  province, 
133;  Scotch-Irish  settlements,  136;  the 
"  Regulators,"  171  ;  first  hostilities  with 
the  royal  government,  197;  battle  of 
Moore's  Creek,  —  resolution  for  independ 
ence,  205 ;  state  government  formed, 
207;  Greene's  campaign  against  Corn- 


68 


INDEX. 


wallis,  230-231  ;  cession  of  land  claims 
to  the  Confederation,  249-250;  tardy 
ratification  of  the  Federal  Constitution, 
264,  276  ;  session  declared,  494 :  eman 
cipation  proclaimed,  528  :  restored  to  the 
Union,  564-565. 

North  Dakota,  included  in  Nebraska  Ter 
ritory,  461 ;  in  Dakota  Terrritory,  488; 
admitted  to  the  Union,  588. 

Northmen,  discovery  of  America  by  the,  i. 

Northwest  passage,  search  for,  9-10. 

Northwestern  territory,  the  old,  claimed 
by  Virginia,  29-30,  140;  conquest  by 
Clark,  223-224;  yielded  to  the  United 
States  by  Great  Britain,  234 ;  cession  of 
state  claims,  249-250  ;  Ordinance  of 
1787,  264-265;  reenacted  in  1789,  271; 
population  in  1800,  307. 

Nova  Scotia,  Map  I'.  EC  ;  grant  to  Sieur 
de  Monts,  25  :  ceded  (as  Acadia)  by 
France  to  England,  126;  dispersion  of 
Acadian  French,  146-147. 

Nueces  River,  437,  438;  Map,  p.  440. 

Nullification,  the  doctrine  of,  first  formu 
lation,  294-295;  revived  in  South  Caro 
lina,  397-398  ;  nullifying  ordinance,  402- 
404. 

O' Conor,  Charles,  569. 

Ogdensburg,  343. 

Oglethorpe,  Gen.  James,  133-134. 

Ohio  Company  (of  1748),  139;  (of  1787), 
264-265. 

Ohio  River  and  Valley,  historical  influence, 
23-24  ;  English  neglect,  134-135  ;  French 
and  English  struggle  for  (with  mapl,  139- 
149;  colonial  indifference  to  French  oc 
cupation,  142-143 ;  cession  by  France  to 
England,  150;  settlement  prohibited  by 
George  III.,  163;  added  to  the  province 
of  Quebec,  175;  beginnings  of  settle 
ment,  136,  223  ;  yielded  by  England  to 
the  United  States,  234-235  ;  cession  of 
state  claims,  249-250  ;  importance  of  a 
right  to  navigation  of  the  Mississippi, 
250;  population  in  1800,  —  detachment 
in  interest  from  the  east,  307 ;  Burr's 
conspiracy,  316-318;  democratic  condi 
tions  of  society,  363-364 ;  settlement  pro 
moted  by  steam  navigation,  364,  412, 
609-610;  development  (1820-40),  411- 
412. 

Ohio,  the  State,  under  the  Ordinance  of 
1787,  264-265 ;  territorial  and  state  or 
ganization,  307. 

Oklahoma,  588. 

Oneidas.     See  Inoquois. 

Onondagas.     See  Iroquois. 

Orange,  Fort,  48;  Map,  p.  47. 

Orders  in  Council,  British,  320-322. 

Ordinance  of  1787,264-265;  reenacted  by 
Congress  in  1789,  271. 

Oregon,  Lewis  and  Clark's  exploration, 
319;  American  and  English  claims, — 
joint  occupancy  arranged  (1818),  370;  set 
tlement  of  the  boundary  dispute,  435- 
437;  as  occupied  and  known  in  1849, 
Map  X.  ;  territorial  organization,  exclud 


ing  slavery,  444-445  ;  admission  to  the 
Union,  470  (foot-note);  disputed  elec 
toral  returns,  1876,  574 

Orinoco  River,  6  ;  Map  II.  If. 

Oriskany,  battle  of,  214;  Map,  p.  145. 

Orleans,  territory  of,  314,  336. 

Ostend  manifesto,  460. 

Oswald,  Mr.,  233-234. 

Oswego,  135,  146,  147;  Map  VI.  Cc. 

Otis,  James,  161,  190. 

Pacific  Ocean,  discover}'  of,  9. 

Pacific  railways,  611. 

Pacific  slope  in  1849,  Map  X. 

Paducah,  502  ;  Map  XIII.  Cd,  and  p.  503. 

Paine,  Thomas,  190,  204,  210. 

Pakenham,  Gen.  Sir  Edward  M.,  353. 

Palatinate,  in  Maryland,  33,68;  in  the 
Carolinas,  84. 

Palmer,  John  M.,  594-595- 

Palo  Alto,  battle  of,  439  ;  Map,  p.  440. 

Panama,  Map  II.  Hf  ;  Congress  (1825), 
383  ;  Clayton-Bulwer  canal  treaty,  456- 
457  ;  Hay-Pauncefote  treaty,  —  Isthmian 
canal  act,  602-603. 

Pan-American  Exposition,  601. 

Panics,  financial.     See  Crises. 

Paper  money,  irredeemable,  "Continental 
currency,'1  218,  228;  after  the  War  of 
Independence,  253-254  ;  "  wild-cat  " 
banking,  367-368,  412-413;  legal  tender 
notes, —  "greenbacks,"  510,  532,  570- 
57.1,  572-573- 

Parishes,  71-72. 

Parkman,  Francis,  on  French  treatment  of 
the  Indians,  28. 

Parsons,  Gen.  Samuel,  264. 

Parties,  Political.1  See  Federalists  of  1787- 
88  ;  Federalist  party  ;  Anti-Federalist 
party;  Republican  party  (Democratic 
1793-1825);  National  Republican  party; 
Democratic  party ;  Anti-Masonic  party; 
Whig  party;  Liberty  party;  Free  Soil 
party;  Barnburner  and  Hunker  Demo 
crats;  Republican  party  (Anti-slavery); 
American  ("Know  Nothing  ")  party; 
Constitutional  Union  party ;  War  Demo 
crats  ;  Copperheads ;  Liberal  Republi 
cans  ;  Greenback  party  ;  Prohibition 
party ;  Independent  Republicans  ("  Mug 
wumps  v);  People's  (Populist)  party; 
National  Silver  party ;  Labor  parties. 
See  also  Appendix  C. 

Patriot  war,  Canadian,  418-419,  431. 

Patroon  system  in  New  Netherland,  74- 
75,  188,  430-431- 

Patterson,  Gen.  Robert,  501. 

Patuxent  River,  Map,  p.  349. 

Pauncefote,  Rt.  Hon.  Sir  Julian,  602. 

Pawnee  tribes,  21. 

Pea  Ridge,  battle  of,  507  ;  Map,  p.  503, 
Ab. 

Peace  conferences  in  the  Civil  War,  544, 
546. 

1  These  parties  are  named  in  the  chrono 
logical  order  of  their  appearance  in  Ameri 
can  politics. 


69 


INDEX. 


Peace  Convention,  1861,  488-489. 

Peace  treaty  with  Great  Britain  (.1783),  234- 
235;  (1814),  35I~352- 

Peaceable  coercion,  Jefferson's  theory  of, 
310;  its  trial,  323-325. 

Peach  Tree  Creek,  battle  of,  541;  Map 
XIII.  Ff. 

Peage  money,  51-52. 

Pearl  River,  Map  X!.  Eb. 

Pendleton,  Edmund,  176. 

Pendleton  Act,  582. 

Penhallow,  Samuel,  191. 

Peninsular  campaign,  McClellan's,  5  IT 
S'2.  S^-.SH- 

Penn,  William,  in  New  Jersey  affairs,  96; 
early  life  and  character,  96-97  ;  obtains 
grant  of  Pennsylvania,  97-98,  founding 
of  colony,  97-99;  "Frame  of  Govern 
ment,"  98 ;  temporarily  deprived  of  au 
thority,  121-122;  second  visit  to  his 
colony,  —  "  Charter  of  Privileges,"  122  ; 
death,  136. 

Pennsylvania,  Dutch  claims,  47-48; 
founded  by  William  Penn,  96-99 ; 
"Frame  of  Government,"  98-99,  100; 
population,  industries,  and  trade  at  end 
of  i7th  century,  108-113;  slavery  and 
indentured  servitude,  113-114;  education 
and  literature,  116;  Penn  temporarily 
deprived  of  authority,  121-122;  "Char 
ter  of  Privileges,"  122;  indifference  to 
French  encroachments  in  western  parts, 
142-143;  ending  of  slavery,  192;  state 
government  formed,  207 ;  Connecticut 
land  claims,  249-250;  whiskey  rebellion, 
288;  prosperity  in  1800,  306. 

Pensacola,  369,  487;  Map  XI.  Eb. 

People's  (Populist)  party,  590,  594. 

Pepperel,  Sir  William,  139. 

Pequots,  42-43  ;  Map  V.  Bd. 

Percy,  George,  116. 

Perdido  River,  Map  XI.  Eb. 

Perry,  Capt.  Oliver  H.,  344-345- 

Perry,  Commodore  Matthew  C.,  expedi 
tion  to  Japan,  457. 

Perryville,  battle  of,  528-529 ;  Map  XIII. 
EC. 

Petersburg,  Va  ,  Map  XII.  Ci,  and  p. 
225,  Ea  ;  military  operations  at,  541  ;  Con 
federate  evacuation,  547. 

Petition,  the  right  of,  struggle  in  Con 
gress  over,  408-410,  435. 

Philadelphia,  Map  VI\  Ce ;  founded,  99  ; 
rapid  growth,  122;  arrival  of  Benjamin 
Franklin,  137;  treatment  of  tea-ships, 
174,  first  Continental  Congress,  175- 
176;  action  upon  the  news  of  Lexington 
and  Concord,  196;  second  Continental 
Congress,  198-200;  occupied  by  the 
British,  216;  evacuated  by  the  British, 
220;  flight  of  Congress  to  Princeton, 
237;  prosperity  in  1800,  306;  Centennial 
Exposition,  573. 

Philippi,  battle  of,  500;  Map,  p.  499,  Da. 

Philippine  Islands,  Map  XVI.  Ab,  Ac; 
discovery  by  Magellan,  9;  naval  and 
military  operations,  1898,  — acquisition 
from  Spain,  597-599;  suppression  of  na 


tive  revolt,  — establishment  of  civil  gov 
ernment,  599-600. 

Phips,  Sir  William,  124. 

Physical  features  of  North  America,  22-24. 

Pickens,  Andrew,  227. 

Pickens,  Fort,  487  ;  Map  XIII.  Di. 

Pierce,  Franklin,  election  and  administra 
tion,  458-465. 

Pilgrim  fathers  of  New  England,  36-37. 

Pillow,  Fort,  513  ;  Map  XIII.  Be. 

Pirickney,  Charles  C.,  292. 

Pineda,  Alvarez  de,  9. 

Pine-tree  shillings,  52. 

Pinkney,  Thomas,  291. 

Pitt,  Fort  (Fort  Duquesne, —  Pittsburg), 
Map  VI.  Ad. 

Pitt,  William,  the  elder.  Earl  of  Chatham, 
his  conduct  of  the  war  with  France,  148  ; 
resignation  of  prime  ministry,  160 ;  oppo 
sition  to  the  Stamp  Act,  166;  nominal 
premiership,  —  accepts  peerage,  167;  op 
position  to  king's  colonial  policy,  178; 
tribute  to  the  Continental  Congress,  190 ; 
opposition  to  American  independence,  — 
death,  219-220. 

Pittsburg,  Map  XI.  Fa;  English  and 
French  fort  building,  141  ;  the  French 
Fort  Duquesne,  145  ;  expulsion  of 
French,  147;  named  Fort  Pitt,  —  Indian 
siege  in  Pontiac's  War,  151 ;  first  steam 
boat  (1811),  364. 

Pittsburg  Landing,  506;  Map  XI II.  Co. 

Plattsburg,  battles  at,  348. 

Plymouth  Colony,  founded  by  the  May 
flower  Pilgrims,  36-37 ;  population  in 
1640,  46;  a  self-constituted  republic,  64- 
65,  69;  under  Andros,  102;  population, 
etc.,  1688,  108-116;  annexed  to  Massa 
chusetts,  120. 

Plymouth  Company,  grant  to,  29 ;  failure 
of  Popham  colony,  30 ;  reorganized  as 
The  Council  for  New  England,  37. 

Point  Pleasant,  battle  of,  172 ;  Map,  p. 
141. 

Pokanokets.     See  Wampanoags. 

Polk,  James  K.,  elected  President,  433- 
434;  programme  of  his  administration, 
435,  444  ;  war  with  Mexico,  437. 

Ponce  de  Leon,  Juan,  9. 

Pontiac's  War,  151. 

Pope,  Gen.  John,  capture  of  New  Madrid 
and  Island  No.  10,  507  ;  command  of  the 
Army  of  Virginia,  514;  defeat  by  Lee, 
527. 

Popham  colony,  30  ;  Map  V.  Cc. 

Popular  sovereignty,  the  doctrine  of,  461, 
467,  471.  . 

Population,  of  colonies  (1688),  108-109; 
('775).  1 86  ;  of  United  States  (1790),  276  ; 
(1800),  306-307;  (1820-1840),  411-412; 
(1860),  496;  epochs  of  movement,  609- 
61 1,  612-613. 

Populist  party.     See  People's  party. 

Port  Bill,  Boston,  174. 

Port  Hudson,  533  ;  Map  XIII.  Ai. 

Port  Royal,  N.  S.,  25;  Map  V.  EC. 

Port  Royal,  S.  C  ,  506;  Map,  p.  505. 

Porter,  Admiral  David  D.,  533,  544. 


INDEX. 


Porter,  Gen.  Fitz  John,  514. 

Porto  Rico,  Map  XVI.  He  ;  acquisition 
from  Spain,  598-599 ;  civil  government 
established,  600. 

Portsmouth,  R.  I.,  45;  Map,  p.  44. 

Portugal,  early  enterprise  in  maritime  ex 
ploration,  3  ;  first  voyage  round  Africa, 
to  India,  7  ;  progress  blighted  by  Spanish 
rule,  12-13. 

Pory,  John,  116. 

Postal  system,  early  colonial,  130. 

Pottawotomie  Creek,  464  ;  Map  XI  lr.  He. 

Prescott,  Col.  William,  200. 

Presidency,  Act  to  prevent  a  vacancy  in 
the,  585.  ' 

Presidential  Elections,  Appendix  C. 

Presque  Isle,  140,  150,  344;  Map  VI.  Ac, 
and  p.  141,  Fc. 

Press,  the.  See  Printing  and  Newspa 
pers. 

Pretender,  the,  130. 

Prince,  Thomas,  191. 

Princeton,  battle  of  (with  map),  2ii-2i». 

Pring,  Martin,  28. 

Printing,  the  first  process  in  the  colonies, 
116. 

Privateers,  American,  in  the  War  of  1812, 
342,  344,  352  ;  Confederate,  1861-65,  493- 
494« 

Progress  and  Change,  Epochs  of,  609-623. 

Prohibition  party,  581,  595. 

Proprietary  provinces  :  Maryland,  69  ;  the 
Carolinas,  84  ;  New  York/86 ;  New  Jer 
sey,  87;  Pennsylvania,  96-98;  changed 
to  royal  provinces :  New  York  (by  Duke 
of  York  becoming  king),  101 ;  Pennsyl 
vania  (temporarily),  121;  New  Jersey, 
121 ;  Maryland  (temporarily),  122-123; 
the  Carolinas,  133. 

Protective  policy,  industrial,  applied  by 
England  to  the  colonies,  128,  132-133; 
state  protective  tariffs  under  the  Articles 
of  Confederation,  253;  first  national 
tariff,  272;  Hamilton's  proposals,  280; 
tariff  of  1816,  354-355  :  tariff  of  1824, — 
Clay's  American  system,  375-3?6  \  reac 
tion  against  the  protective  policy  in  the 
south,  382;  upheld  by  the  National  Re 
publican  party,  382-383  ;  Massachusetts 
accepts  protective  policy,  —  the  "  tariff  of 
abominations"  (1828),  384;  doctrine  fa 
vored  by  President  Jackson,  397  ;  nulli 
fication  of  tariff  laws  proposed  in  South 
Carolina,  397-398  ;  tariff  act  of  1832,  401 ; 
nullifying  ordinance  of  South  Carolina,  — 
the  ''compromise  tariff"  of  1832,  402- 
404:  tariff  of  1842,  430;  Walker  tariff, 
1846,  444 ;  reciprocity  treaty  with  Canada, 
460;  Morrill  tariff,  i.%o,  488;  Civil  War 
tariffs,  500,  510;  tariff  message  of  Presi 
dent  Cleveland,  1887,  — the  Mills  Bill, 
586;  the  McKinley  tariff,  588-589;  the 
Wilson  tariff,  593  ;  the  Dingley  tariff,  595 ; 
stimulation  of  manufactures  in  recent 
years,  613-615. 

Providence,  R.  I.,  Map  V.  Bd  ;  the 
founding,  43-44 ;  colony  established  by 
royal  patent,  45  ;  organization,  67-68 ; 


religious  liberty  established,  68 ;  char 
tered  with  Rhode  Island,  83-84.  See 
Rhode  Island. 

Puebla,  Mexico,  Map,  p.  441. 

Pueblo  tribes,  irrigation  by,  612. 

Pueblos  of  the  Zunis,  11,  19. 

Pulaski,  Count  Casimir,  225. 

Pulaski,  Fort,  506. 

Puritanism  liberalized,  366. 

Puritans,  origin,  14 ;  struggle  in  England 
with  King  Charles  I.,  38;  extensive  emi 
gration  to  New  England,  38-40  ;  religious 
exclusiveness  in  Massachusetts,  41  ;  de 
crease  of  immigration  to  New  England, 
46 ;  expulsion  frcm  Virginia  and  settle 
ment  in  Maryland,  73  ;  conduct  in  Mary 
land,  54. 

Putnam,  Gen.  Israel,  196,  199. 

Putnam,  Gen.  Rufus,  264. 

"  Quaker  guns,"  508. 

Quakers  (Friends),  persecution  in  Massa 
chusetts,  52-53:  purchase  of  West  Jer 
sey,  95-96 ;  William  Penn  and  Pennsyl 
vania,  96-99;  early  opposition  to  slavery, 
114,  192;  and  to  military  expenditure, 
142  ;  memorials  against  slavery,  275. 

Quebec,  Map  V.  Bb ;  city  founded  by 
Champlain,  26;  colonial  English  expe 
dition  against,  124 ;  capture  by  Wolfe 
(with  plan),  148-149  ;  name  given  to  east 
ern  Canada,  and  English  government 
organized,  163 ;  enlargement  of  the  pro 
vince,  —  the  Quebec  Act,  175  ;  addressed 
by  the  Continental  Congress,  177 ;  un 
successful  attack  on  the  city  by  Arnold 
and  Montgomery,  202-203. 

"Queen  Anne's  War"  (with  map),  124- 
126. 

Queenston  Heights,  battle  of  (with  map), 
34I-342- 

Quincy,  Josiah,  336. 

Railways,  beginnings,  412 ;  development 
in  the  middle  of  the  century,  456 ;  ex 
cessive  building,  1868-73,  571 !  In 
ter-State  Commerce  Commission,  586; 
epochs  of  the  railway  in  the  development 
of  the  country,  610-611,  6^3. 

Raisin  River,  battle  of,  343  ;  Map.  p.  345. 

Raleigh,  Sir  Walter,  ic. 

Rambouillet,  decree  of,  334. 

Randolph,  Edmund,  100. 

Randolph,  John,  330,  339. 

Randolph,  Peyton,  176,  190,  198,  257. 

Rapidan  River,  Map  XII.  Bf. 

Reciprocity  treaty  with  Canada,  460. 

Reconstruction,  President  Lincoln's  plan, 
536-539  i  Jast  statement  of  his  views,  547- 
548;  President  Johnson's  measures,  561- 
562;  Congressional  action,  — military 
reconstruction  act,  562-565  ;  working  of 
the  measures  of  Congress,  565-566,  568 ; 
withdrawal  of  Federal  forces  by  Presi 
dent  Hayes,  575-576. 

Redemptioners,  76. 

Red  River,  369  ;  Map  XI.  Db. 

Reeder,  Andrew  H.,  464. 


INDEX. 


Regicides,  83. 

Regulators,  the  Carolina,  171. 

Religious  Liberty.     See  Liberty,  religious. 

Removals  from  office.  See  Spoils  System, 
and  Civil  Service  Reform. 

Representation,  taxation  without.  See 
Taxation. 

Representation,  virtual,  the  theory  of,  164. 

Representative  government,  established  in 
Maryland,  34,  68 ;  in  Virginia,  62  ;  in 
Plymouth  Colony,  65  ;  in  Massachusetts 
Bay  Colony,  66  ;  English  origin  in  all  the 
colonies,  69-70;  older  Germanic  origin, 
78  ;  in  New  Jersey,  87 ;  in  New  York, 
96  ;  in  Pennsylvania,  97-99  ;  in  the  Union, 
259-261. 

Representatives,  House  of,  proportionate 
representation  and  slave  representation, 
260-261  ;  loss  of  ground  by  slaveholding 
States,  371. 

Republican  party  (Anti-Slavery),  its  rise, 
462  ;  election  of  Speaker  Banks,  464 ; 
nomination  of  Fremont  for  President, 
465-^66 ;  conviction  and  purpose  stated 
by  Lincoln  and  Seward,  472-473  ;  election 
of  Abraham  Lincoln,  President,  475- 
476;  in  control  of  Congress,  488;  re 
election  of  Lincoln,  543-544 ;  rupture 
with  President  Johnson,  565-566 ;  elec 
tion  of  Grant,  568 ;  reelection  of  Grant, 
568-569 ;  election  of  Hayes,  574-575 ; 
election  of  Garfield,  581 ;  defeat  in  1884, 
583  ;  election  of  Harrison,  587-588  ;  de 
feat  in  1892,  590;  election  of  McKinley, 
594-595  ;  reelection  of  McKinley,  601. 

Republican  party  (Democratic,  1793-1825), 
name  assumed  by  the  Anti-Federalists, 
286:  nullifying  doctrines  in  Kentucky 
and  Virginia  resolutions,  294-295;  elec 
tion  of  Jefferson,  President,  296;  incon 
sistency  on  the  Louisiana  question,  313- 
314  ;  unopposed  in  the  period  of  Monroe, 
366,  374-375  !  beginning  of  division,  379 ; 
division  complete,  forming  the  Demo 
cratic  party  and  the  National  Republican 
party,  382-383. 

Resaca  de  la  Palma,  battle  of,  439 ;  Map, 
p.  440. 

Resumption  *>f  specie  payments.  See 
Specie  payments. 

Revere,  Paul,  194. 

Revolution,  the  American,  194-234. 

Revolution,  the  English,  of  1642-49,  49- 
50,  80-81  ;  of  1688,  102,  108. 

Revolution,  the  French,  284-285. 

Rhett,  R.  Barnwell,  445,  451. 

Rhode  Island,  Map  V.  Bd. ;  first  settle 
ments  and  naming  (with  map),  43-45  ; 
self-organization  of  government,  67-68, 
69;  royal  charters  obtained,  83-84  ;  under 
Andros,  102  ;  population,  industries,  and 
trade  at  the  end  of  i7th  century,  108-113  ; 
slavery  and  bond  service,  113-114;  edu 
cation  and  literature,  114-116;  engage 
ment  in  the  slave  trade,  193 ;  declares 
for  independence,  205-206  ;  state  govern 
ment  formed,  207  ;  recall  of  delegates 
from  the  Continental  Congress,  255  ;  re 


fusal  to  send  delegates  to  the  Federal  Con 
stitutional  Convention,  258  ;  tardy  ratifi 
cation  of  the  Constitution,  264,  276; 
Dorr  rebellion,  430. 

Rich  Mountain,  battle  of,  500  ;  MaJ,  p.  499, 
Db. 

Richmond,  Dean,  450. 

Richmond,  Va.,  Map  XII.  Ch  ;  capital 
of  the  southern  Confederacy,  511  ;  pe 
ninsular  campaign  against,  511-512,  513- 
514;  Grant's  campaign  against,  539-540, 
541  ;  Confederate  evacuation,  —  destruc 
tive  fire,  —  visited  by  President  Lincoln, 

Rio  Grande  River,  371  ;  Maf*XI.  €c. 

Roanoke  Island,  15,  506  ;  Map  II.  He, 
and  p.  505. 

Rochambeau,  Count  de,  228-229. 

Rockingham,  Marquis  of,  166,  233. 

Roman  Catholic  Church,  French  missions 
to  the  Indians,  28;  refuge  in  Maryland 
from  English  persecution,  33-34;  experi 
ence  in  Maryland,  53-54,  122-123. 

Roosevelt,  Theodore,  on  Commodore 
Macdonough,  348  ;  Vice-  President,  be 
comes  President,  602  ;  action  relative  to 
coal  strike,  618. 


Rosecrans,  Gen.  William  S.,  commanding 
in  West  Virginia,  503  ;  in  command  of 
the  Army  of  the  Cumberland,  530-531, 


535;  succeeded  by  Thomas,  536. 

Rotation  in  office,  395. 

Royal  provinces,  or  Crown  colonies,  Vir 
ginia  subjected  to  the  direct  authority  of 
the  king,  33  ;  the  proprietor  of  New  York 
becomes  king,  101;  Massachusetts  loses 
its  charter  and  becomes  a  royal  province, 
100-102,  119-120;  New  Jersey,  121; 
Pennsylvania  (temporarily),  121  ;  Mary 
land  (temporarily),  122-123;  the  Caroli- 
nas,  133;  Georgia,  134- 

Rumsey,  James,  308. 

Rush,  Richard,  385. 

Russell.  Jonathan,  351. 

Russia,  settlement  of  American  boundary, 
436  ;  sale  of  Alaska,  567. 

Rutledge,  Edward,  176. 

Rutledge,  John,  176,  217,  258. 

Ryswick,  Treaty  of,  124. 

Sabine  River,  369  ;  Map  XI.  Db. 

Sackett's  Harbor,  346  ;   Map  IX.  EC. 

Saco,  Me.,  125;  Map  lr.  Be. 

Sacramento,  443  ;  Map  XI.  Ab. 

Sacs  and  Foxes,  397  ;  Map,  p.  141. 

St.  Clair,  Gen.  Arthur,  265,  281. 

St.  Lawrence  Gulf  and  River,  discovery  by 

Cartier,  10  ;  Map  II. 
St.  Lawrence  river  and  lake  system,  Map 

I.  ;  historical   influence,  23  ;   French  ex 

ploration  and  occupation,    116-318,  140; 

English    conquest,     140-150.      See    also 

Lakes,  Basin  of  the  Great. 
St.  Leger,  Col.  Barry,  214. 
St.  Louis,  Map  XIII.    Be  ;    Secessionists 

baffled  (1861),  495-496;  labor  riots,  587. 
St.  Marks,  369;  Map  XI.  Eb. 
St.  Mary's,  Md.,  34;  Map  VII.  Db. 


INDEX. 


Salem,  Mass.,  Map  V.  Bd ;  the  found 
ing.  39  »  witchcraft  madness,  129. 

Samoset,  37. 

Sampson,  Admiral  William  T.,  598. 

San  Antonio,  battle  of  (with  map),  441. 

Sandusky,  O. ;  Map,  p.  345. 

Sandys,  Sir  Edwin,  62. 

Sandys,  George,  116. 

Sanitary  Commission,  United  States,  560. 

San  Jacinto,  battle  of,  411  ;  Map  XI.  DC. 

San  Juan  Hill,  battle  of  (with  map),  597- 
598. 

Santa  Anna,  410-411,  440-441. 

Santa  F£,  440. 

Santiago  de  Cuba,  military  and  naval  'op 
erations  at  (with  map),  597-598. 

Saratoga,  139,  215;  Map  VI.  DC,  and  p. 
213. 

Savage  Station,  battle  of,  514;  Map  XII. 
Dh. 

Savannah,  Map  VII  Be,  and  p.  225,  Ah; 
founded,  134;  taken  by  the  British,— 
unsuccessful  American  siege,  224;  re 
duction  of  Fort  Pulaski  in  the  Civil 
War,  506  ;  reached  by  General  Sherman, 

Savannah  River,  u  ;  Map  II.  Gc. 

Say  and  Sele,  Lord,  42. 

Saybrook,  42 ;  Map  V.  Ad. 

"Scalawags,"  565. 

Schenectady,  124  ;    Mat>   VI.  DC,  and  p. 

Schley,  Admiral  Winfield  S.,  598. 

Schofield,  Gen.  John  M.,  543. 

Schools.     See  Education. 

Schurz,  Carl,  on  Lincoln's  second  inaugu 
ral,  546. 

Schuyler,  Gen.  Philip,  199,  215. 

Scientific  discovery,  615 

Scotch-Irish,  the,  135-136,  230,  495. 

Scott,  Gen.  Winfield,  in  battle  of  Queens- 
ton  Heights,  342 ;  at  Lundy's  Lane, 
347;  in  the  Mexican  War,  440-442; 
nominated  for  President  and  defeated 
(1852),  458-459  ;  retirement  from  general 
command  of  the  army,  503. 

Scrooby  Independents,  36. 

Seal-fishery  dispute,  584-585. 

Search  and  impressment,  British,  287-288, 
289,  318,  322-323;  cause  of  war,  340; 
unmentioned  in  treaty  of  peace,  352. 

Secession,  threats  and  suspected  inten 
tions  of  New  England  Federalists,  in 
1803-4,  3H,  3i5-3!6;  in  1811,  336;  in 
1812-15,  350-351;  threats  from  the 
slaveholding  interest,  in  1820,  372-374; 
in  1832,  402  ;  in  1850,  452-454 ;  in  1856, 
466;  in  1860,  474;  declared  secession 
of  seven  States,  December,  i86o-Feb- 
ruary,  1861,  484-486;  further  secession 
movement  in  four  States,  April-May, 
1 86 1,  494-495. 

Second  war  with  England,  339-353. 

Secret  societies,  disloyal,  553. 

Sectionalism,  the  northern  and  southern 
division,  —  slavery  and  other  causes, 
309;  effects  of  sectional  differences  in 
interest,  323,  338;  even  balance  in  num 


her  of  free  and  slave  States,  371.  See 
Slavery. 

Sedition  Act,  293-294. 

Seminole  Indian  wars,  368-369,  396-397 ; 
Map  XI.  EC. 

Senate,  state  representation  in  the,  259- 
260 ;  balance  maintained  between  free 
and  slave  States,  371. 

Senecas,  Map  VI.  Be.     See  Iroquois. 

Separatists.     See  Independents. 

Seven  cities  of  Cibola,  n. 

Seven  Days'  battles,  514. 

Seven  Pines,  battle  of,  513  ;  Map  XII. 
Dh. 

Seven  Years'  War,  146-150. 

Seward,  William  H.,  opposes  the  Com 
promise  of  1850,  453 ;  allusion  to  a 
"higher  law,"  455  ;  enters  the  Republi 
can  party,  463  ;  statement  of  the  "  irre 
pressible  conflict,"  472-473  ;  Secretary  of 
State  under  President  Lincoln,  490 ;  ad 
vice  concerning  emancipation  proclama 
tion,  527 ;  at  peace  conference  with  Vice- 
President  Stephens,  546;  attempt  to  mur 
der,  549-550;  purchase  of  Alaska,  567. 

Seymour,  Horatio,  568. 

Shackamaxon,  99. 

Shafter,  Gen.  William  R.,  597-598. 

Shaw,  Col.  Robert  G-,  534. 

Shelburne,  Earl  of,  233-234. 

Shenandoah  Valley,  135,  501,  512,  541-542; 
Map  XII.  Bd. 

Sheridan,  Gen.  Philip  H.,  in  battle  of 
Stone  River,  531 ;  commanding  cavalry 
of  the  Army  of  the  Potomac,  539 ;  cam 
paign  in  the  Shenandoah,  541-542;  at 
Five  Forks,  547. 

Sherman,  John,  577. 

Sherman,  Roger,  176. 

Sherman,  Gen.  William  T.,  in  operations 
against  Vicksburg,  531,  533;  command 
ing  the  Army  of  the  Tennessee, — at 
Chattanooga,  536;  succeeds  Grant  in 
general  western  command,  —  plan  of 
campaign, — forces,  539-540;  movement 
on  Atlanta,  540-541;  march  to  the  sea 
(with  map),  542-543;  northward  move 
ment  from  Savannah  (with  map),  544- 
545  ;  great  review  of  army,  551. 

Sherman  Act,  589-590,  591-592. 

Shiloh,  battle  of,  506,  513,  Map  XIII.  Cf. 

Shipping,  American  early,  109-113. 

Shires,  71. 

Shirley,  Governor  William,  145,  146. 

Shoshonean  tribes,  2 1 ;  Map  II.  DC. 

Sigel,  Gen.  Franz,  502,  539,  54' • 

Silver  question,  its  opening, — the  Bland 
Act,  576-577  ;  the  Sherman  Act,  589-590; 
monetary  crisis  produced  by  the  Sherman 
Act,  591-592;  partial  repeal  of  Sherman 
Act,  592;  the  silver  question  in  the  elec 
tion  of  1896,  594-595;  monetary  commis 
sion  to  Europe,  595;  the  standard  "dol 
lar"  defined  finally  in  gold,  596 ;  silver 
question  in  the  election  of  1900,  601. 

Sioux,  —  Siouan  tribes,  21,  570;  Map  II. 
Fb,  and  XI.  Ca. 

Sitting  Bull,  570. 


73 


INDEX. 


Six  Nations,  the,  130.     See  Iroquois. 

Slavery,  physical  influences  favoring,  24; 
beginnings  in  the  colonies,  75;  estab 
lished  in  the  Carolinas,  85  ;  as  existing 
in  the  colonies  at  end  of  ijth  century, 
113-114;  forced  by  English  interests, 
113;  early  Quaker  opposition,  114;  fu 
tile  prohibition  in  Georgia,  134;  class 
distinctions  caused  by,  188  ;  in  the  States 
when  they  became  independent,  191-  ' 
192  ;  fostered  in  the  colonies  and  forced 
on  them  by  the  English  government, 
192-193  ;  the  slave  trade  of  England  and 
New  England,  192-193  ;  compromises  of 
the  Constitution  on  slavery  questions, 
260-262;  exclusion  from  the  Northwest 
Territory  by  ordinance  of  1787,  264-265; 
proposal  to  tax  importation  of  slaves, 
272  ;  action  of  Congress  on  first  abolition 
memorials,  275-276 ;  slaves  north  and 
south  in  1800,  306  ;  effects  of  the  cotton- 
gin,  308-309;  abolition  of  the  African 
slave  trade,  320 ;  opening  of  the  question 
of  slavery  extension  in  the  Territories, 
371-372;  the  Missouri  Compromise,  372- 
374 ;  cause  of  reaction  in  the  south  to 
ward  extreme  doctrines  of  State  Rights 
and  strict  constructions  of  the  Constitu 
tion,  381-382  ;  beginning  of  aggressive 
anti-slavery  agitation,  — the  abolitionists, 
405-406;  alarm  and  anger  in  the  south, 
—  differing  effects  in  the  north,  406-407  ; 
suppression  in  Congress  of  the  right  of 
petition,  —  attempts  to  exclude  anti- 
slavery  literature  from  the  mails,  408- 
410  ;  Calhoun  as  the  leader  of  agitation, 
410;  slavery  carried  into  Texas,  —  the 
Texas  question  opened,  410-411  ;  expan 
sion  of  slavery  by  annexation  of  Texas, 
'  '  '  -r-etition  established, 
question  of 

/ery  in  the  lerntones  by  the  con 
quests  from  Mexico  and  the  Oregon 
treaty,  —  the  "  Wilmot  Proviso,"  444- 
445  ;  new  theory  of  slaveholding  rights, 
445-446  ;  the  question  in  the  election  of 
1848,  450-451  ;  pro-slavery  and  anti- 
slavery  demands,  and  the  Compromise 
of  1850,  451-454;  the  Fugitive  Slave 
Law,  454-456;  "personal  liberty  laws  '' 
and  the  "  Underground  Railway,''  455- 
456;  anti-slavery  apathy  in  1852,  458- 
459;  repeal  of  the  Missouri  Compromise 
by  the  Kansas-Nebraska  act,  460-462 ; 
rise  of  the  Republican  party,  462 ;  the 
strife  for  Kansas,  463-464;  Dred  Scott 
decision,  466-467  ;  the  Lecompton  fraud 
in  Kansas  and  its  defeat,  468-470;  Lin 
coln  and  Douglas  debate,  470-471 ;  fur 
ther  claim  of  a  slaveholding  right  to  pro 
tection  in  the  Territories,  472 ;  Lincoln 
and  Seward's  statements  of  the  issue  con 
cerning  slavery,  —  purpose  of  the  Repub 
lican  party,  472-473 ;  John  Brown's 
attempt  at  Harper's  Ferry,  473-474 ; 
election  of  Abraham  Lincoln,  475-476 ; 
slavery  a  source  of  military  strength  in 
the  Civil  War,  498 ;  slaves  declared  con- 


sion  01  slavery  uy  eumcxaui 
431-434;  the  right  of  petitioi 
435;  intensifying  of  the 
slavery  in  the  Territories 


traband  of  war,  498-499 ;  act  to  confis 
cate  property  for  insurrectionary  purposes, 
500 ;  Fremont's  proclamation  of  emanci 
pation,  502-503  ;  compensated  emanci 
pation  offered  and  urged,  510;  rendition 
of  fugitive  slaves  by  the  army  forbidden, 
—  compensated  emancipation  in  the  Dis 
trict  of  Columbia,  511;  principles  that 
governed  President  Lincoln's  dealing 
with  slavery,  525-526  ;  his  proclamation 
of  emancipation  prepared,  526-527; 
emancipation  proclaimed,  528 ;  slavery 
prohibited  by  the  Thirteenth  Amend 
ment,  545  ;  abolished  by  state  action  in 
Maryland,  Missouri,  Arkansas,  Louisi 
ana,  and  Tennessee,  545  (footnote). 

Slemmer,  Lieut.,  487. 

Sloat,  Commodore  John  D.,  440. 

Sloughter,  Col.,  120. 

Smith,  Caleb  B.,  490. 

Smith,  Capt.  John,  in  Virginia,  30-31; 
naming  and  describing  of  New  England, 
35;  writings,  116;  Map  of  New  England, 
Map  III. 


Smith,  Joseph,  443. 

,  William,  116,  191. 


Smith, 


Social  development,  early  colonial,  73-- 
76;  later  colonial,  188-189;  a^er  the 
second  war  with  England,  362-364 ;  since 
the  Civil  War,  617-619. 

Sonora,  19  ;  Map  II.  DC. 

Sons  of  Liberty,  165-166. 

Soto,  Fernando  de,  expedition  of,  n. 

Soule,  Pierre,  460. 

South  America,  discovery  by  Columbus, 
6;  Spanish  American  revolutions,  335, 
376-377. 

South  Carolina,  early  settlements,  84-85  ; 
proprietary  government,  85  ;  population, 
industries,  and  trade  at  end  of  i7th  cen 
tury,  108-113,  123;  slavery  and  inden 
tured  servitude,  113-114;  rice  cultivation, 
129  ;  proprietary  government  overthrown, 
—  becomes  a  royal  province,  133  ;  Scotch- 
Irish  settlements,  136  ;  social  state  at  the 
end  of  the  colonial  period,  188  ;  first  hos 
tilities  with  the  royal  government,  197  ; 
organization  of  a  state  government,  205 ; 
state  government  formed,  207  ;  subjuga 
tion  by  British  forces,  224-226,  227 ;  de 
liverance  by  Greene,  231-232;  cession  of 
land  claims  td  the  Confederation,  249- 
250;  nullification  movement,  1828-32, 
397-399,401,402,  404;  ordinance  of  se 
cession,  1860,  484,  486;  emancipation 
proclaimed,  528;  restored  to  the  Union, 
564-565  ;  disputed  electoral  returns,  1876, 
574  ;  withdrawal  of  Federal  military  au 
thority,  575. 

South  Dakota,  included  in  Nebraska  Ter 
ritory,  461 ;  in  Dakota  Territory,  488 ; 
admitted  to  the  Union,  588. 

South  Mountain,  battle  of,  528;  Map  XII. 
Cc. 

"  South  Sea,''  early  notion  of  the,  9-10. 

Spain,  claim  to  countries  discovered  by 
Columbus,  5  ;  papal  grant,  5  ;  explora 
tions  and  conquests  in  America,  9-11; 


74 


INDEX. 


decay  of  the  nation,  12-13;  war  with, 
England,  1739,  137-139 ;  acquisition  of 
Louisiana  and  New  Orleans  from  France, 
and  cession  of  Florida  to  England,  150; 
alliance  with  France  against  England, 
219 ;  treaty  with  United  States,  freeing 
the  navigation  of  the  Mississippi,  290; 
cession  of  Louisiana  to  France,  312  ;  re 
volutions  in  American  colonies,  —  Ameri 
can  occupation  of  West  Florida,  335,  336; 
sale  of  Florida  to  the  United  States,  and 
definition  of  western  boundaries,  369 ;  re 
volution  in  Spain  and  in  Spanish- Ameri 
can  provinces  (1820-23),  376 !  revolt  in 
Cuba,  — war  with  the  United  States,  596- 
•  599  ;  cession  of  territory,  599. 

Spanish-American  War,  596-599. 

Specie  circular,  President  Jackson's,  413- 
414,  416. 

Specie  payments,  suspended,  1837,  4'6; 
resumed,  1838,  418;  suspended,  1861, 
509-510;  preparation  to  resume,  572  ;  op 
position  to  resumption,  573  ;  resumption 
accomplished,  577. 

"Spoils  System,"  origin  in  state  politics, 
—  introduction  in  the  national  public 
service,  394-395 ;  vices  intensified,  570- 
571 ;  beginning  of  reform,  571-572  ;  cause 
of  the  murder  of  President  Garfield,  582 ; 
checked  by  President  Cleveland,  583. 

Spotswood,  Alexander,  134-135. 

Spottsylvania  Court  House,  battle  of,  540; 
Map  XII.  Cf., 

Springfield,  Mass.,  46;  Map  V.  Ad. 

"  Squatter  sovereignty,"  461,  467,  471. 

"  Stalwarts,''  581. 

Stamp  Act,  164-167. 

Standard  of  value,  the  question,  576-577, 
589. 

Stanton,  Edwin  M.,  487,  490,  566. 

Stanwix,  Fort,  214;  Map,  p.  145. 

Star  of  the  West  fired  on  at  Charleston,  488. 

Star   Spangled   Banner,    the  song  of  the, 


Sta 


349-350- 
rk,  John,  196,  214. 


State  Rights  and  State  Sovereignty,  the 
contention  for,  concession  to  it  in  the 
Tenth  Amendment  to  the  Constitution, 
273  ;  early  issue  between  parties,  277-278, 
283-284 ;  state  rights  reaction  in  the 
south,  381-382  ;  nullification  as  a  state 
right,  294-295,  397-398 ;  secession  as  a 
state  right,  494-495. 

State  Sovereignty.     See  State  Rights. 

Staten  Island,  Map,  p.  209. 

States,  list  of,  with  dates  of  admission  to 
the  Union,  etc.,  Appendix  B. 

Statistics  of  the  Civil  War,  550-552. 

Steam-engines,  number  in  the  country  in 
1803,  307-308;  development  and  effects, 
615-616. 

Steam  locomotion.     See  Railways. 

Steam  navigation,  beginnings,  308 ;  early 
development  on  American  lakes  and 
rivers,  364,  412  ;  supplanting  sails  on  the 
ocean,  456. 

Steel  manufacture,  development  and  cheap 
ening,  613-614. 


Stephens,  Alexander  H.,  484,  486,  489,  546. 

Steuben,  Baron  Friedrich,  218-219,  232- 

Still  water,  battles  near,  215  ;  Map,  p.  213. 

Stith,  William,  191. 

Stockton,  Commodore  Robert  F.,  440. 

Stone,  William,  53-54. 

Stone  River,  battle  of,  531;  Map  XIII. 
Ee. 

Stony  Creek,  battle  of,  345. 

Stony  Point,  224;  Map,  p.  209. 

Stowe,  Harriet  Beecher,  456. 

Strachey,  William,  116. 

Strict  constructionists,  278,  280,  314,  354, 
381-382. 

Stuyvesant,  Peter,  49,  87. 

Sub-treasury  system,  417. 

Suffolk  County  resolutions,  177. 

Suffrage,  political.   See  Elective  franchise. 

Sugar  Act,  162. 

Sullivan,  Gen.  John,  199,  221-223. 

Sullivan's  Island,  208;  Map,  p.  225,  Bh. 

Sumner,  Charles,  on  the  effects  of  the  Kan 
sas-Nebraska  Act,  463 ;  assaulted  by- 
Preston  Brooks,  465. 

Sumter,  Thomas,  227. 

Sumter,  Fort,  held  by  Major  Anderson, 
487,  488;  attacked  and  taken  by  the  Con 
federates,  490-491 ;  the  flag  restored,  548  ; 
Map,  p.  534. 

Supreme  Court,  Chief  Justice  Jay,  273 ; 
Chief  Justice  Marshall,  296  ;  important 
early  decisions,  368  ;  Chief  Justice  Taney, 
—  Dred  Scott  decision,  466-467;  Chief 
Justice  Chase,  544 ;  decisions  on  the  Legal 
Tender  Act,  510;  decision  that  the  seceded 
States  were  never  out  of  the  Union,  548 
(foot-note) ;  decision  concerning  citizen 
ship,  national  and  state,  563  (foot-note) ; 
decision  against  constitutionality  of  the 
income  tax,  593. 

Surplus  revenue,  distribution  of,  413-414. 

Surratt,  Mrs.  Mary  E.,  550. 

Suspension  of  specie  payments.  See  Specie 
payments. 

Swedish  settlements,  48. 

Taft,  William  H.,  599-600. 

Talleyrand- Perigord,  Prince,  292-293. 

Tallmadge's  amendment,  372. 

Tammany  Society,  386. 

Tampico,  n;  Map  II.  Fd. 

Taney,  Roger  B.,  Attorney-General  under 
President  Jackson,  399;  transferred  to 
Treasury  Department,  —  removal  of  de 
posits  from  the  United  States  Bank,  405  ; 
Chief  Justice  of  the  Supreme  Court, — 
Dred  Scott  decision,  467;  death,  544. 

Tariffs.     See  Protective  Policy,  Industrial. 

Tarleton,  Col.  Sir  Banastre,  227,  231. 

Taxation  without  representation,  the  ques 
tion  of,  its  rise,  127,  131-132:  English 
decision  to  tax  colonies,  144 ;  English 
theory  of  virtual  representation,  164  ;  de 
claration  of  Continental  Congress,  177. 

Taylor,  Gen.  Zachary,  in  the  Mexican  War, 
438-439,  440-441  ;  elected  President, 
450-451  ;  views  of  policy  on  the  slavery 
question,  451,  453  ;  death,  453. 


75 


INDEX. 


Tea,  the  tax  on,  167,  170,  173-174. 

Tea  Party,  the  Boston,  173-174. 

Tecumseh,  337,  341,  345. 

lelegraph,  electric,  beginnings,  433 ;  At 
lantic  cable,  566. 

Tennessee,  Scotch-Irish  settlements,  136; 
government  framed  under  the  "  Articles 
of  the  Watauga  Association,"  171-172; 
admission  to  the  Union,  290;  detachment 
in  interest  from  the  east,  307;  Burr's 
conspiracy,  316-318;  secession  declared, 
494;  secession  resisted  in  East  Ten 
nessee,  495  ;  slavery  abolished  by  state 
action,  545  (foot-note) ;  restored  to  the 
Union,  563. 

Tenure  of  Office  Act,  564,  566,  585. 

Terry,  Gen.  Alfred  H.,  544. 

Texas,  should  have  been  included  in  the 
Louisiana  Purchase,  315;  overthrow  of 
Mexican  authority,  —  achievement  of  in 
dependence,  410-411;  annexation  pro 
posals  declined  by  President  Van  Buren, 
418;  President  Tyler's  annexation  treaty 
rejected  by  the  Senate,  431-432  ;  the 
Texas  question  in  the  presidential  elec 
tion  (1840),  433-434;  annexation  accom 
plished,  434  ;  cause  of  war  with  Mexico, 
437~438'<  Mexican  claim  relinquished, 
442  ;  secession  declared,  486  ;  emancipa 
tion  proclaimed,  528 ;  restored  to  the 
Union,  564-565. 

Thames,  battle  of  the  (with  map),  345. 

Thirteenth  Amendment  to  the  Constitu 
tion,  545. 

Thomas,  Gen.  George  H.,  victory  at  Mill 
Spring,  507 ;  in  battle  of  Stone  River, 
531;  at  Chickamauga,  535  ;  commanding 
army  of  the  Cumberland,  536 ;  at  Nash 
ville,  543. 

Ticonderoga,  Fort,  Map  VI.  DC  ;  built  by 
the  French  and  called  Fort  Carillon,  146  ; 
British  repulse  at,  148;  French  evacua 
tion,  149-150;  capture  by  Ethan  Allen, 
197-198;  given  up  to  Burgoyne,  213. 

Tilden,  Samuel  J.,  in  the  "  Barnburner  " 
wing  of  the  Democratic  party,  450; 
Democratic  nominee  for  President,  574. 

Tippecanoe,  battle  of,  337  ;  Map  IX.  Be. 

Tobacco  culture,  beginnings  in  Virginia, 
31-32;  social  and  economic  effects,  73- 
74,  no;  affected  by  the  Navigation  Acts, 
80,  111-112. 

Toledo,  610;  Map  XV.  Jb. 

Toleration,  religious.  See  Liberty,  reli 
gious. 

Topeka,  469  ;  Map  XIV.  He. 

Tories,  origin  of  the  name,  100  (foot-note) ; 
in  the  colonies,  189;  during  the  Revolu 
tion,  221-223,  227,  230-231  ;  treatment 
after  the  war,  234-235,  236. 

Toronto,  345  ;   Map  IX.  DC. 

Toscanelli,  Paolo  del  Pozzo,  2. 

Town-meetings,  New  England,  70-72. 

Townshend,  Charles,  and  the  "  Town- 
shend  Acts,"  162,  167-168. 

Trent  affair,  505. 

Trenton,  battle  of  (with  map),  211. 

Trinidad,  6;  Map  II.  le. 


Tripoli,  war  with  (with  map),  310-311,  318. 

Trist,  Mr.  442. 

Trusts,  617-618. 

Tun-scipes  and  tun-moots,  early  English, 

71- 

Turner,  Nat,  insurrection,  407. 
Tuscaroras,  driven  from  the  Carolinas,  130;  • 

Map  VII.  Ac. 

Tuscumbia,  507 ;  Map  XIII.  Df. 
"Tweed  Ring,"  571,  574. 
Twiller,  Wouter  Van,  49. 
Tyler,  John,  elected  Vice-President,  419- 

420;   becomes    President,  428;    rupture 

with  the  Whigs,  428-430  ;    action  on  the 

Texas  question,  431-432,434. 

"  Uncle  Tom's  Cabin,"  456. 

"  Underground  Railway,"  455-456. 

Union,  colonial,  early  desires  for,  126-127; 
plans  of  Franklin  and  the  Board  of 
Trade,  143-144. 

United  Colonies  of  New  England,  46. 

United  States,  the  frigate,  built,  293  ;  cap 
ture  of  the  Macedonia,  342. 

United  States  Bank,  the  first,  276-278  ;  its 
dissolution,  336-337;  the  second,  367; 
warning  of  President  Jackson's  hostility, 
395-396  ;  the  bank  question  in  the  presi 
dential  canvass,  —  recharter  vetoed  by 
the  President,  400-402  ;  government  de 
posits  removed  by  President  Jackson, 
404-405 ;  recharter  by  Pennsylvania,  — 
failure,  405 ;  bill  for  a  third  charter  ve 
toed  by  President  Tyler,  429. 

United  States  Bureau  of  Education,  620. 

United  States  Christian  Commission,  560. 

United  States  Sanitary  Commission,  560. 

Upland,  98. 

Upshur,  Abel  P.,  432. 

Utah,  acquisition  by  the  United  States, 
442;  occupation  by  the  Mormons,  442- 
443  ;  called  the  "  State  of  Deseret,"  451  ; 
territorial  organization,  454 ;  Mormon 
rebellion,  468  ;  irrigation  of  arid  lands, 
612. 

Utes,  21  ;  Map  XII.  DC. 

Utrecht,  Treaty  of,  126,  192. 

Vaca,  Cabeza  de,  u.  . 

Valley  Forge,  217-219  ;  Map,  p.  211,  Ah. 

Van  Buren,  Martin,  Secretary  of  State  un 
der  President  Jackson,  394,  399  ;  elected 
Vice-President,  402 ;  elected  President, 
414  ;  wise  and  courageous  dealing  with 
the  business  crisis  of  1837,  witn  *ne 
Texas  question,  and  with  the  Canadian 
rebellion,  416-419  ;  defeat  in  election  of 
1840,  419-420 ;  opposes  annexation  of 
Texas  and  loses  Democratic  nomination 

.  for  the  presidency,  432,  433 ;  nominated 
for  President  by  the  Free  Soil  party, 
4^0-451;  return  to  Democratic  party, 
458. 

Van  Rensselaer,  Gen.  Solomon,  341. 

Van  Rensselaer  estate,  75. 

Vane,  Sir  Harry,  45. 

Venango,  Fort,  140,  150 :  Map  VI.  Ad, 
and  p.  141. 


76 


INDEX. 


Venezuela  controversy  with  Great  Britain, 
593— S94» 

Vera  Cruz,  440;    Map,  p.  441. 

Veragua,6;  Map  II.  Gf. 

Vergennes,  Count  de,  234. 

Vermont,  action  in  the  War  of  Independ 
ence,  197-198;  early  history,  —  admis 
sion  to  the  Union,  279. 

Verrazano,  voyage  of,  10. 

Vespucius,  Americus,  voyages  to  America 
and  name  given  to  the  continents,  8. 

Vicksburg,  513,  531,  533;  Map  XIII.  Bh. 

Vincennes,  223;  Map,  p.  141. 

Virginia,  the  name,  and  its  first  applica 
tion,  15  ;  grants  to  Virginia  Company  and 
London  Company,  28-30;  grounds  of 
claim  to  northwestern  territory  (with  map), 
29-30 ;  Jamestown  colony,  30-33  (Map, 
p.  31);  London  Company  overthrown, 
33;  the  colony  during  the  English  civil 
war,  commonwealth  and  protectorate,  53  ; 
its  early  political  development,  62-63,  69 ; 
local  government,  —  the  parish  and  the 
county,  70-72  ;  social  structure  and  char 
acter,  73-74  ;  introduction  of  slavery  and 
indentured  servitude,  75  ;  under  Charles 
II.  and  Governor  Berkeley,  80-81, 89-00 ; 
Bacon's  rebellion,  90-92  ;  population  and 
industries  at  end  of  i7th  century,  108- 
113;  slavery  and  indentured  servitude, 
113-114;  education  and  literature,  115- 
116;  revolution  of  1688,  123  ;  assertion  to 
the  French  of  northwestern  claims,  140- 
141 ;  declarations  against  the  Townshend 
acts  and  non-importation  measures,  169- 
170 ;  social  state  at  the  end  of  the  colonial 
period,  188 ;  conflicts  with  Governor 
Dunmore,  197,  203-204 ;  declaration  of 
rights,  206;  state  government  formed, 
207  ;  theatre  of  the  final  campaign  of  the 
War  of  Independence,  232-233  ;  cession 
of  land  claims  to  the  Confederation,  249^ 
250;  action  leading  to  the  Federal  Consti 
tutional  Convention,  256-257;  nullifying 
resolutions,  1798,  294-295  ;  effects  of  the 
cotton-gin  on  slavery,  308-309  ;  secession 
declared,  494  ;  secession  resisted  in  West 
Virginia,  495  ;  organization  of  a  loyal 
government,  and  final  separation  of  West 
Virginia,  500;  emancipation  proclaimed, 
528;  restored  to  the  Union,  564-565. 

Virginia  Company,  its  charter  and  its  two 
branches,  28-29. 

Wagner,  Fort  (with  map),  534. 

Walker,  Robert  J.,  Secretary  of  the  Treas 
ury »  435  ?  author  of  tariff  of  1846,  444  ; 
governor  of  Kansas,  464,  468-469. 

Walker,  William,  filibustering  schemes, 
460. 

Walpole,  Sir  Robert,  his  colonial  policy, 
131-132;  loss  of  power,  137. 

Wampanoags,  or  Pokanokets,  37,  92-93  ; 
Map  V.  Bd. 

Wampum,  51-52. 

War  for  the  Union,  490-551. 

War  of  1812-15,  339~353  •  new  spirit  in  the 
country  after  the  war,  362-366. 


War  of  Independence,  194-234. 
War  of  the  Austrian  Succession,  138. 
War  of  the  League  of  Augsburg,  123. 
War  of  the  Spanish  Succession,  124. 
War  with   Barbary   States,   310-311,   318, 

War  with  Mexico,  437-442. 

War  with  Spain,  596-599. 

War  Democrats,  529-530. 

"  War  Hawks,"  338-339. 

Ward,  General  Artemas,  196,  199. 

Ward,  Nathaniel,  115. 

Warren,  Dr.  Joseph,  leadership  in  Boston, 
!73>  '77i  chairman  of  Massachusetts 
"Committee  of  Safety,"  179;  his  writ 
ings,  190 ;  his  vigilance,  194  ;  his  death  at 
Bunker  Hill,  202. 

Warwick,  R.  I.,  45;  Map,  p.  44. 

Washington,  Booker  T.,  621. 

Washington,  George,  mission  to  French 
commander  in  western  Pennsylvania, 
140-141;  opening  hostilities  with  the 
French,  141-142 ;  on  Braddock's  staff, 
145 ;  action  in  Virginia  Assembly  against 
the  Townshend  acts,  170;  in  the  First  Con 
tinental  Congress,  176  ;  in  Second  Con 
tinental  Congress,  —  appointment  as  com- 
mander-in-chief  of  Continental  Army, 
198-199 ;  in  command  at  Cambridge,  202- 
203,  204-205  ;  defending  New  York  and 
the  Hudson  (with  map),  206,  208-209; 
hostile  criticism,  —  retreat  into  Pennsyl 
vania,  209-210;  recrossing  the  Delaware, 
—  returning  into  New  Jersey  (with  map), 
210-212;  intrigues  to  supplant,  215,217; 
at  the  Brandy  wine  and  Germantown,  216; 
at  Valley  Forge,  217-219  ;  at  Monmouth, 
220;  guarding  the  Hudson,  221;  York- 
town  campaign,  232-233  ;  retirement  from 
the  army,  236-238 ;  in  the  Constitutional 
Convention  of  1787,  256-258;  elected 
President  of  the  United  States,  265-266  ; 
inauguration,  271;  reelection,  281;  at 
tempted  non-partisan  administration,  281 ; 
proclamation  of  neutrality  between  France 
and  England,  285  ;  acceptance  of  the  Jay 
Treaty,  286-288,  288-290;  retirement  from 
the  presidency, — farewell  address,  290- 
291 ;  appointed  commander-in-chief,  293  ; 
death,  295. 

Washington,  city  of,  founded,  275;  condi 
tion  in  1800,  306;  capture  by  the  British 
(with  map),  348-349 ;  peril  in  April,  1861 
(with  map),  493 ;  slavery  abolished,  511  ; 
panic  after  second  battle  of  Bull  Run, 
527;  threatened  by  General  Early,  541- 
542  ;  great  review  of  Union  armies,  551. 

Washington,  Fort,  Map,  p.  209. 

Washington,  State  of,  admitted  to  the 
Union,  5X8. 

Washington,  Treaty  of  (1871),  569-570. 

Watauga  Association,  Articles  of  the,  172. 

Watertown,  Mass.,  66;   Map,  p.  39. 

Waterways,  importance  in  the  development 
of  the  country,  364-365,  609-610. 

Wayne,  Gen.  Anthony,  224,  281. 

Wealth,  increasing  inequalities  in,  617-618. 

Weaver,  James  B.,  590. 


77 


INDEX. 


Webster,  Dariel,  first  election  to  Congress, 
343;  opposed  to  protective  tariff  (1816), 
355  ;  also  to  that  of  1824,  376  ;  change 
of  attitude,  384  ;  speech  in  reply  to  Sen- 
ator  Hayne,  398;  candidate  for  presi 
dency  (1836),  414;  Secretary  of  State  in 
Tyler's  cabinet,  429-430;  negotiation  of 
Ashburton  Treaty,  431  ;  advocates  the 
Compromise  of  1850,  —  seventh  of  March 
speech,  453-454  5  Secretary  of  State  in 
Fillmore's  cabinet,  454  ;  Hulsemann  let 
ter,  457 ;  death,  459. 

Welles,  Gideon,  490. 

Wells,  Me.,  125;  Map  V.  Be. 

West,  The.  See  Mississippi  Valley,  Ohio 
Valley  ;  Lakes,  The  Basin  of  the  Great ; 
Northwest,  The  ;  Louisiana  Purchase  ; 
and  West,  The  Farther. 

West,  The  Farther,  its  development  since 
the  Civil  War,  611-613. 

West  Point,  229  ;  Map,  209. 

West  Virginia,  Scotch-Irish  settlements, 
136  ;  settlements  beyond  the  mountains, 
139;  fidelity  to  the  Union  (1861),  495; 
McClellan's  campaign  (with  map),  —  or 
ganization  of  a  loyal  state  government, 
and  final  separation  from  the  Old  Do 
minion,  499-500. 

Western  forts,  retention  by  the  British  of, 
235,  288,  289,  290. 

Western  Reserve,  250. 

Wethersfield,  Conn.,  42,  67  ;  Map  V.  Ad. 

Weymouth,  George,  28. 

Wheeling,  364  ;  Map  XI.  Eb. 

Whig  party,  American  formation,  414; 
election  of  Harrison  and  Tyler,  419-420  ; 
rupture  with  Tyler,  428-430 ;  defeat  in 
1844,^33-434;  election  of  Taylor  and 
FillmBfe,  450-451;  defeat  in  1852,  458- 
459 ;  absorption  in  the  Republican  and 
American  parties,  461-463. 

Whig  party,  English,  origin  of  the  name, 
loo ;  attitude  in  England  toward  Ameri 
can  colonies,  127. 

"  Whiskey  Rebellion,"  288. 

"  Whiskey  Ring,"  571. 

White,  Hugh  L.,  414- 

Whitman,  Marcus,  436-437  (foot-note). 

Whitney,  Eli,  308. 

Whittaker,  Alexander,  116. 

Whittier,  John  G.,  365. 

"Wide  Awake  Clubs,"  476- 

"  Wild-cat  ''  banks,  367,  412-413. 

Wilderness,  battles  of  the,  540  ;  Map  XII. 

Wilkinson,  Gen.  James,  317,  346. 
William  III.  (Prince of  Orange)  and  Mary, 

accession   to  English  throne,  102  ;  leader 

in  European   resistance  to  Louis  XIV., 

123. 

William  and  Mary  College,  115. 
William  Henry,  Fort,  146,  147;  Map   VI. 

DC. 
Williams,  James,  227. 


Williams,  Roger,  founder  of  Providence, 
R.  I.,  and  apostle  of  religious  liberty, 
43-45  ;  writer,  115.  • 

Williamsburg,  battle  of,  511  ;  Map  XII. 
Eh. 

Wilmington,  Del.,  Map,  p.  47. 

Wilmington,  N.  C.,  544-545  ;  Map,  p.  225, 

"  Wilmot  Proviso,"  444-445,  450,  452. 

Wilson,  James,  257. 

Wilson  tariff,  593. 

Wilson's  Creek,  battle  of,  502  ;  Map,  p. 
503,  Ab. 

Winchester,  Gen.,  343. 

Winchester,  battle  of,  542  ;  Map  XII. 
Bd. 

Windsor,  Conn.,  42,  67  ;  Map  V.  Ad. 

Winslow,  Edward,  115. 

Winthrop,  John,  first  governor  of  the  col 
ony  of  Massachusetts  Bay,  40;  succes 
sive  elections,  45  (foot-note) ;  death,  52 ; 
writings,  115. 

Winthrop,  John,  the  younger,  agent  for  the 
grantees  of  Connecticut,  42  ;  governor  of 
Connecticut,  82-83. 

Winthrop,  Theodore,  498. 

Wirt,  William,  402. 

Wisconsin,  under  the  ordinance  of  1787, 
264-265  ;  admitted  to  the  Union,  Appen 
dix  B. 

Witchcraft,  Salem,  129. 

Wolfe,  Gen.  James,  148-149. 

Wood,  Gen.  Leonard,  600. 

Wood,  William,  115. 

Woodbury,  Levi,  399. 

Wright,  Silas,  417,  450. 

Writs  of  Assistance,  161-162. 

Wyoming,  massacre  of,  222,  250 ;  Map  VI. 
Cd. 

Wyoming,  State  of,  acquisition  of  west 
ern  part  from  Mexico,  442  ;  eastern  part 
included  in  Nebraska  Territory,  461  ; 
admitted  to  the  Union,  588. 

X.  Y.  Z.  correspondence,  292-293. 

Yale  College,  130. 

Yazoo  River,  1 1 ;  Map  II.  Fc. 

York,  James,  Duke  of,  receives  grant  of 
New  Netherland,  etc.,  86;  sale  of  New 
Jersey,  87 ;  loss  and  recovery  of  pro 
vince,  94-96 ;  grant  of  Delaware  territory 
to  William  Penn,  98  ;  becomes  king,  101. 
See  James  II. 

York  (Toronto),  Canada,  345  ;  Map  IX. 
DC. 

York,  Pa.,  216;  Map  VI.  Ce. 

Yorktown,  Map,  p.  225,  Fa;  surrender  of 
Cornwallis,  232-233  ;  siege  in  Civil  War, 
511. 

Young,  Brigham,  443,  468. 

Zenger  trial,  137. 

Zunis,  pueblos  of  the,  1 1,  19. 


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